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Vinayak Damodar Savarkar-1
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar-1
Early life
Savarkar was born on 28 May 1883 in the Marathi Hindu Chitpavan Brahmin family, to Damodar and
Radhabai Savarkar in the village of Bhagur, near the city of Nashik, Maharashtra.[16][17] He had three other
siblings namely Ganesh, Narayan, and a sister named Maina. Savarkar began his activism as a high school
student.[8] When he was 12, he led fellow students in an attack on his village mosque following Hindu-
Muslim riots, stating: "We vandalized the mosque to our heart's content."[18][19] In 1903, in Nashik,
Savarkar and his older brother Ganesh Savarkar founded the Mitra Mela, an underground revolutionary
organization, which became Abhinav Bharat Society in 1906.[20] Abhinav Bharat's main objectives were to
overthrow British rule and reviving Hindu pride.[21]
Student activist
Savarkar continued his political activism as a student at Fergusson
College in Pune. Savarkar was greatly influenced by the radical
Nationalist leader, Lokmanya Tilak. Tilak was in turn impressed
with the young student and helped him obtain the Shivaji
Scholarship in 1906 for his law studies in London.[8][22] To protest
against Bengal partition of 1905, Savarkar led foreign-clothes
bonfire in India with other students in presence of Bal Gangadhar
Tilak.[23]
The Savarkar brothers (left to right)
Narayan, Ganesh and Vinayak, with
London years Shanta, sister Maina Kale and
In London, Savarkar got involved with organizations such as India Yamuna
House and the Free India Society. He also published books
advocating complete Indian independence by revolutionary
means.[9] One of the books he published called The Indian War of Independence about the Indian Rebellion
of 1857 was banned by the British colonial authorities.[24]
Savarkar was influenced by the life and thinking of Italian Nationalist leader, Giuseppe Mazzini. During his
stay in London, Savarkar translated Mazzini's biography in Marathi.[25] He also influenced thinking of a
fellow student called Madanlal Dhingra. In 1909, Dhingra assassinated Curzon Wyllie, a colonial officer. It
is alleged by Mark Juergensmeyer that Savarkar supplied the gun which Dhingra used. Juergensmeyer
further alleged that Savarkar supplied the words for Dhingra's last statement before he went to the gallows
for the murder. Savarkar met Mohandas Gandhi for the first time in London shortly after Curzon-Wyllie's
assassination. During his stay, Gandhi debated Savarkar and other nationalists in London on the futility of
fighting the colonial state through acts of terrorism and guerilla warfare.[26]
Although his alleged crimes were committed both in Britain, as well as India, the British authorities decided
to try him in India. He was accordingly put on the commercial ship Morea with a police escort for his
transport to India. When the ship docked in the French Mediterranean port of Marseille, Savarkar escaped
by jumping from the ship's window, swam to the French shore, and asked for political asylum. The French
port officials ignored his pleas, and handed him back to his British captors. When the French government
came to know of this incidence, they asked for Savarkar to be brought back to France, and lodged an
appeal with the Permanent Court of Arbitration.[33][34][29]
The Court held, firstly, that since there was a pattern of Court Permanent Court of
collaboration between the two countries regarding the possibility of Arbitration
Savarkar's escape in Marseilles and there was neither force nor Full case Arrest and Return of
fraud in inducing the French authorities to return Savarkar to them, name Savarkar (France v.
the British authorities did not have to hand him back to the French Great Britain)
for the latter to hold rendition proceedings. On the other hand, the Decided 24 February 1911
Case history
tribunal also observed that there had been an "irregularity" in Prior Accused of crime,
Savarkar's arrest and delivery over to the Indian Army Military action(s) evading arrest
Police guard.[36] Court membership
Judges M. Beernaert,
Trial and sentence sitting president, elected by
panel
Arriving in Bombay, Savarkar was taken to the Yervada Central
Louis Renault
Jail in Pune. The trial before the special tribunal was started on 10
Earl of Desart
September 1910.[37] One of the charges on Savarkar was the
G. Gram
abetment to murder of Nashik Collector A. M. T. Jackson. The
Alexander de Savornin
second was waging a conspiracy under Indian penal code 121-A
Lohman
against the King Emperor.[38][39] Following the two trials,
Savarkar, then aged 28, was convicted and sentenced to 50-years Case opinions
imprisonment and transported on 4 July 1911 to the infamous Decision Unanimous panel
Cellular Jail in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. He was by
considered by the British government as a political prisoner.[5]
Prisoner in Andaman
Clemency Petitions
1911
Savarkar applied to the Bombay Government for certain
concessions in connection with his sentences. However, by
Government letter No. 2022, dated 4 April 1911, his application
was rejected and he was informed that the question of remitting the
second sentence of transportation for life would be considered in
due course on the expiry of the first sentence of transportation for
life.[40] A month after arriving in the Cellular Jail, Andaman and
Nicobar Islands, Savarkar submitted his first clemency petition on
30 August 1911. This petition was rejected on 3 September
1911.[41] Savarkar in jail clothes
1913
Savarkar submitted his next clemency petition on 14 November
1913 and presented it personally to the Home Member of the
Governor General's council, Sir Reginald Craddock.[42] In his
letter, he described himself as a "prodigal son" longing to return to
the "parental doors of the government".[a] He wrote that his release
from the jail will recast the faith of many Indians in the British rule.
Also, he said "Moreover, my conversion to the constitutional line
would bring back all those misled young men in India and abroad A statue of Vinayak Damodar
who were once looking up to me as their guide. I am ready to serve Savarkar at Cellular Jail.
the government in any capacity they like, for as my conversion is conscientious so I hope my future conduct
would be. By keeping me in jail, nothing can be got in comparison to what would be otherwise."[44]
1917
In 1917, Savarkar submitted another clemency petition, this
time for a general amnesty of all political prisoners. Savarkar
was informed on 1 February 1918 that the clemency petition
was placed before the British colonial government.[45] In
December 1919, there was a Royal proclamation by King
George V. The Paragraph 6 of this proclamation included a
declaration of Royal clemency to political offenders.[46] In
view of Royal proclamation, Savarkar submitted his fourth Mercy petition by Veer Savarkar
clemency [47] petition to the British colonial government on 30
March 1920, [48] in which he stated that "So far from believing
in the militant school of the Bukanin type, I do not contribute even to the peaceful and philosophical
anarchism of a Kuropatkin [sic.] or a Tolstoy. And as to my revolutionary tendencies in the past- it is not
only now for the object of sharing the clemency but years before this have I informed of and written to the
Government in my petitions (1918, 1914) about my firm intention to abide by the constitution and stand by
it as soon as a beginning was made to frame it by Mr. Montagu. Since that the Reforms and then the
Proclamation have only confirmed me in my views and recently I have publicly avowed my faith in and
readiness to stand by the side of orderly and constitutional development."[49]
This petition was rejected on 12 July 1920 by the British colonial government.[50] After considering the
petition, the British colonial government contemplated releasing Ganesh Savarkar but not Vinayak
Savarkar. The rationale for doing so was stated as follows[51]
It may be observed that if Ganesh is released and Vinayak is retained in custody, the latter will
become in some measure a hostage for the former, who will see that his own misconduct does not
jeopardize his brother's chances of release at some future date.
Savarkar signed a statement endorsing his trial, verdict, and British law, and renouncing violence, a bargain
for freedom.
Hindu Mahasabha under Savarkar's leadership organized Hindu Militarization Boards which recruited
armed forces for helping the British in World War 2.[15]
He assailed the British proposals for transfer of power, attacking both the Congress and the British for
making concessions to Muslim separatists. Soon after independence, Syama Prasad Mukherjee resigned as
vice-president of the Hindu Mahasabha dissociating himself from its Akhand Hindustan (Undivided India)
plank, which implied undoing partition.[61]
In Sindh, Hindu Mahasabha members joined Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah's Muslim League government.
In Savarkar's own words,
"Witness the fact that only recently in Sind, the Sind-Hindu-Sabha on invitation had taken the
responsibility of joining hands with the League itself in running coalition
government[62][63][64]
In the North West Frontier Province, Hindu Mahasabha members joined hands with Sardar Aurangzeb
Khan of the Muslim League to form a government in 1943. The Mahasabha member of the cabinet was
Finance Minister Mehar Chand Khanna.[65][66]
In Bengal, Hindu Mahasabha joined the Krishak Praja Party led Progressive Coalition ministry of Fazlul
Haq in December 1941.[67] Savarkar appreciated the successful functioning of the coalition
government.[63][62]
Badge's testimony
Godse claimed full responsibility for planning and carrying out the assassination. However, according to the
Approver Digambar Badge, on 17 January 1948, Nathuram Godse went to have a last darshan
(audience/interview) with Savarkar in Bombay before the assassination. While Badge and Shankar waited
outside, Nathuram and Apte went in. On coming out Apte told Badge that Savarkar blessed them "Yashasvi
houn ya" ("यशस्वी होऊन या", be successful and return). Apte also said that Savarkar predicted that Gandhi's
100 years were over and there was no doubt that the task would be successfully finished.[72][73] However
Badge's testimony was not accepted as the approver's evidence lacked independent corroboration and hence
Savarkar was acquitted.
In the last week of August 1974, Mr. Manohar Malgonkar saw Digamber Badge several times and in
particular, questioned him about the veracity of his testimony against Savarkar.[71]: Notes Badge insisted to
Mr. Manohar Malgonkar that "even though he had blurted out the full story of the plot as far as he knew,
without much persuasion, he had put up a valiant struggle against being made to testify against
Savarkar".[71]: Chapter 12 In the end, Badge gave in. He agreed to say on oath that he saw Nathuram Godse
and Apte with Savarkar and that Savarkar, within Badge's hearing, had blessed their venture.[71]: Chapter 12
Kapur commission
On 12 November 1964, at a religious program organized in Pune to celebrate the release of Gopal Godse,
Madanlal Pahwa and Vishnu Karkare from jail after the expiry of their sentences, G. V. Ketkar, grandson of
Bal Gangadhar Tilak,[74] former editor of Kesari and then editor of "Tarun Bharat", who presided over the
function, gave information of a conspiracy to kill Gandhi, about which he professed knowledge six months
before the act. Ketkar was arrested. A public furor ensued both outside and inside the Maharashtra
Legislative Assembly and both houses of the Indian parliament. Under the pressure of 29 members of
parliament and public opinion the then Union home minister Gulzarilal Nanda appointed Gopal Swarup
Pathak, M. P. and a senior advocate of the Supreme Court of India as a Commission of Inquiry to re-
investigate the conspiracy to murder Gandhi. The central government intended on conducting a thorough
inquiry with the help of old records in consultation with the government of Maharashtra. Pathak was given
three months to conduct his inquiry; subsequently, Jevanlal Kapur, a retired judge of the Supreme Court of
India, was appointed chairman of the commission.[75]
The commission's reinvestigation saw Savarkar's secretary and bodyguard to have testified that Savarkar
met with Godse and Apte right before Gandhi was killed.[76]
The commission was provided with evidence not produced in the court; especially the testimony of two of
Savarkar's close aides – Appa Ramachandra Kasar, his bodyguard, and Gajanan Vishnu Damle, his
secretary.[77] The testimony of Mr. Kasar and Mr. Damle was already recorded by Bombay police on 4
March 1948,[78]: 317 but apparently, these testimonies were not presented before the court during the trial.
In these testimonies, it is said that Godse and Apte visited Savarkar on or about 23 or 24 January,[78]: 317
which was when they returned from Delhi after the bomb incident. Damle deposed that Godse and Apte
saw Savarkar in the middle of January and sat with him (Savarkar) in his garden. The C. I. D. Bombay was
keeping vigil on Savarkar from 21 to 30 January 1948.[78]: 291–294 The crime report from C. I. D. does not
mention Godse or Apte meeting Savarkar during this time.[78]: 291–294
Justice Kapur concluded: "All these facts taken together were destructive of any theory other than the
conspiracy to murder by Savarkar and his group."[77][79][80]
The arrest of Savarkar was mainly based on approver Digambar Badge's testimony. The commission did
not re-interview Digambar Badge.[78] At the time of inquiry of the commission, Badge was alive and
working in Bombay.
Later years
After Gandhi's assassination, Savarkar's home in Dadar, Bombay was stoned by angry mobs. After he was
acquitted of the allegations related to Gandhi's assassination and released from jail, Savarkar was arrested
by the government for making "Hindu nationalist speeches"; he was released after agreeing to give up
political activities. He continued addressing the social and cultural elements of Hindutva. He resumed
political activism after the ban on it was lifted; it was however limited until his death in 1966 because of ill
health.
In 1956, he opposed B. R. Ambedkar's conversion to Buddhism calling it a "useless act", to which
Ambedkar responded by publicly questioning the use of epithet ‘Veer’ (meaning brave) by Savarkar.[81]
On 22 November 1957, Raja Mahendra Pratap moved a bill in Lok Sabha to recognise the service to the
country of people like Vir Savarkar, Barindra Kumar Ghosh and Bhupendranath Datta. But the bill was
defeated with 48 votes favouring it and 75 against it. This bill was also supported by communist leader like
A. K. Gopalan.[82][83]
Death
On 8 November 1963, Savarkar's wife, Yamunabai, died. On 1 February 1966, Savarkar renounced
medicines, food, and water which was termed as prayopavesha (fast until death).[84] Before his death, he
had written an article titled "Atmahatya Nahi Atmaarpan" in which he argued that when one's life mission is
over and the ability to serve society is left no more, it is better to end the life at will rather than waiting for
death. His condition was described to have become as "extremely serious" before his death on 26 February
1966 at his residence in Bombay (now Mumbai), and that he faced difficulty in breathing; efforts to revive
him failed, and was declared dead at 11:10 a.m. (IST) that day. Prior to his death, Savarkar had asked his
relatives to perform only his funeral and do away with the rituals of the 10th and 13th day of the Hindu
faith.[85] Accordingly, his last rites were performed at an electric crematorium in Bombay's Sonapur locality
by his son Vishwas the following day.[86]
There was no official mourning by the Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee or the central government
in Delhi during the time of his death. Not a single minister from the Maharashtra Cabinet showed up to pay
homage and respect to Savarkar.[87][note 1] The political indifference to Savarkar has also continued after
his death.[note 2] After the death of Nehru, the Congress government, under Prime Minister Shastri, started
to pay him a monthly pension.[89]
Hindutva
In contrast with Dayananda Saraswati, Swami Vivekananda and Sri Aurobindo, who were "men of
religion" who introduced reforms in the society and put Hinduism in front of the world, Savarkar mixed
politics and religion and started an extreme form of Hindu nationalism.[90]
During his incarceration, Savarkar's views began turning increasingly towards Hindu cultural and political
nationalism, and the next phase of his life remained dedicated to this cause.[91] In the brief period he spent
at the Ratnagiri jail, Savarkar published his ideological treatise – Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? in 1923.[92] In
this work, Savarkar promotes a farsighted new vision of Hindu social and political consciousness. Savarkar
began describing a "Hindu" as a patriotic inhabitant of Bharatavarsha, venturing beyond a religious
identity.[91] While emphasising the need for patriotic and social unity of all Hindu communities, he
described Hinduism, Jainism, Sikhism and Buddhism as one and the same. He outlined his vision of a
"Hindu Rashtra" (Hindu Nation) as "Akhand Bharat" (United India), purportedly stretching across the
entire Indian subcontinent.[93] He defined Hindus as being neither Aryan nor Dravidian but as "People who
live as children of a common motherland, adoring a common holyland."[94]
According to Sharma, Savarkar's celebration and justification of violence against [British] women and
children in his description of the Mutiny of 1857, "transformed Hindutva into the very image of Islam that
he defined and found so intolerably objectionable".[95]
Scholars, historians and Indian politicians have been divided in their interpretation of Savarkar's ideas. A
self-described atheist,[96] Savarkar regards being Hindu as a cultural and political identity. He often stressed
social and community unity between Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains, to the exclusion of Muslims and
Christians. Savarkar saw Muslims and Christians as "misfits" in the Indian civilization who could not truly
be a part of the nation.[97] He argued that the holiest sites of Islam and Christianity are in the Middle East
and not India, hence the loyalty of Muslims and Christians to India is divided.[97][98]
After his release from jail on 6 January 1924,[99] Savarkar helped found the Ratnagiri Hindu Sabha
organisation, aiming to work for the social and cultural preservation of Hindu heritage and civilisation.[100]
Focusing his energies on writing, Savarkar authored the Hindu Pad-pada-shahi[59] – a book documenting
the Maratha empire – and My Transportation for Life – an account of his early revolutionary days, arrest,
trial and incarceration.[101] He also wrote and published a collection of poems, plays and novels. He also
wrote a book named Majhi Janmathep ("My Life-term") about his experience in Andaman prison.[102]
Hindu orthodoxy
He was an ardent critique of a number of Hindu religious practices he saw as irrational and viewed them as
a hindrance to the material progress of the Hindus. He believed that religion is an unimportant aspect of
"Hindu identity".
He was opposed to the caste system and in his 1931 essay titled Seven Shackles of the Hindu Society, he
wrote "One of the most important components of such injunctions of the past that we have blindly carried
on and which deserves to be thrown in the dustbins of history is the rigid caste system".[103][104]
However, in 1939, Savarkar assured that his party Hindu Mahasabha won't necessarily support entry of the
untouchables into temples. Savarkar said, "Thus the Party will not introduce or support compulsory
Legislature regarding Temple Entry by the untouchables etc. in old temples beyond the limit to which the
non-Hindus are allowed by custom as in force today."[105][106]
Fascism
In a speech before a 20,000 strong audience at Pune on 1 August 1938, Savarkar stood by Germany's right
to Nazism and Italy's to Fascism; their achievement of unprecedent glory in the world-stage and a
successful inculcation of national solidarity justified those choices.[107] Savarkar criticized Nehru for
denouncing Germany and Italy, proclaiming that "crores of Hindu Sanghatanists in India [..] cherish[ed] no
ill-will towards Germany or Italy or Japan."[107] He proclaimed his support for the German occupation of
Czechoslovakia in the same breath.[107]
As World War II become imminent, Savarkar had initially advocated a policy of neutralism centered on
India's geostrategic equations but his rhetoric grew coarser with time and he expressed consistent support
for Hitler's policy about Jews.[107][108] In a speech on 14 October, it was suggested that Hitler's ways be
adopted for dealing with Indian Muslims.[107] On 11 December, he characterized the Jews as a communal
force.[107] Next March, Savarkar would welcome Germany's revival of Aryan culture, their glorification of
Swastika, and the "crusade" against Aryan enemies — it was hoped that German victory would finally
invigorate the Hindus of India.[107]
On 5 August 1939, Savarkar highlighted how a common strand of "thought, religion, language, and
culture" was essential to nationality thus preventing the Germans and Jews from being considerable as one
nation.[107] By the year end, he was directly equating the Muslims of India with German Jews — in the
words of Chetan Bhatt, both were suspected of harboring extra-national loyalties and became illegitimate
presences in an organic nation.[107][108][109] These speeches circulated in German newspapers with Nazi
Germany even allotting a point-of-contact person for engaging with Savarkar, who was making sincere
efforts to forge a working relationship with the Nazis. Eventually, Savarkar would be gifted with a copy of
Mein Kampf.[107]
In 1941, Savarkar supported Jews resettling their fatherland of Israel, in what he believed would defend the
world against Islamic aggression.[108][112] In his letter dated December 19, 1947, Savarkar celebrated "the
establishment of the independent Jewish State in Palestine on moral as well as political grounds" while
adding that "the Jewish people bear no political ill-will towards Hindudom".[113][114]
It remains unknown whether Savarkar withdrew his support for Nazi Germany after the Holocaust became
common knowledge.[108] However, on 15 January 1961 he had spoken favorably of Hitler's Nazism
against Nehru's "cowardly democracy".[108]
Two-nation theory
In his earlier writings, Savarkar argued for "Indian independence from British rule", whereas in later
writings he focused on "Hindu independence from Christians and Muslims".[115] In his 1909 book The
Indian War of Independence, Savarkar emphasizes Hindu-Muslim unity, stating that they worked together
for "freeing their country" during the 1857 uprising. In his introduction to the book, Savarkar states that the
feeling of hatred against the Muslims was necessary during Shivaji's period, but it would be "unjust and
foolish" to nurse such hatred now.[116]
By 1923, when his Essentials of Hindutva was published, Savarkar no longer emphasized the Hindu-
Muslim unity, and primarily focused on "Hindus" rather than "Indians".[117] His writings on Hindutva
emerged immediately after he was moved from the Cellular Jail to a prison in Ratnagiri in 1921, and
therefore, later scholars have speculated if his stay in these prisons contributed to a change in his views.
These scholars point to Savarkar's claims that the Muslim warders at the Cellular Jail treated the Muslim
prisoners favourably, while mistreating Hindus; the pan-Islamic Khilafat Movement may have also
influenced his views about Muslims while he stayed at Ratnagiri during 1921–1923. According to Bhai
Parmanand, his fellow prisoner at the Cellular Jail during 1915–1920, Savarkar had already formed his
ideas about Hindutva before they met.[118]
Savarkar in 1937 during the 19th session of the Hindu Mahasabha in Ahmedabad supported two-nation
theory.[119] He said:-
There are two antagonistic nations living side by side in India. India cannot be assumed today to
be a unitarian and homogenous nation. On the contrary, there are two nations in the main: the
Hindus and the Muslims, in India.[120]
In the 1940s, the two-nation theory was supported by Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Savarkar.[121] Savarkar
declared on August 15, 1943 in Nagpur:
I have no quarrel with Mr Jinnah's two-nation theory. We Hindus are a nation by ourselves and it
is a historical fact that Hindus and Muslims are two nations.[122]
Savarkar not only talked of Hindudom, Hindu Nation and Hindu Raj, but he wanted to depend upon the
Sikhs in the Punjab to establish a Sikhistan. Savarkar assured the Sikhs that "when the Muslims woke from
their day-dreams of Pakistan, they would see established instead a Sikhistan in the Punjab."[123] Savarkar
further instigated the Sikhs by claiming that Sikhs previously occupied Afghanistan when they were not
many and now there are millions of Sikhs.[124]
Muslims
Since his time in jail, Savarkar was known for his anti-Muslim writings.[125][115] Historians including
Rachel McDermott, Leonard A. Gordon, Ainslie Embree, Frances Pritchett and Dennis Dalton state that
Savarkar promoted an anti-Muslim form of Hindu nationalism.[126]
Savarkar saw Muslims in the Indian police and military to be "potential traitors". He advocated that India
reduce the number of Muslims in the military, police and public service and ban Muslims from owning or
working in munitions factories.[127] Savarkar criticized Gandhi for being concerned about Indian
Muslims.[b]
In his 1963 book Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History, Savarkar says Muslims and Christians wanted to
"destroy" Hinduism.[115]
Women
Historian Vinayak Chaturvedi writes that in a 1937 speech Savarkar said that "Kitchen and children were
the main duties of women" and suggested that they have healthy children. Unlike Tilak who said that
women should not be allowed education at all as reading may make them "immoral" and "insubordinate",
Savarkar held a less extreme view. Savarkar did not oppose education of women but suggested that the
education focus on how they could be good mothers and create a generation of patriotic children. In an
essay, "Women's beauty and duty", he stated that a woman's main duty was to her children, her home and
her country. As per Savarkar, any woman digressing from her domestic duties was "morally guilty of breach
of trust".[129]
In his 1963 book Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History, Savarkar advocated use of rape as political
tool.[130] He accused Muslim women of actively supporting Muslim men's atrocities against Hindu women,
Savarkar wrote that young and beautiful Muslim girls should be captured, converted and presented to
Maratha warriors to reward them, stating that the Muslim ruler Tipu Sultan had similarly distributed Hindu
girls among his warriors. He further wrote:[131]
"Let the sultans and their peers take a pledge that in the event of a Hindu victory our
molestation and detestable lot shall be avenged on the Muslim women. Once they are haunted
with this dreadful apprehension that the Muslim women too, stand in the same predicament in
the case the Hindus win, the future Muslim conquerors will never dare to think of such
molestation of Hindu women."
As per Sharma, based on Swami Ramdas's teaching, Savarkar justifies the killing of countless British
women and children in 1857. Sharma has translated some passages from "Savarkar Samgraha" which is
originally in Savarkar's native language into English to give examples.[132]
In Jhansi, 12 women along with 23 children and 75 men were killed. Savarkar calls this killing of the
British whites as a Bali or "Holy Sacrifice".[132]
On page 202 of Volume 5, Savarkar Samgraha, in his native language, Savarkar writes(translated by
Sharma):
Women had little children in their laps and these children were clinging on to their mothers. These
women, infants and older children were guilty of being white and were decapitated with a black
sword[132]
When some men, women and children were killed in the Ganga river, Savarkar describes this as a
"celebration" of the anniversary of plassey on page 196.[132] In Kanpur, when 150 children and women
were killed he quotes unemotionally as per Sharma in his native language that a the butchers entered
Bibigarh ..and sea of white blood spread all over'.[132] In another incident on 16 May, Savarkar describes
the fate of English women and children as follows:
If some woman or child pleaded for mercy, people shouted: "Revenge for Meerut's chains,
revenge for slavery, revenge for the ammunition shed. The vengeful sword then decapitated the
pleading head[132]
Legacy
He is known among followers by the honorific prefix Veer meaning "brave".[133][134][135] The airport at
Port Blair, Andaman and Nicobar's capital was renamed Veer Savarkar International Airport in 2002.[136]
One of the commemorative blue plaques affixed on India House fixed by the Historic Building and
Monuments Commission for England reads "Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, 1883–1966, Indian patriot and
philosopher lived here".[137]
Books
He wrote 38 books in English and Marathi,[150] consisting in many essays, two novels called Moplah
Rebellion and the Transportation,[151] poetry and plays, the best-known of his books being his historical
study The Indian war of independence, 1857 and his pamphlet Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu?.[152]
Notes
a. He met Savarkar, who is said to have submitted a clemency plea in which he described
himself as the "prodigal son" eager to return "to the parental doors of the Government"[43]
b. He described Mahatma Gandhi's nonviolence as "absolutely sinful" and criticized Gandhi's
often-expressed concern for the well-being of India's Muslims.[128]
1. After his death, since Savarkar was championing militarisation, some thought that it would
be fitting if his mortal remains were to be carried on a gun-carriage. A request to that effect
was made to the then Defence Minister, Y.B. Chavan. But Chavan turned down the proposal
and not a single minister from the Maharashtra Cabinet showed up to the cremation ground
to pay homage to Savarkar. In New Delhi, the Speaker of the Lok Sabha turned down a
request that it pay homage to Savarkar.
2. When Y.B. Chavan, as the Home Minister of India, went to the Andaman Islands; he was
asked whether he would like to visit Savarkar's jail but he was not interested. When Morarji
Desai visited as Prime Minister to the Andaman islands, he too refused to visit Savarkar in
his prison cell.[88]
Citations
1. "Yamunabai Vinayak (Mai) Savarkar" (http://savarkar.org/en//Encyc/2017/5/28/Yamunabai-Vi
nayak-Mai-Savarkar.html). Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20230405013156/http://sav
arkar.org/en//Encyc/2017/5/28/Yamunabai-Vinayak-Mai-Savarkar.html) from the original on 5
April 2023. Retrieved 1 June 2022.
2. Chandra 1989, p. 145.
3. Keer 1966, p. 143.
4. "Hindutva is not the same as Hinduism said Savarkar" (https://www.telegraphindia.com/indi
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Further reading
Kumar, Megha (November–December 2006). "History and Gender in Savarkar's Nationalist
Writings". Social Scientist. 34 (11/12): 33–50. JSTOR 27644182 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/
27644182).
External links
Official website (http://www.savarkarsmarak.com/) – Savarkar National Memorial
Savarkar's Hindu Pad-pada-shahi (http://www.savarkar.org/content/pdfs/en/hindu-pad-padsh
ahi_savarkar_en_v001.pdf) (PDF)