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The Publishers would like to thank the following for permission to reproduce copyright material.
Acknowledgements: Abacus, The Terror: Civil War in the French Revolution by David Andress, 2006. Arnold, The
French Revolution Sourcebook by John Hardman, 2002. Blackwell, The French Revolution 1770–1814 by François
Furet, 1988. Bloomsbury, Napoleon: Passion, Death and Resurrection 1815–1840 by Philip Dwyer, 2018.
Cambridge University Press, The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution by Alfred Cobban, 1964; The
Thermiodorian Regime and the Directory 1794–1799 by Denis Woronoff, 1984. Collins, Voices of the Revolution
by Peter Vansittart, 1989. Faber & Faber, Napoleon: Soldier of Destiny by Michael Broers, 2014. Fontana,
Revolutionary Europe 1783–1815 by George Rudé, 1964. History Today, David Andress, ‘The French Revolution:
A Complete History?’ History Today, Vol. 66, 2016. Libris, Artisans and Sans-culottes by Gwyn A. Williams, 1989.
Longman, Revolution and Terror in France 1789–95 by D.G. Wright, 1990. Macmillan, Documents and Debates.
The French Revolution by L. Cowie, 1987; A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution by J.H. Stewart, 1951.
Marxists Internet Archive, www.marxists.org/history/france/revolution/marat/. Methuen, Napoleon by Jean Tulard,
1986. Oxford University Press, The Parisian Sans-culottes and the French Revolution 1793–4 by Albert Soboul,
1964. Oxford University Press, The Oxford History of the French Revolution by William Doyle, 1988. Palgrave,
Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution by Martyn Lyons, 1994. Peregrine Books, Napoleon:
For and Against edited by Pieter Geyl, 1976. Plon, Souvenirs sur la Révolution et l’Empire by Louis-Victor-Léon de
Rochechouart, 1898/1933. Princeton University Press, Revolutionary Ideas: An Intellectual History of the French
Revolution from the Rights of Man to Robespierre by Jonathan Israel, 2014. Routledge, The French Revolution:
Recent Debates and New Controversies edited by Gary Kates, 1998. Routledge & Kegan Paul, The Counter
Revolution, Doctrine and Action 1789–1804 by Jacques Godechot, 1972; The Directory by Georges Lefebvre, 1965.
Simon & Schuster, The French Revolution by R. Cobb and C. Jones, 1988. Thames & Hudson, The French
Revolution: A Concise History by Norman Hampson, 1975. University of Chicago Press, Alexis de Tocqueville, The
Old Regime and the Revolution, translated by A.S. Kahan by F. Furet and F. Melonio, 1998. University of
Queensland Press, The French Revolution. Introductory Documents edited by D.I. Wright, 1975, 1980. University of
Wales Press, Napoleon Comes to Power by M. Crook, 1998. Unwin, The French Revolution 1787–1799 by Albert
Soboul, 1989. Verso, In Defence of the Terror: Liberty or Death in the French Revolution by Sophie Wahnich,
2012. Viking, Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution by Simon Schama, 1989. Vintage Books, The Coming
of the French Revolution by Georges Lefebvre, 1947. Yale University Press, Liberty or Death. The French
Revolution by Peter McPhee, 2017.
Photo credits: p8 Wikimedia Commons; p14 Classic Image/Alamy Stock Photo; p22 Archive.org (from Caricature
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Congress, LC-USZ61-635; p138 Christophel Fine Art/UIG via Getty Images; p153 Robert Gray; p154
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ISBN: 978 1 5104 5784 3
eISBN: 978 1 5104 5752 2
© 2019 Dylan Rees
First published 2015, this sixth edition 2019 published by
Hodder Education,
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A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library.
Contents
Introduction: about this book

CHAPTER 1 Context

CHAPTER 2 The origins of the French Revolution


1 Long-term causes of the French Revolution
2 Short-term causes of the French Revolution
3 Key debate
Question practice

CHAPTER 3 1789: The end of the ancien régime


1 The Estates-General
2 Revolt in Paris
3 Revolution in the provinces
4 Dismantling of the ancien régime
5 Reaction of the monarchy
6 Key debate
Question practice

CHAPTER 4 Constitutional monarchy: reforming France 1789–92


1 Reform programmes of the National Assembly
2 Rise of the Jacobins and the Cordeliers
3 Emergence of the republican movement
4 Key debate
Question practice

CHAPTER 5 War, revolt and overthrow of the monarchy 1792–3


1 Outbreak of war
2 Overthrow of the monarchy
3 The Republic at war 1792–3
4 Key debate
Question practice

CHAPTER 6 Government by Terror 1793–4


1 Emergence of government by Terror
2 Dominance of the sans-culottes
3 The impact of the Terror
4 The dictatorship of the Committee of Public Safety
5 Overthrow of Robespierre
6 Key debate
Question practice

CHAPTER 7 Thermidorian reaction and the Directory 1794–9


1 The Thermidorian reaction
2 The Directory
3 The Coup of Brumaire and the overthrow of the Directory
4 Key debate
Question practice

CHAPTER 8 The impact of the Revolution


1 Dismantling of the ancien régime
2 The economy
3 French army and warfare
4 Territorial impact of the Revolution
5 Ideological impact of the Revolution

CHAPTER 9 Napoleon: Consulate and Empire


1 The Napoleonic system in France
2 Establishment of the Napoleonic Empire
3 Creation of the Napoleonic Empire in Europe
4 Defeat and downfall of the Empire
5 Key debate
Question practice

Appendix: The Napoleonic family tree


Exam focus
Timeline
Glossary of terms
Further reading
Dedication
Keith Randell (1943–2002)
The Access to History series was conceived and developed by Keith, who created a series to ‘cater for students as
they are, not as we might wish them to be’. He leaves a living legacy of a series that for over 20 years has provided a
trusted, stimulating and well-loved accompaniment to post-16 study. Our aim with these new editions is to continue
to offer students the best possible support for their studies.
Introduction: about this book
This book has been written primarily to support the study of the following courses:
• AQA: France in Revolution, 1774–1815
• OCR: The French Revolution and the rule of Napoleon, 1774–1815
• Pearson Edexcel: France in Revolution, 1774–99.
The specification grid on pages ix–x will help you understand how this book’s content relates to the course that you
are studying.
Those studying IB: The French Revolution and Napoleon 1, 1774–1815 and WJEC: France in Revolution, c.1774–
1815, may also find this useful.
The writer hopes that student readers will regard the book not simply as an aid to better exam results, but as a study
which is enjoyable in itself as an analysis of a very important theme in history.
The following explains the different features of this book and how they will help your study of the course.

Beginning of the book


Context
Starting a new course can be daunting if you are not familiar with the period or topic. This section outlines what you
need to know about the beginning of the period and will set up some of the key themes. Reading this section will
help you get up to speed on the content of the course.

Throughout the book


Key terms
You need to know these to gain an understanding of the period. The appropriate use of specific historical language
in your essays will also help you improve the quality of your writing. Key terms are in bold the first time they
appear in the book. They are defined in the margin and appear in the glossary.

Profiles
Some chapters contain profiles of important individuals. These include a brief biography and information about the
importance and impact of the individual. This information can be very useful in understanding certain events and
providing supporting evidence to your arguments.

Sources
Historical sources are important in understanding why specific decisions were taken or on what contemporary
writers and politicians based their actions. The questions accompanying each source will help you to understand and
analyse the source.

Key debates
The key debates between historians will help you think about historical interpretations and understand the different
points of view for a given historiographical debate.
Chapter summaries
These written summaries are intended to help you revise and consolidate your knowledge and understanding of the
content.

Summary diagrams
These visual chapter summaries at the end of most sections are useful for revision.

Refresher questions
The refresher questions are quick knowledge checks to make sure you have understood and remembered the
material that is covered in the chapter.

Question practice
There are opportunities at the end of most chapters to practise exam-style questions, arranged by exam board so you
can make to practise the questions relevant for your course. The exam hint below each question will help you if you
get stuck.

End of the book


Timeline
Understanding chronology (the order in which events took place) is an essential part of history. Knowing the order
of events is one thing, but it is also important to know how events relate to each other. This timeline will help you
put events into context and will be helpful for quick reference or as a revision tool.

Exam focus
This section gives advice on how to answer questions in your exam, focusing on the different requirements of your
exam paper. The guidance in this book has been based on detailed examiner reports since 2017. It models best
practice in terms of answering exam questions and shows the most common pitfalls to help ensure you get the best
grade possible.

Glossary
All key terms in the book are defined in the glossary.

Further reading
To achieve top marks in history, you will need to read beyond this textbook. This section contains a list of books and
articles for you to explore. The list may also be helpful for an extended essay or piece of coursework.

Online extras
This new edition is accompanied by online material to support you in your study. Throughout the book you will find
the online extras icon to prompt you to make use of the relevant online resources for your course. By going to
www.hoddereducation.co.uk/accesstohistory/extras you will find the following:

Activity worksheets
These activities will help you develop the skills you need for the exam. The thinking that you do to complete the
activities, and the notes you make from answering the questions, will prove valuable in your learning journey and
helping you get the best grade possible. Your teacher may decide to print the entire series of worksheets to create an
activity booklet to accompany the course. Alternatively they may be used as standalone activities for class work or
homework. However, don’t hesitate to go online and print off a worksheet yourself to get the most from this book.

Who’s who
A level history covers a lot of key figures so it’s perfectly understandable if you find yourself confused by all the
different names. This document organises the individuals mentioned throughout the book by categories so you know
your Brissot from your Babeuf!

Further research
While further reading of books and articles is helpful to achieve your best, there’s a wealth of material online,
including useful websites, digital archives, and documentaries on YouTube. This page lists resources that may help
further your understanding of the topic. It may also prove a valuable reference for research if you decide to choose
this period for the coursework element of your course.
Specification matching grid
Chapter AQA OCR Pearson Edexcel
Chapter 1 Context
Chapter 2 The origins of the French Revolution ✓ ✓ ✓
1 Long-term causes of the French Revolution ✓ ✓ ✓
2 Short-term causes of the French Revolution ✓ ✓ ✓
3 Key debate ✓ ✓ ✓
Chapter 3 1789: The end of the ancien régime ✓ ✓ ✓
1 The Estates-General ✓ ✓ ✓
2 Revolt in Paris ✓ ✓ ✓
3 Revolution in the provinces ✓ ✓ ✓
4 Dismantling of the ancien régime ✓ ✓ ✓
5 Reaction of the monarchy ✓ ✓ ✓
6 Key debate ✓ ✓ ✓
Chapter 4 Constitutional monarchy: reforming France 1789–92 ✓ ✓ ✓
1 Reform programmes of the National Assembly ✓ ✓ ✓
2 Rise of the Jacobins and the Cordeliers ✓ ✓ ✓
3 Emergence of the republican movement ✓ ✓ ✓
4 Key debate ✓ ✓ ✓
Chapter 5 War, revolt and overthrow of the monarchy 1792–3 ✓ ✓ ✓
1 Outbreak of war ✓ ✓ ✓
2 Overthrow of the monarchy ✓ ✓ ✓
3 The Republic at war 1792–3 ✓ ✓ ✓
4 Key debate ✓ ✓ ✓
Chapter 6 Government by Terror 1793–4 ✓ ✓ ✓
1 Emergence of government by Terror ✓ ✓ ✓
2 Dominance of the sans-culottes ✓ ✓ ✓
3 The impact of the Terror ✓ ✓ ✓
4 The dictatorship of the Committee of Public Safety ✓ ✓ ✓
5 Overthrow of Robespierre ✓ ✓ ✓
6 Key debate ✓ ✓ ✓
Chapter 7 Thermidorian reaction and the Directory 1794–9 ✓ ✓ ✓
1 The Thermidorian reaction ✓ ✓ ✓
2 The Directory ✓ ✓ ✓
3 The Coup of Brumaire and the overthrow of the Directory ✓ ✓ ✓
4 Key debate ✓ ✓ ✓
Chapter 8 The impact of the Revolution
1 Dismantling of the ancien régime ✓ ✓ ✓
2 The economy ✓ ✓ ✓
3 French army and warfare ✓ ✓ ✓
4 Territorial impact of the Revolution ✓ ✓ ✓
5 Ideological impact of the Revolution ✓ ✓ ✓
Chapter 9 Napoleon: Consulate and Empire ✓ ✓
1 The Napoleonic system in France ✓ ✓
2 Establishment of the Napoleonic Empire ✓ ✓
3 Creation of the Napoleonic Empire in Europe ✓ ✓
4 Defeat and downfall of the Empire ✓ ✓
5 Key debate ✓ ✓
CHAPTER 1

Context
‘Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive, but to be young was very heaven.’ These lines written by the English romantic
poet William Wordsworth attempted to capture the sense of excitement, exhilaration and hope that marked the
outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789. Yet, within a few years, these sentiments gave way to those of fear,
despair and revulsion as the Revolution spiralled out of control into chaos, anarchy and war. The many political
changes which engulfed France during the period 1789–1815 not only impacted on its population but also affected
almost every other European country in one way or another. Although a measure of order was restored in 1815, the
impact of the Revolution would be felt for many generations, helping to ensure its place as one of the most
significant events in modern European history.

Society
To understand the causes of why a revolution broke out in France in 1789 it is necessary to understand the nature of
French society in the eighteenth century. Superficially, the country appeared to be stable. However, there were a
number of significant problems and tensions within. Some of these were long term and deep rooted. They reached a
critical point in the 1780s and exploded into a revolution. The spark was provided by a number of short-term factors.
In 1789 both sets of causes collided and marked the start of one of the greatest revolutions in history. From the
storming of the Bastille on 14 July 1789 the shock waves of the Revolution would be felt across the continent.
Liberty, Equality and Fraternity became the rallying cry for a generation of European revolutionaries.
France before 1789 is known as the ancien régime or old order, to distinguish it from the changes that were to be
made by the Revolution. At the beginning of the eighteenth century it was estimated that the population of France
was 21 million. Over the course of the century this grew rapidly and stood at 28 million on the eve of the Revolution
in 1789, making it the most populous country in western Europe. Paris, the capital of France, was one of the largest
cities in Europe and the stage on which almost all of the most dramatic events of the Revolution would be played
out. Although there were a number of other large cities and ports such as Lyon and Bordeaux, most of the
population was in essence rural and was fairly evenly distributed throughout the countryside.
French society during the ancien régime was rigidly divided into three estates of the realm, which will be outlined in
greater detail in Chapter 2. These were the clergy (First Estate), the nobility (Second Estate) and everyone else
(Third Estate). There was very little social mobility in eighteenth-century France and this led to a great sense of
injustice, frustration and untimely tension. This was particularly true among the Third Estate, which represented the
overwhelming majority of French people. The richer members of the Third Estate, known as the bourgeoisie, were
frustrated that they were denied a role in governing the country which they felt their wealth and education entitled
them to. Most of the Third Estate were peasant farmers. Their life in the French countryside had changed little over
the centuries. Farming methods were backward and relied more on human labour than on machinery to produce
crops. In some parts of France, peasants were still part of a feudal system which tied them to the land and imposed
restrictions on their rights, their property and their movement.

Absolutism
Further tensions were directly linked to the system of absolutism. In this structure of government, the responsibility
for all internal and external policy, passing laws, waging war, making peace, and appointing all government
ministers and advisers lay in the hands of the King. Although French kings were absolute rulers, they were unable to
impose their will without the consent of the sovereign law courts. The inability of French rulers to govern effectively
was nowhere more apparent than in dealing with taxation. Exemptions by the two privileged estates meant that the
burden of taxation predominantly fell on the Third Estate. The bourgeoisie, in particular, resented paying taxes when
they had no role in running the State. New taxes were rarely imposed. Bourbon governments borrowed money at
increasingly higher rates of interest to fund their most expensive outlay – war. This ultimately led to France
becoming bankrupt in 1788.

Religion
Frustrations among many of the wealthy bourgeoisie were frequently directed against the Catholic Church. France
was a devoutly religious country and the Catholic Church was one of the most powerful institutions in the State. It
was the privileged First Estate of the Realm. The Church owned about ten per cent of France, and had a revenue in
1789 estimated at 150 million livres. Yet it paid no taxes, only giving the treasury a very small annual grant which it
determined itself. In the eighteenth century, the Church was attracting a great deal of criticism from the writers of
the French Enlightenment. It was accused of being corrupt and ineffective, that priests and monks were more
concerned to enrich themselves than look after the spiritual needs of their parishioners. The absence of any political
debate in the absolutist state gave the following French writers a platform to criticise these, and many other failings.
Writers such as Diderot, Voltaire and Rousseau known as philosophes inspired many of the bourgeoisie and even
some noblemen and clerics to stand up and challenge the ancien régime.

Economy
France was one of the richest and most powerful countries in the world during the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. Much of its wealth was based on its overseas empire in North America, the West Indies and India. It also
appeared to be one of the most stable countries in the world. Its wealth, however, was not evenly spread. Those
living on the lowest levels of society in urban and rural areas experienced great poverty and hardship. At the other
extreme were the wealthy merchants and businessmen involved in overseas trade. The loss of a substantial part of
the French colonial empire in 1763 had resulted in a financial crisis from which the economy was slow to recover.
Unlike neighbouring Britain, France did not undergo an industrial revolution before 1789. Its industries were mostly
small scale and mainly linked to agriculture. A series of bad harvests and severe weather in the years immediately
before 1789 had driven up prices and resulted in food shortages.

France and the wider world


One of the goals of French foreign policy was to try to secure the natural frontiers of France – the Pyrenees, the Alps
and the River Rhine (see Figure 4.1, pages 60–1). Great strides had been made towards achieving this during the
reigns of Louis XIV and Louis XV when the Pyrenees in the south and the Alps in the south-east became the
frontiers of France. Progress in securing the Rhine as a frontier was slower. Over the course of Louis XV’s reign the
country was involved in a number of wars, the most important of which were the war of Austrian Succession (1740–
8) and the Seven Years’ War (1756–63). These conflicts were enormously expensive and increased the national
debt. The Seven Years’ War was a disaster for France. Defeat by Britain resulted in the humiliating loss of
significant parts of the French overseas empire in Canada and India, which diminished the country’s wealth and
overseas trade. Yet Louis XV did acquire the Duchy of Lorraine and also added the island Corsica to his territory.

How France was ruled and governed


France during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was ruled by the Bourbon family, and between 1643 and
1774 there were only two kings. The first was the powerful Louis XIV (1643–1715), known as the ‘Sun King’. He
was responsible for moving the main residence of the Bourbon family from Paris to a magnificent new palace that
he built outside the city at Versailles. This served to distance the monarchy from the people. Louis once famously
declared, ‘L’état c’est moi’ – ‘I am the state’. Under a strong and active ruler such as Louis XIV the system of
absolutist government functioned well. The effective running of this system depended greatly on the strength of
character and personality of the monarch.
Louis XV (1715–74) was five years old when he succeeded his great-grandfather as king of France. There was a
regency until he was old enough to govern on his own. Louis XV was very different from his predecessor. During
his early years he relied on his ministers to govern in his name and was less active as a ruler. Many saw him as a
lazy, pleasure-loving ruler, content to allow his ministers to govern in his name. He had many mistresses, the most
famous of whom – Madame de Pompadour – advised him when appointing ministers and generals. In 1757 he
survived an assassination attempt. Although the physical wounds healed quickly, his mental state took much longer
to recover.
When Louis XVI (1774–92) inherited the throne on his grandfather’s death, his own shortcomings as a ruler of an
absolute state contributed to the crisis which brought about the Revolution in 1789. The monarchy itself was
discredited in many people’s eyes and both he and his wife Marie Antoinette were disliked intensely by a growing
number of critics. Although well meaning, Louis failed singularly to provide the strong leadership needed by the
country to deal with mounting demands for change and the urgent need to tackle the financial crisis. Attempts at
reform failed as he appeared to be indecisive when presented with options. Rather than being able to control events,
Louis was swept along by them. His decision to call the Estates-General, a representative body of all three estates,
for the first time since 1614, only confirmed to his opponents the depth of the crisis, and that they might now be able
to seize the initiative.
CHAPTER 2

The origins of the French Revolution


The storming of the Bastille on 14 July 1789 came to symbolise the start of the French Revolution, one of the most
dramatic events in modern European history.
The origins of the Revolution were a combination of political, economic and social factors. This chapter examines
these factors as two main themes:
• Long-term causes of the French Revolution
• Short-term causes of the French Revolution
The key debate on page 25 of this chapter asks the question: What are the different ways in which the origins of the
French Revolution have been interpreted?

KEY DATES
1614 Last summoning of the Estates-General before
1789
1756–63 The Seven Years’ War
1774 Accession of Louis XVI
1778 France entered the American War of Independence
1781 Feb Publication of Compte Rendu
1781–7 Economic crisis
1786 Eden Treaty
Aug Calonne proposed reforms to French finances
1787 Feb. The Assembly of Notables met
May Assembly of Notables dissolved
1788 Apr Louis dismissed Calonne
June Revolt of the Nobility
Jul Louis agreed to call the Estates-General
Aug Declaration of bankruptcy

1 Long-term causes of the French Revolution


How did long-term causes contribute to the outbreak of the Revolution?
During the ancien régime there were a number of deep-rooted problems that affected successive royal governments.
These problems influenced:
• the way France was governed, particularly the taxation system
• the carefully ordered, yet deeply divided, structure of French society
• the gradual spread of ideas that started to challenge this structure.
These deep-rooted problems can be seen as long-term causes of the French Revolution. In order to understand them
fully, it is necessary to understand the nature of French society before 1789, namely:
• the structure of royal government
• the taxation system
• the structure of French society
• the Enlightenment.

Royal government
France before 1789 was an absolute monarchy ruled by the Bourbons. This meant that the authority of the French
Crown was not limited by any representative body, such as an elected parliament. The King was responsible only to
God and answerable to no one on earth. This system of government is also known as absolutism. In such a system,
the personality and character of the ruler are very important as they set the tone for the style of government.

Figure 2.1 Pre-revolutionary France’s main administrative, judicial and financial subdivisions.

In the century before the outbreak of the Revolution, there were three French kings: Louis XIV, Louis XV and Louis
XVI (see page 8). Louis XV said in 1766 that ‘sovereign power resides in my person alone … the power of
legislation belongs to me alone’.

Limitations to power
Although their power was absolute, kings were bound by the laws and customs of their kingdom. For example, there
were many independent bodies such as the Assembly of the Clergy which had rights and privileges guaranteed by
law. The King could not interfere with these.
The King also had to consult his council of ministers and advisers to make laws. This meant that considerable power
was in the hands of a small number of men. The most important of these was the Controller-General, who was in
de Calonne the Minister of Finance conceived a bold and wide-reaching plan. Without either threatening the
basis of the French monarchy, this plan changed the previous system of financial administration and attacked
the vices at their root. The worst of these problems was the arbitrary system of allocation, the oppressive costs of
collection, and the abuses of privilege by the richest section of taxpayers. The whole weight of public
expenditure was borne by the most numerous but least wealthy part of the nation which was crushed by the
burden.

SOURCE QUESTION

In Source C, what does Bouillé consider to be the main cause of the financial problems affecting
France?

Reform
Following Necker’s dismissal in 1781, his successor, Joly de Fleury, discovered the true nature of France’s finances.
The Treasury was 160 million livres short for 1781 and 295 million livres short for 1782. To make good the
shortfall, Fleury and his successor, Calonne, undid much of Necker’s work by resuming the practice of selling
offices (many of which Necker had abolished). They both also borrowed much more heavily than Necker.

SOURCE D
From Alexis de Tocqueville, L’Ancien Régime et la Révolution, Michel Lévy Frères, 1856. De
Tocqueville (1805–59) was one of the first historians to offer an incisive analysis of the origins
of the Revolution, quoted in F. Furet and F. Melonio, Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and
the Revolution, translated by A.S. Kahan, University of Chicago Press, 1998, p. 222.
It is not always by going from bad to worse that a society falls into revolution. It happens most often that a
people, which has supported without complaint the most oppressive laws, violently throws them off as soon as
their weight is lightened. Experience shows that the most dangerous moment for a bad government is generally
when it sets about reform.

SOURCE QUESTION

In Source D, what does de Tocqueville suggest was responsible for the outbreak of the Revolution?

In 1786, with loans drying up, Calonne was forced to grasp the nettle and embark on a reform of the tax system. His
plan consisted of an ambitious three-part programme:
• The main proposal was to replace the capitation and the vingtième on landed property by a single land tax. It was
to be a tax on the land and not on the person, and would therefore affect all landed proprietors – Church, noble
and common alike – regardless of whether the lands were used for luxury purposes or crops. There were to be no
exemptions; everyone including the nobles, the clergy and the pays d’états would pay.
• The second part of the programme was aimed at stimulating the economy to ensure that future tax revenues would
increase. To try and achieve this, Calonne proposed abandoning controls on the grain trade and abolishing internal
customs barriers, which prevented the free movement of grain from one part of France to another.
• The final part of the programme was to try to restore national confidence so that new loans for the short term
could be raised. By doing this Calonne hoped that the parlements would be less likely to oppose the registration of
his measures. His plan was to achieve some display of national unity and consensus.

The failure of the reform process


The Estates-General was the obvious body to summon to approve the reforms, as it was representative of the
nation. However, this was rejected as being too unpredictable. Calonne and Louis XVI opted instead for a
handpicked Assembly of Notables. It was anticipated that this would be a pliant body who would willingly agree to
rubberstamp the reform package.
Another random document with
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John Kepler, for this was the name of that famous mathematician,
was born at Wiel, in the duchy of Wirtemberg, in the year 1571; and
the Abbé Delaporte says, his family was illustrious. He died at
Ratisbon, in 1630. W. B.

A20. The true invention of the telescope cannot be carried back to


an earlier date than the beginning of the seventeenth century.
Johannes Baptista Porta, a Neapolitan, in his Natural Magic, which
was published in the year 1589, says, “Si utramque (lentem
concavam et convexam) recté componere noveris, et longinqua et
proxima majora et clara videbis:” and he is said to have made a
telescope, accordingly, about the year 1594. But Porta is
represented as having made this discovery such as it was, by
accident; and, as not well understanding the proper use of his own
invention.

According to Baron Bielfeld,[A20a] however, telescopes were first


constructed a long time after, in Holland; some say, by John
Lippersheim, a spectacle-maker at Middelbourg in Zealand; others,
by James Metius, brother to the celebrated professor Adrian Metius,
of Franeker. Although the invention of this instrument, of
indispensable use in astronomy, is sometimes attributed to the great
Galileo, he has himself acknowledged, in his treatise, entitled
Nuncius Siderius, that he took the hint from a report of a German
having invented an instrument, by means of which, and with the
assistance of certain glasses, distant objects might be distinguished
as clearly as those that were near. This is precisely what Porta had
mentioned in his book, in 1589; and therefore, if Galileo had not
referred to a German, he might be supposed to have had in his view
the Neapolitan’s conception of a telescope, announced long before
such an instrument was properly constructed.

Whatever may have been the merit of Porta’s discovery, or the


pretensions of Lippersheim, the spectacle-maker, and Metius, Peter
Borel (in his treatise De vero Telescopii Inventore) is of the opinion
that Zachariah Johnson, who, like Lippersheim, was a spectacle-
maker, and in the same city, made this discovery by chance, about
the year 1500; that Lippersheim imitated him, after making numerous
experiments; and that he instructed Metius. There are others, who
have been considered as having had some sort of claim to this
important invention; among whom were a Mr. Digges, of England,
and a M. Hardy, of France, both towards the commencement of the
seventeenth century.

It is certain, however, that Galileo in Italy, (who died in 1642, aged


seventy-eight years,) and, according to Bielfeld, Simon Marius in
Germany, were the first that applied the telescope to the
contemplation of celestial objects. W. B.
A20a. Elem. of Univ. Erud. b. i. ch. 49.

A21. In treating of the astronomy of the Greeks, Lalande contents


himself with barely introducing the name of Aristotle, among their
philosophers; seeming to consider him as one who had done very
little for astronomical science. This philosopher (who died in the
sixty-third year of his age, and only 322 years B. C.) among his other
doctrines, not only maintained the eternity of the world; but, that
Providence did not extend itself to sublunary beings: and as to the
immortality of the soul, it is uncertain whether he believed it or not.
Bayle calls his logic and his natural philosophy, “the weakest of his
works:” and says, further; “It will be an everlasting subject of wonder
to persons who know what philosophy is, to find that Aristotle’s
authority was so much respected in the schools, for several ages,
that, when a disputant quoted a passage from this philosopher, he
who maintained the thesis durst not say, Transeat; but must either
deny the passage or explain it in his own way.” W. B.

A22. This discovery was made on the 8th of January, 1610. It was,
as Mr. Vince observes, a very important one in its consequences; as
it furnished a ready method of finding the longitude of places, by
means of their eclipses. W. B.

A23. Although both Geography and Navigation have been


wonderfully improved by the important discoveries made by the
moderns in astronomy, they have nevertheless, derived the most
essential aid from the application of the Compass to their purposes.

The invention of this instrument, which is of indispensible utility, is


almost universally ascribed to Flavio Gioia, a native of Amalfi in the
kingdom of Naples. He is called, by some writers, Flavio de Melfi, (by
which is meant, Flavio of Amalfi, this town being the place of his
nativity;) and his invention of the Compass is placed in the year
1302. But it is affirmed by others, that Paulus Venetus brought the
Compass first into Italy from China, in the year 1260. The Chinese
Compass, however, whatever may be its antiquity, appears to have
been a very imperfect instrument, compared with the modern
Mariner’s Compass; and, more especially, with the Azimuth
Compass, as improved by Dr. Knight and Mr. Smeaton. The Chinese
Compass, now used, is represented as being nothing more than a
magnetic needle kept floating, by means of a piece of cork, on the
surface of water, in a white china ware vessel, divided at bottom into
twenty-four points.

It is worthy of observation, that the French have laid claim to the


invention of the Compass, upon no better foundation than the
circumstance of a fleur de lys being always placed at the north point
of the chard; although it is known, that Gioia decorated the north end
of the needle with that flower in compliment to his own sovereign,
who bore it in his arms, as being descended from the royal house of
France. “It hath been often,” says Dr. Robertson,[A23a] “the fate of
those illustrious benefactors of mankind, who have enriched science
and improved the arts by their inventions, to derive more reputation
than benefit from the happy efforts of their genius. But,” continues
this eminent historian, “the lot of Gioia has been still more cruel;
through the inattention or ignorance of contemporary historians, he
has been defrauded even of the fame to which he had such a just
title. We receive from them no information with respect to his
profession, his character, the precise time when he made this
important discovery, and the accidents and enquiries which led to it:
the knowledge of this event, though productive of greater effects
than any recorded in the annals of the human race, is transmitted to
us without any of those circumstances which can gratify the curiosity
that it naturally awakens.” W. B.
A23a. Hist. of America, vol. i, b. i.

A24. Galileo Galilei was a strenuous defender of the system of


Copernicus; for which he was condemned by the inquisition, in the
year 1635, under Pope Urban VIII. This extraordinary man was a
native of Florence, and born in 1564. He died in 1642, aged seventy-
eight years.

W. B.

A25. It has been since ascertained that Saturn has seven


satellites, as is more particularly mentioned in the subsequent note.
W. B.

A26. It was about six years after the delivery of this oration, (viz.
on the 13th of March, 1781,) that Herschel discovered the Georgium
Sidus. And nearly eight years and an half after this first discovery, he
made two others: on the 28th of August, 1789, he was enabled to
ascertain, by means of his telescope of forty feet focal length, that
Saturn has a sixth satellite; and, on the 17th of September following,
he found that he has a seventh. The same celebrated astronomer
has since made several important discoveries. Thus, under the
liberal patronage of his sovereign, has the great Herschel
succeeded, by his extraordinary skill and industry in the making of
very large specula, in constructing telescopes, which, in the words of
the learned Mr. Vince, “have opened new views of the heavens, and
penetrated into the depths of the universe; unfolding scenes which
excite no less our wonder than our admiration.”

Many important discoveries (some of which are noticed in the


foregoing pages of these memoirs) have been made by other
eminent astronomers, since the date of Dr. Rittenhouse’s Oration;
some of them, indeed, since his decease; among which are the
discoveries of three new planets. W. B.
A27. The celebrated Huygens, who, in his Latin works, is styled
Hugenius. W. B.

A28. Among the many eminent astronomers in the sixteenth and


seventeenth centuries, mentioned by Mr. Lalande, in his Astronomie,
with interesting particulars concerning most of them, the only notice
he there takes of his ingenious countryman, who endeavoured to
establish the theory of Vortices which he had projected, is in these
words: “Descartes (René,) né en Touraine en 1596, mort à
Stockholm en 1650. Sa vie a été écrite fort au long par Baillet, à
Paris, 1691, in 4o.” W. B.

A29. The philosophy of Aristotle retained terms so very obscure,


that it seems the Devil himself did not understand, or at least could
not explain them; otherwise we can hardly suppose, that, when the
good patriarch of Venice had summoned his attendance for this very
purpose, he would have been so rude as to put him off with an
answer not only unintelligible but inarticulate. See Bayle, in Art.
Barbaro.

A30. Alluding to the experiments made in France, for determining


the velocity of light; which, though unsuccessful, discovered a noble
philosophical spirit.

A31. This prodigious velocity of light can be no argument against


its materiality, as will appear from the following considerations. The
greatest velocity which we can communicate to any body, is that of a
cannon-ball, impelled by gun-powder; this may be at the rate of
about 20 miles in a minute of time. The planet Saturn moves about
360 miles in a minute, that is 18 times swifter than a cannon-ball;
and the comet of 1680, in its perihelion, moved near 56.66 times
swifter than Saturn, or 990.5 times swifter than a cannon-ball. Now
these are material bodies, moving with very various, and all of them
exceedingly great velocities; and no reason appears why the last
mentioned velocity should be the utmost limit, beyond which nature
cannot proceed; or that some other body may not move 7 or 8
hundred times swifter than a comet, as light is found to do.
That the different refrangibility of the rays of light, on which their
colours depend, arises from their different velocities, seems so
natural a conjecture, that it has perhaps occurred to every one who
has thought on this subject. To this there are three principal
objections. The first is, that, according to this hypothesis, when the
satellites of Jupiter are eclipsed, their colour ought to change, first to
a green and then to a blue, before their light becomes extinct; which
is contrary to experience. But this objection appears to me of no
weight; for we do not lose sight of the satellite because there is no
light coming from thence to the eye, but because there is not light
enough to render it visible. Therefore at the time a satellite
disappears, there is still light of all colours arriving at the eye: and
though the blue light should predominate on account of its slower
progress, yet the red may predominate on another account; for along
the edge of Jupiter’s shadow, as it passes over the satellite, a
greater proportion of red light, than of blue, will be thrown by the
refraction of Jupiter’s atmosphere. The second objection is, that
since the velocity of the earth in its orbit, causes an aberration of
about 20 seconds in the place of a star, if the different colours of light
depended on different velocities, the aberration of blue light ought
proportionably to exceed that of red light, which would give such an
oblong form to a fixed star as might be discovered with a good
telescope. This objection is of no more force than the former. The
effect ought indeed to follow, but not in a sensible quantity; for at the
altitude of 70 degrees, the apparent place of a fixed star is likewise
removed 20 seconds by refraction, and the very same separation of
the rays must take place; yet this I think is not discoverable with the
best telescope. Perhaps by uniting these two equal causes, which
may be readily done, and thereby doubling the effect, it may become
sensible.

The third objection arises from that curious discovery of Dollond,


by which we are enabled so greatly to improve refracting telescopes.
And this objection I shall for the present leave in its full force; as well
against the above hypothesis, as against every other which I have
seen for the same purpose.
A32. Mars appears to be surrounded by a very great and dense
atmosphere.

A33. Dr. Herschel discovered, in the year 1789, (fourteen years


after the delivery of this Oration,) two other satellites of Saturn.
These are the innermost of his (now) seven secondary planets.

W. B.

A34. In 745, Virgilus, bishop of Saltzburg, having publicly asserted


in some of his sermons, that there were antipodes, he was charged
with heresy, by Boniface, bishop of Mentz, and cited to appear
before the Pope, who recommended the hearing of the cause to
Utilo, King of Bohemia, and at the same time wrote to him in favour
of Boniface. The event was, the bishop of Saltzburg lost his cause,
and was condemned for heresy.

A35. It has been shewn, in a preceding note, how much the


means of communicating between distant regions, separated by
seas, ware facilitated by the discovery and use of the Compass: but
those means have been still further and very greatly improved, since
the introduction of the use of the Quadrant at sea, especially that
called Hadley’s Quadrant.

The true inventor of the reflecting Quadrant was Dr. Robert Hook,
a very ingenious English mathematician and philosopher, who died
in the year 1702, at the age of sixty-seven years. This instrument,
now commonly styled Hadley’s, was afterwards rendered much more
complete than Dr. Hook’s invention had made it, by Sir Isaac
Newton: but our modern artists, more skilful than those of former
times, as Mr. Lalande has observed, have profited of the ideas of the
great Newton himself, on the subject; and among the later improvers
of the Sea Quadrant, or Octant, is Mr. Hadley, whose name the
instrument usually bears.

It would, however, be doing an act of injustice to the memory of an


American who possessed an extraordinary genius, to omit, in the
course of these memoirs, some notice of his merits in relation to this
matter. Mr. Thomas Godfrey, a native of Pennsylvania, is said to
have turned his attention to this subject, so early as the year 1730;
and in the Transactions of the Royal Society of London, No. 435, will
be found, an “Account of Mr. Thomas Godfrey’s Improvement of
Davis’s Quadrant transferred to the Mariner’s Bow,” drawn up by
James Logan, Esq. formerly of Philadelphia, a gentleman of
extensive learning, and a very eminent mathematician, Mr. Godfrey
is stated to have “sent the instrument (which he had constructed) to
be tried at sea by an acquaintance of his, an ingenious navigator, in
a voyage to Jamaica, who shewed it to a captain of a ship there, just
going for England; by which means, it came to the knowledge of Mr.
Hadley, though perhaps without his being told the name of the real
inventor.” [See The American Magazine, for July 1758.] In a letter,
dated at Philadelphia the 25th of May, 1732, Mr. Logan, who very
ably as well as meritoriously patronized Godfrey, communicated to
the celebrated Dr. Edmund Halley a detailed account and description
of the improved Sea-Quadrant constructed by that ingenious citizen
of America, of which his patron confidently believed him to be the
original inventor. On the 28th of June, 1734, a further account of
Godfrey’s invention was drawn up by Mr. Logan, and subscribed with
his name; which, it is presumed, was also communicated to the
Royal Society: and on the 9th of November, in the same year, Mr.
Godfrey transmitted an account of it, draughted and signed by
himself, to the same learned body. The whole of these interesting
letters, with some accompanying observations on the subject, are
published in the valuable Magazine just referred to, and in the one
for the succeeding month.

In the Transactions of the Royal Society, for the months of


October, November and December, 1731, No. 421, is contained a
Proposal, by Dr. Edmund Halley, for finding the longitude at sea,
within a degree or twenty leagues, &c. In the conclusion of this
paper, Dr, Halley, in speaking of John Hadley, Esq. VP.R.S, (“to
whom,” as he observes, “we are highly obliged for his having
perfected and brought into common use the reflecting telescope,”)
says—He “has been pleased to communicate his most ingenious
instrument for taking the angles by reflection,” (referring, here, to the
Philos. Trans. No. 420;) “it is more than probable that the same may
be applied to taking angles at sea, with the desired accuracy.”

In Mr. Logan’s account of Mr. Godfrey’s invention, dated June 28,


1734, he says: “Tis now four years since Thomas Godfrey hit on this
improvement; for, his account of it, laid before the (Royal) Society
last winter, in which he mentioned two years, was wrote in 1732; and
in the same year, 1730, after he was satisfied in this, he applied
himself to think of the other, viz. the reflecting instrument, by
speculums for a help in the case of longitude, though ’tis also useful
in taking altitudes: and one of these, as has been abundantly proved
by the maker, and those who had it with them, was taken to sea and
there used in observing the latitudes the winter of that year, and
brought back again to Philadelphia before the end of February 1730–
1, and was in my keeping some months immediately after.”

In Mr, Logan’s prior letter to Dr. Halley (dated May 25, 1732,) he
says, that about eighteen months before, Godfrey told him, “he had
for some time before been thinking of an instrument for taking the
distances of stars by reflecting speculums, which he believed might
be of service “at sea;” and that, soon after, Godfrey shewed him an
instrument, which he had procured to be made, for the purpose.
Thus, the time to which Mr. Logan refers Godfrey’s communication of
his improvement to him, would make its date to be about the month
of November, 1730.

In the Rev. Mr. Vince’s great work, entitled, A Complete System of


Astronomy, (and contained in “A Treatise on Practical Astronomy,” at
the end of the second volume of that work,) is an entire chapter on
“Hadley’s Quadrant;” giving a particular description of the instrument,
with rules for the computations from the observations and
illustrations of them by examples. In this Treatise, the author says,
that the instrument took its name from the “inventor,” John Hadley,
Esq. and observes, that not only the science of navigation is greatly
indebted, to this “incomparable instrument,” but such are its various
uses in astronomy, that it may not improperly be called “a portable
observatory.” Mr. Vince further observes, that in the year 1742, about
ten years after Mr. Hadley’s invention (for so he styles it) was
published, a paper in Sir Issac Newton’s own hand-writing was found
among Dr. Halley’s papers, after the Doctor’s death, containing a
figure and description of an instrument (referring to Philos.
Transactions, No. 465,) not much different in its principle from this of
Hadley. He adds, that as Dr. Halley was alive when Mr. Hadley’s
instrument was shewn to the Royal Society, and he took no notice of
this paper of Sir Isaac Newton, it is probable he did not know there
was such an one. In another part of his work (under the head of The
History of Astronomy, vol. ii. p. 280.) Mr. Vince asserts, that the first
person who formed the idea of making a Quadrant to take angles by
reflection, was Robert Hook; and he was born in 1635. On the whole,
however, the learned author draws this conclusion:—“Both Sir Isaac
Newton and Mr. Hadley therefore seem entitled to this invention.”

Mr. Lalande, speaking of this instrument, says: “Le Quartier de


Reflexion, exécuté en 1731 par Hadley, a donné un moyen facile de
mesurer les distances sur mer, à une minute pris, aussi bien
determiner le lieu de la Lune en mer.” See his Astronomie, vol. iii. p.
654.

From these facts, and a careful examination of the papers


themselves, here quoted and referred to, the scientific reader will be
enabled to decide upon the true merits of the controversy that has so
long subsisted, concerning the respective claims of Godfrey and of
Hadley, to the invention of the instrument that bears the name of the
latter.

Before this subject is dismissed, however, it will not be deemed


improper to add, that the late Dr. John Ewing communicated to the
Am. Philosophical Society an account of an Improvement in the
construction of (what he terms) “Godfrey’s double reflecting
Quadrant,” which he had discovered in the spring or summer of the
year 1767: this will be found in the first volume of the Society’s
Transactions. In the conclusion of this communication, Dr. Ewing
says:—“This improvement of an instrument, which was first invented
and constructed by Mr. Godfrey of this city, and which I do not
hesitate to call the most useful of all astronomical instruments that
the world ever knew, I hope will make it still more serviceable to
mankind.”

This communication to the Society by Dr. Ewing, was made in the


year 1770. In one concerning the comet of that year, and made by
Dr. Rittenhouse about the same time, the instrument to which Dr.
Ewing’s improvement applies, is called Hadley’s Quadrant: but
perhaps Dr. Rittenhouse so named it, in conformity to common
usage.

A36. This I know has been pretended to. But it is easy to make
geometrical conclusions come out as we would have them, when the
data they are founded on, are so uncertain that we may chuse them
as suits our purpose.

A37. This circumstance tends gradually to lessen the variety of the


seasons.

A38. This was Tobias Mayer, who was born at Marbach in the
principality of Wurtemberg, in the year 1723: he rendered himself
celebrated in astronomy, by having calculated the best tables of the
moon, and by an excellent catalogue of stars. He died at Gottingen
in 1762, at the age of thirty-nine years. W. B.

A39. It may happen that any of the planets, about the time they
become stationary, shall describe a loop about some small fixed star,
in such manner as might be easily mistaken for the star making part
of a revolution about the planet. This I suspected to have been the
case with the above observation of Montaigne. But the times set
down do not confirm the suspicion.

A40. See page 320 of the foregoing Memoirs.

A41. See page 154 of the foregoing Memoirs.

A42. Mr. T. T. proceeding on a different supposition, has computed


twenty-seven billions of years necessary for that purpose.
A43. “The main-wheel, which is fixed on the barrel on which the
cat-gut runs.” Mr. Voight.

A44. “A perpetual rochet is a spring lying between the main-wheel,


and a plate which is so high in diameter as to be nearly of a height
with the bottom of the main-wheel teeth, and is cut with fine teeth all
round, in the shape of a fine saw. A click on an axis is fixed between
the two frame-plates, with a weak spring that forces this click into the
fine saw-teeth, which keeps the plate from moving backwards when
the clock is winding up. This fine rochet-wheel is fixed on the barrel-
arbour or axis, the same as the main-wheel. The barrel-rochet
comes close against the plate of the fine rocket, which has a click
screwed on the front, corresponding with the barrel-rochet, and a
spring above that rochet’s click, which forces that click into the
barrel-rochet’s teeth: it is this that makes the clattering noise, which
is heard when a clock is winding up: There is a middling strong
spring placed between two arms of the cross of the main-wheel, bent
like the space of the two arms between which it acts; and this spring
is as broad as the thickness of the cross-arms. One end of that
spring is fastened to the inside of the fine rochet-plate: the other end
lies on the other cross-arm, and acts on that like a gun-lock
mainspring on the cock-tumbler. When the clock or time is set a
going, and the maintaining power or weight of the fusee or barrel,
this power will raise that spring so far as to resist the maintaining
power, and becomes stationary as long as the time-piece is going;
and when it is wound up, this spring in the main-wheel cross will
expand itself, press on the cross-arm, and force that wheel forward,
with nearly the same power as the maintaining power would give: the
click for the fine-teethed rochet falls into one of those fine teeth, and
keeps that rochet steady, without having the least motion, as long as
the winding-up of the clock continues; and by this means a time-
piece can lose no time in winding up: hence it is called a perpetual
rochet; which requires the most accurate workmanship, in its
construction.” Mr. Voight.

A45. This description is drawn up from two separate accounts of


the instrument, with which the Writer of these Memoirs was
obligingly furnished, in writing, by Robert Patterson and the late
David Rittenhouse Waters, Esquires, of Philadelphia. Mr. Patterson
mentions, that he recollects his having seen the Hygrometer so
described, in Dr. Rittenhouse’s Observatory, about thirty years ago.

A46. The second volume of the Transactions of the American


Philosophical Society contains a letter, written on the 13th of
November, 1780, by Dr. Benjamin Franklin, then in France, to Mr.
Nairne, of London: but it was not communicated to the Society, until
January, 1786.

In that letter, Dr. Franklin suggests to Mr. Nairne (an eminent


optician, and mathematical instrument maker,) the idea of an
Hygrometer made of wood; in preference to metalline instruments,
for the purpose of discovering “the different degrees of humidity in
the air of different countries;”—an idea which occurred to the Doctor,
in consequence of a casual circumstance, mentioned in his letter.

Dr. Franklin supposed “a quick sensibility of the instrument, to be


rather a disadvantage” to it; “since,” says he, “to draw the desired
conclusions from it, a constant and frequent observation day and
night, in each country—when the design is, to discover the different
degrees of humidity in the air of different countries—will be
necessary for a year or years, and the mean of each different set of
observations is to be found and determined.”—“For these reasons,”
continues the Doctor, “I apprehend that a substance which, though
capable of being distended by moisture and contracted by dryness,
is so slow in receiving and parting with its humidity that the frequent
changes in the atmosphere affect it sensibly, and which therefore
should, gradually, take nearly the medium of all those changes and
preserve it constantly, would be the most proper substance, of which
to make an Hygrometer:”—and he believes good mahogany wood to
be that substance. In the concluding part of this letter, Dr. Franklin
says to his correspondent: “I would beg leave to recommend to you
—that you would take a number of pieces of the closest and finest
grained mahogany that you can meet with; plane them to the
thinness of about a line, and the width of about two inches across
the grain, and fix each of the pieces in some instrument that you can
contrive, which will permit them to contract and dilate, and will shew,
in sensible degrees, by a moveable hand upon a marked scale, the
otherwise less sensible quantities of such contraction and dilatation.”

Hence it appears, that Franklin and Rittenhouse conceived an idea


of the same kind, nearly at the same time: but that the latter carried
his invention into practice, three or four years before the theory of
the former, founded on similar principles, had been announced to the
American public, or, as it is believed, was made known to any other
person than Mr. Nairne. W. B.

A47. In a table (in the 2d vol. of Lalande’s Astronomie,) entitled,


“Passages de Mercure sur le Soleil, calculés pour trois siècles par
les nouvelles Tables,” the transit of that planet, above referred to, is
thus set down by Lalande, at Paris; viz.

Year. Conjunct. Mean Geocentric Mid. Semi- Short.


Time. Long. Mean dura. dist.
Time
1776. Nov. 2. 9h10′7″. 7.11°3′36″. 9h49′53″. 0h36′42″. 15′43″.A
W. B.

A48. The calculations are here wanting, in Dr. Smith’s MSS.

A49. Here Dr. Rittenhouse’s ends: The remainder of the


versification is continued by another hand.

A50. He never professed the business of making watches: the first


mechanical occupation he assumed was that of a clock maker, an
employment he pursued many years, in the earlier part of his life. W.
B.

A51. Having, in the preceding note, adverted to the unimportant


error in the text, wherein our Philosopher is stated to have pursued
the employment of a watch-maker, instead of that of a clock-maker; it
becomes necessary to notice, in this place, another mistake, though
likewise an inconsiderable one, into which the liberal and candid
writer of the article, above quoted, has been led. Dr. Rittenhouse’s
Observatory, at Norriton—the place of his original residence and the
seat of his farm-house—was erected prior to the celebrated
“Astronomical Observations” made by him, in the year 1769; which
were those relating to the Transit of Venus over the Sun’s disk, on
the 3d of June in that year. W. B.

A52. The time above referred to, is supposed to have been in the
year 1790 or 1791; though perhaps it may have been somewhat
earlier. Dr. Sproat died in the autumn of 1793. W. B.

A53. An uncle of Copernicus was Bishop of Warmia, (in Ermeland,


a little province of Poland,) and gave him a canonry in his cathedral
of Frawenberg, a city in ducal Prussia, situated on the Frische Haff,
at the mouth of the Vistula: it was there he began to devote himself
to astronomy, at the age of twenty-eight years. His great work, De
Revolutionibus Orbium Cœlestium, was completed about the year
1530: but his apprehensions of meeting with persecution from the
bigotted ignorance of the age, in consequence of the system he
therein promulgated, deterred him from publishing it until thirteen
years after that period; and it is supposed that the agitation of his
mind, occasioned by its appearance in the world, produced the
sudden effusion of blood, which terminated his life on the 24th day of
May, in the year 1543. W. B.
Transcriber’s Note
In the main sections of the text there are many
numbered textual notes, many quite lengthy, which the
writer chose to keep as close as possible to their
references in the text. In the printed book, this resulted in
many pages containing only two lines of the main text.
The writer acknowledges this in the Preface, but points
out the need to keep the notes as close to their
references as possible. Many of these notes have
footnotes of their own, denoted with the traditional *, †, ‡
symbols.

Notes in the Introduction and Appendix also employ


those traditional symbols, which have been resequenced
for the sake of uniqueness. The three notes in the
Introduction become I1, I2, I3, and those in the Appendix
become A1, A2, A3, ... An. If a note is itself footnoted,
that note is indicated as ‘Ana’, etc.

The main text employs 386 numeric notes which


started with ‘1’ for each section. These have been
resequenced across the entire text, again for the sake of
uniqueness. Many notes had footnotes of their own,
denoted with those traditional symbols. These have have
been resequenced as ‘na’, ‘nb’, ‘nc’, etc., where ‘n’ is the
note number. Those notes are placed following the note.

Any internal references to the notes, of course, were


modified to employ the new sequence.

In this version, footnotes have been collected at the


end of the text, and are linked for ease of reference.

Given the publication date (1813), spelling remained


somewhat fluid. So, especially in quoted text, the text
mostly remains as printed unless it is very obviously a
typo (e.g. ‘celebratrd’, or ‘inhahitants’), or where there is
a great preponderance of another variant of a word
elsewhere. There were two instances of a missing ‘of’
which may have been in error.

131.31 The making [of] good Sic


mathematical instruments
145.11 on the fourth day [of] July, Sic
1760.

A quoted translation in note 38 ends abruptly with ‘and


spreads her light:’ (lvi.29) without a closing quotation
mark. This has been amended as ‘spreads her light[.”]’

On two pages (pp. 134, 135), ‘Galileo’ is printed as


‘Gallileo’ (134.33, 134.37 and 135.3), which we take to
be a printer’s lapse.

On p. 182, The ’Rudolphine’ Tables are misspelled two


ways (182.27, 182.29). Both are corrected.

On pp. 327-329, the symbol for Uranus (♅) as printed


is not quite the same as the symbol available to us. In
the text, the small circle is on the top.

Other errors, deemed most likely to be the printer’s,


have been corrected, and are noted here. The
references are to the page and line in the original.

xii.15 not be deemed Replaced.


pre[p/s]umptuous
xxxii.28 the [sun] stood still in See Note
the centre
xxxix.16 Pyth[oga/ago]ras Transposed.
xlvii.4 of his Physics.[”]) Removed.
li.9 Pronaque cum spectent Replaced.
an[a/i]malia
lii.3 he may be enabled Replaced.
t[e/o] know himself
lvii.12 Hyberni[./,] vel quæ Replaced.
tardis
lxii.9 and [security] of See Note
navigation
lxxii.1 wa[n/s] Johannes de Replaced.
Sacro-Bosco
lxxiv.17 for its truth than novelty; Replaced.
[”]
91.11 purer morality and Replaced.
sounder [s/p]olicy.
104.22 to his friend[s]’s little Removed.
library
105.7 personally acquain[t]ed Inserted.
with him
107.1 [in]asmuch as the Restored.
instruments
107.7 [“]It is observable Removed.
110.18 so long distinguis[n/h]ed Replaced.
122.13 Astronomer’s innate Replaced.
ge[u/n]ius
140.12 A descript[t/i]on of Replaced.
148.35 with our guns.[’/”] Replaced.
149.10 as f[o/a]r as the Replaced.
barracks
164.10 and these,[”] Added.
177.30 la mesure du temps.[’/”] Replaced.
184.1 by William Sm[ti/it]h Transposed.
185.3 one-hundredth part of[ Removed.
of] the whole
192.15 See Laland[e]’s Astron. Inserted.
198.16 it has never been done. Removed.
[”]
198.17 [“]I send you a Added.
description
207.7 good quality and Inserted.
wor[k]manship
207.24 the gl[s/a]ss-works have Replaced.
not
219.25 three [hun]hundred Removed.
pounds
220.25 reached this country[;/,] Replaced.
226.25 History of the Inverted.
America[u/n] Revolution
249.22 the repeated Removed.
occas[s]ions
251.16 Pennsyl[e/v]ania would Replaced.
not yield
254.1 in the ex[u/e]cution of Replaced.
his trust
260.13 of this Anti-Newtonian Replaced.
essayist[:/.]
261.4 Those of anoth[o/e]r Replaced.
cast
262.2 at one of your Transposed.
brothers[,’/’,]
269.7 most embar[r]assing Inserted.
circumstances
303.10 26th of January, 1[726- Replaced
7/627]
344.8 dated “Philadelphia, Oct. Added.
14, 1787[”]
360.20 The agency of Replaced.
i[m/n]formation
367.10 annexed to that statio[n.] Added.
372.30 to the Linn[e/æ]an Replaced.
system
375.24 that Linn[e/æ]us Replaced.
pronounced him
388.18 on such occa[r/s]ions Replaced.
400.22 precisely the reverse.[”] Removed.
420.22 Mr. Ceracchi became Removed.
embarr[r]assed
455.34 Professor of Eng[g]lish Removed.
458.13 Mr. Ritten[ten]house Removed.
was not himself
477.19 [“]Observations on a Removed.
Comet
495.20 classical learning,[”] Added.
498.2 different systems of Removed.
theology.[”]
508.17 will be annihilated[:/.] Replaced.
512.12 of the human mind.[”] Removed.
513.24 the inha[h/b]itants of the Replaced.
British colonies
519.1 that Dr. Ritten[ten]house Removed.
533.23 the language of Dr. Added.
Reid, [“]fruitful
534.5 [“/‘]In God we live, and Replaced.
move,
534.6 and have our being.[’]” Inserted.
548.8 Venus a[u/n]d Mercury Inverted.
551.22 which jug[g]ling Inserted.
impostors
557.25 in the year 1260[,/.] Replaced.
558.42 by other e[n/m]inent Replaced.
astro[t/n]omers
564.18 their phases f[o/r]om full Replaced.
to new

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