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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The blackest
page in modern history: Events in Armenia in
1915
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and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
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you are located before using this eBook.
Language: English
By
Herbert Adams Gibbons, Ph.D.
Author of
“The Foundation of the Ottoman Empire,” “The
New Map of Europe,” etc.
G. P. Putnam’s Sons
New York and London
The Knickerbocker Press
1916
Copyright, 1916
BY
G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS
Second Impression
FOREWORD
THE war that started on August 1, 1914, has gradually involved
nations, large and small, not originally participants. Other nations,
large and small, while still managing to maintain an official neutrality,
have found themselves drawn into diplomatic controversies with both
groups of belligerents. With the exception of South America, the
continents of the world have sent contingents to fight in Europe. The
destinies of Africa, Asia, and Australia are at stake, and the destinies
of the western hemisphere will, long before the end is reached, be
influenced vitally by the tremendous events that are taking place in
Europe. We can, then, without exaggeration, call the war that was
provoked by the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to Servia, a world war.
Still in the midst of war, still prejudiced by our sympathies and our
interests, neither participants nor spectators are in a position to form
a definitive judgment upon the many problems of the origin of the
war, and upon controversial points that have arisen between the
belligerents and between belligerents and neutrals, because of acts
of war.
But can we assume the attitude of suspending judgment in regard to
all that has happened since August, 1914, and all that is happening
to-day? The world at heart is not cold-blooded. The world at heart is
not hopelessly selfish. The world at heart is not deaf to the appeal of
the innocent and helpless. Else we should have reason indeed to
believe in the complete disappearance of our twentieth-century
Christian civilization. If some issues are debatable, if some events
are obscure, if some charges and counter-charges cannot be
determined, there are others that can be determined.
It is because the Armenian massacres in Turkey are clearly
established, because responsibilities can be definitely fixed, and
because an appeal to humanity can be made on behalf of the
remnant of the Armenian race in the Ottoman Empire without the
slightest suspicion of political interest, that I feel it advisable and
imperative at this moment to call attention to what is undoubtedly the
blackest page in modern history, to set forth the facts, and to point
out the responsibilities.
Herbert Adams Gibbons.
Paris, December 1, 1915.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Foreword 5
Introductory 11
CHAPTER I
In April, 1915, the Ottoman
Government Began to Put into
Execution throughout Turkey a
Systematic and Carefully-
Prepared Plan to Exterminate the
Armenian Race. In Six Months
Nearly a Million Armenians have
been Killed. The Number of the
Victims and the Manner of their
Destruction are without Parallel
in Modern History 17
CHAPTER II
The Armenians, as a Race, have never
been, and are not, a Menace to the
Security of Turkey. They are
Blameless of the Charge of
Disloyalty, which has been the
Excuse for their Massacre and
Deportation 30
CHAPTER III
The Preservation of the Armenian 43
Element is Absolutely
Indispensable to the Well-being
and Prosperity of the Ottoman
Empire. It has been Proved
through Centuries that Christians
and Moslems are Able to Live in
Peace and Amity in Turkey, which is
Equally the Country of Both
CHAPTER IV
The German Government could have
Prevented this Effort at
Exterminating the Armenian Race,
but has Chosen Not to Do so.
There is Grave Reason to Believe
the German Government has
Welcomed, if not Encouraged, the
Disappearance of the Armenians
from Asia Minor, for the
Furtherance of German Political
and Commercial Designs on the
Ottoman Empire 54
Conclusion 65
Sources 69
INTRODUCTORY
IN the summer of 1908, when the Young Turks compelled Abdul
Hamid to re-establish the constitution he had granted, and almost
immediately suppressed, at the beginning of his reign thirty years
before, they had a good press throughout the civilized world. Writers
of all nations lauded the Young Turks, and described in glowing
terms the wonderful future of the Ottoman Empire under the régime
of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. The goodwill of Europe and
America, and practical encouragement as well, was given to the
reformers of Turkey in every possible way. Especially among the
Powers, Great Britain and France aided the Young Turks to establish
the new régime by lending them money and capable advisers for the
Treasury and Navy, the two departments of the Turkish Government
that were the weakest.
One has only to look through the files of the newspapers of
Occidental Europe to establish the truth of this statement. As one of
the group of writers for the European and American press on Turkish
affairs, during the first difficult (and disappointing!) years of the
constitutional régime, I can say honestly that our loyalty to the Young
Turks was unswerving. In the hope that the end would justify the
means, I am afraid that there was not one of us who did not
occasionally sin against his own convictions by suppressio veri, if not
by actual suggestio falsi. Occidental diplomacy was just as loyal to
Young Turkey as was Occidental journalism. Successive Grand
Viziers assured me that the loyal co-operation of London and Paris,
through willingness to forbear criticism and to leave much unsaid,
had made possible the maintenance of the newly-established
constitution throughout the first difficult winter, and the weathering of
the storm of Abdul Hamid’s attempted counter-revolution.
It was my fortune to go to Turkey during the first month of the new
régime, and to live in Asia Minor and Constantinople until after the
disastrous war with the Balkan States. From 1908 to 1913, I enjoyed
exceptional opportunities of travelling in European and Asiatic
Turkey, of becoming acquainted with the men who were guiding the
destinies of the Ottoman Empire, and of witnessing the fatal events
that changed in five years the hope of regeneration into the despair
of dissolution. At Smyrna, at Constantinople, and at Beirut, I took
part in the fêtes to celebrate the birth of the new régime, and saw the
ostensible reconciliation of Christian, Moslem, and Jewish elements.
Christian priests and Moslem ulema embraced each other and drove
through the streets in triumphal procession in the same carriages.
Above all, from the very beginning, I was in a position to become
intimately acquainted with the Armenians of Turkey and to find out
their real sentiments towards the Young Turks and the new régime. I
was in Adana, in April, 1909, when their enthusiastic loyalty was
rewarded by a massacre of thirty thousand of them in Cilicia and
northern Syria. I was able to observe the attitude of the Armenians
before the massacre. Their blood was spilled before my eyes in
Adana. I was with them in different places after the fury of the
massacre had passed.
This preamble in the first person is reluctantly written. But I feel that
it must be given, in order that I may anticipate exception to my
statements on the ground that I am “not acquainted with the
problem,” and that “it is impossible for an outsider to form a judgment
on these matters.” For I have always found that the Turk and his
friends, when you speak to them on the Armenian question, flatly
deny your facts and challenge the competency of your judgment. It is
necessary, then, for me to state that the facts set forth here are given
with intimate personal knowledge of their authenticity, and that the
judgments passed upon these facts are the result of years of study
and observation at close range.
CHAPTER I
In April, 1915, the Ottoman Government Began to Put
into Execution throughout Turkey a Systematic and
Carefully-prepared Plan to Exterminate the
Armenian Race. In Six Months Nearly a Million
Armenians have been Killed. The Number of the
Victims and the Manner of their Destruction are
without Parallel in Modern History.
IN the autumn of 1914, the Turks began to mobilize Christians as
well as Moslems for the army. For six months, in every part of
Turkey, they called upon the Armenians for military service.
Exemption money was accepted from those who could pay. A few
weeks later the exemption certificates were disregarded, and their
holders enrolled. The younger classes of Armenians, who did not live
too far from Constantinople, were placed, as in the Balkan wars, in
the active army. The older ones, and all the Armenians enrolled in
the more distant regions, were utilized for road, railway, and
fortification building. Wherever they were called, and to whatever
task they were put, the Armenians did their duty, and worked for the
defence of Turkey. They proved themselves brave soldiers and
intelligent and industrious labourers.
In April, 1915, orders were sent out from Constantinople to the local
authorities in Asia Minor to take whatever measures were deemed
best to paralyse in advance an attempt at rebellion on the part of the
Armenians. The orders impressed upon the local authorities that the
Armenians were an extreme danger to the safety of the empire, and
suggested that national defence demanded imperatively anticipatory
severity in order that the Armenians might be rendered harmless.
In some places, the local authorities replied that they had observed
no suspicious activity on the part of the Armenians and reminded the
Government that the Armenians were harmless because they
possessed no arms and because the most vigorous masculine
element had already been taken for the army. There are some Turks
who have a sense of pity and a sense of shame! But the majority of
the Turkish officials responded with alacrity to the hint from
Constantinople, and those who did not were very soon replaced.
A new era of Armenian massacres began.
At first, in order that the task might be accomplished with the least
possible risk, the virile masculine Armenian population still left in the
cities and villages was summoned to assemble at a convenient
place, generally outside the town, and gendarmes and police saw to
it that the summons was obeyed. None was overlooked. When they
had rounded up the Armenian men, they butchered them. This
method of procedure was generally feasible in small places. In larger
cities, it was not always possible to fulfil the orders from
Constantinople so simply and promptly. The Armenian notables were
assassinated in the streets or in their homes. If it was an interior city,
the men were sent off under guard to “another town.” In a few hours
the guard would return without their prisoners. If it was a coast city,
the Armenians were taken away in boats outside the harbour to
“another port.” The boats returned astonishingly soon without the
passengers.
Then, in order to prevent the possibility of trouble from Armenians
mobilized for railway and road construction, they were divided in
companies of from three hundred to five hundred and put to work at
intervals of several miles. Regiments of the Turkish regular army
were sent “to put down the Armenian revolution,” and came suddenly
upon the little groups of workers plying pickaxe, crowbar, and shovel.
The “rebels” were riddled with bullets before they knew what was
happening. The few who managed to flee were followed by mounted
men, and shot or sabred.
Telegrams began to pour in upon Talaat bey at Constantinople,
announcing that here, there, and everywhere Armenian uprisings
had been put down, and telegrams were returned, congratulating the
local officials upon the success of their prompt measures. To neutral
newspaper men at Constantinople, to neutral diplomats, who had
heard vaguely of a recurrence of Armenian massacres, this
telegraphic correspondence was shown as proof that an imminent
danger had been averted. “We have not been cruel, but we admit
having been severe,” declared Talaat bey. “This is war time.”
Having thus rid themselves of the active manhood of the Armenian
race, the Turkish Government still felt uneasy. The old men and
boys, the women and children, were an element of danger to the
Ottoman Empire. The Armenians must be rooted out of Turkey. But
how accomplish this in such a way that the Turkish Ambassador at
Washington and the German newspapers might be able to say, as
they have said and are still saying, “All those who have been killed
were of that rebellious element caught red-handed or while
otherwise committing traitorous acts against the Turkish
Government, and not women and children, as some of these
fabricated reports would have the Americans believe?” Talaat bey
was ready with his plan. Deportation—a regrettable measure, a
military necessity—but perfectly humane.
From May until October the Ottoman Government pursued
methodically a plan of extermination far more hellish than the worst
possible massacre. Orders for deportation of the entire Armenian
population to Mesopotamia were despatched to every province of
Asia Minor. These orders were explicit and detailed. No hamlet was
too insignificant to be missed. The news was given by town criers
that every Armenian was to be ready to leave at a certain hour for an
unknown destination. There were no exceptions for the aged, the ill,
the women in pregnancy. Only rich merchants and bankers and
good-looking women and girls were allowed to escape by professing
Islâm, and let it be said to their everlasting honour that few availed
themselves of this means of escape. The time given varied from two
days to six hours. No household goods, no animals, no extra clothing
could be taken along. Food supply and bedding was limited to what
a person could carry. And they had to go on foot under the burning
sun through parched valleys and over snow-covered mountain
passes, a journey of from three to eight weeks.
When they passed through Christian villages where the deportation
order had not yet been received, the travellers were not allowed to
receive food or ministrations of any sort. The sick and the aged and
the wee children fell by the roadside, and did not rise again. Women
in childbirth were urged along by bayonets and whips until the
moment of deliverance came, and were left to bleed to death. The
likely girls were seized for harems, or raped day after day by the
guards until death came as a merciful release. Those who could
committed suicide. Mothers went crazy, and threw their children into
the river to end their sufferings. Hundreds of thousands of women
and children died of hunger, of thirst, of exposure, of shame.
The pitiful caravans thinned out, first daily, and later hourly. Death
became the one thing to be longed for: for how can hope live, how
can strength remain, even to the fittest, in a journey that has no end?
And if they turned to right or left from that road to hell, they were shot
or speared. Kurds and mounted peasants hunted down those who
succeeded in escaping the roadside guards.
They are still putting down the Armenian revolution out there in Asia
Minor. I had just written the above paragraph when an English
woman whom I have known for many years came to my home. She
left Adana, in Cilicia, only a month ago. Her story is the same as that
of a hundred others. I have the identical facts, one eye-witness
testimony corroborating the other, from American, English, German,
and Swiss sources. This English woman said to me, “The
deportation is still going on. From the interior along the Bagdad
Railway they are still being sent through Adana on the journey of
death. As far as the railway exists, it is being used to hurry the work
of extermination faster than the caravans from the regions where
there are no railways. Oh! if they would only massacre them, and be
done with it, as in the Hamidian days! I stood there at the Adana
railway station, and from the carriages the women would hold up
their children, and cry for water. They had got beyond a desire for
bread. Only water! There was a pump. I went down on my knees to
beg the Turkish guard to let me give them a drink. But the train
moved on, and the last I heard was the cry of those lost souls. That
was not once. It was almost every day the same thing. Did Lord
Bryce say eight hundred thousand? Well, it must be a million now.
Could you conceive of human beings allowing wild animals to die a
death like that?”
But the Turkish Ambassador in Washington declares that these
stories are “fabrications,” and that “no women and children have
been killed.”
CHAPTER II
The Armenians, as a Race, have never been, and are not,
a Menace to the Security of Turkey. They are
Blameless of the Charge of Disloyalty, which has
been the Excuse for their Massacre and
Deportation.
IN commenting upon the report of the American Committee, on
Armenian Atrocities, Djelal Munif bey, the Turkish Consul-General in
New York, declared: “However much to be deplored may be these
harrowing events in the last analysis, we can but say the Armenians
have only themselves to blame.” Djelal Munif bey went on to explain
that the Armenians had been planning a revolution, and were killed
by the Turkish soldiers only after they had been caught “red-handed
with arms in their hands, resisting lawful authority.”
This has been the invariable explanation for the massacre of
Armenians in Turkey. We heard it in 1895-1896 and in 1909. We
have been hearing it again in 1915. But facts to substantiate it have
never been given. On the other hand, there exists overwhelming
evidence of the most convincing character to show how inadmissible
it is as an explanation, how baseless it is as a charge.
I have talked personally with, or have seen letters and reports from,
American missionaries and consular officials of all nations, who were
witnesses of the massacres of 1895 and 1896. At that time, as a
result of unendurable persecution and injustice, certain organizations
of young men, of the type the French call exaltés, banded together in
secret societies, an imitation of internal organizations in Russia,
agitated, within the Ottoman Empire and abroad, for a more
favourable treatment of Armenians and other Christians. Some of
these exaltés certainly advocated, and tried to work for, the
independence of Armenia. But the propaganda never gained favour
in ecclesiastical circles, nor ground among the great mass of the