Professional Documents
Culture Documents
STRANG socialAndNaturalSciences Environment
STRANG socialAndNaturalSciences Environment
DOI 10.1007/s10668-007-9095-2
Veronica Strang
Received: 18 January 2006 / Accepted: 20 March 2007 / Published online: 12 June 2007
Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2007
In collaboration with a range of social and natural scientists. The workshop that initiated this paper was
attended by the following researchers and resource managers: Eva Abal (Natural scientist, Scientific
Coordinator, Healthy Waterways, Queensland) Lyn Aitkin (at the time of the workshop, Senior Natural
Resource Officer, Queensland Government, Natural Resources and Mines, now Policy and Research
Coordinator with the Department of Justice and Attorney-General) John Bradley (Anthropologist, Monash
University) Leah Burns (Anthropologist, Griffith University) Elaine Green (Geologist, Healthy Waterways
Liaison Officer, Queensland) Lesley Jolly (Anthropologist, University of Queensland) Geoff Lawrence
(Sociologist, University of Queensland) Helen Ross (Interdisciplinary Social Scientist, University of
Queensland) Marie Seeman (Post-graduate student, University of Western Australia) Veronica Strang
(Anthropologist, University of Auckland) Franca Tamisari (Anthropologist, University of Queensland)
Sandy Toussaint (Anthropologist, University of Western Australia) Though the following were not at the
workshop, they also provided informal input to the discussion: Karen Bakker (Assistant Professor of
Geography, University of British Colombia) Damien Burrows (Freshwater biologist, James Cook Univer-
sity) Susie Chapman (Queensland Government, Natural Resources and Mines Community Support Officer)
Allan Dale (Queensland Government, Natural Resources and Mines, General Manager of Regional NRM
Taskforce) Steve Dawson (Environmental Scientist, Northern Gulf Regional Management Group) Michael
Digby (Land and Sea Management Coordinator, Northern Gulf Regional Management Group) Ruth Dow
(Queensland Government, Natural Resources and Mines, Policy Officer, Water Planning) Jim Fewings
(Environmental Protection Agency) Stephanie Hogan (Geologist, Queensland Government, Natural Re-
sources and Mines) Brad Jorgenson (Psychologist, University of Queensland) Rob Lait (Hydrogeologist,
Australasian Groundwater and Environmental Consultants) Annette Magee (Policy Officer, Water Planning,
Brisbane City Council) Mark O’Donahue (South-East Queensland Water Corporation/Healthy Waterways,
Queensland) Annie Ross (Archaeologist/Anthropologist, University of Queensland) Jenifer Simpson (Re-
searcher, Conservationist, Queensland) Viv Sinnamon (Geographer/Anthropologist and Community Support
Officer, Burnett-Mary Regional Group for Natural Resource Management) Michael Strong (Archaeologist,
Consultant, ‘Archaeo’, Brisbane) John Tisdall (Economist, Griffith University) Robin Trotter (Historian,
Griffith University) Adrian Volders (Executive Officer, Natural Resource Management, South-East
Queensland) Richard Walton (Hydrologist, WRM Water and Environment, Brisbane) Ian Webb (Envi-
ronmental scientist, Northern Gulf Regional Management Group).
Readers should send their comments on this paper to [email protected] within 3 months of publication
of this issue.
V. Strang (&)
Department of Anthropology, University of Auckland, Private Bag 92019, Auckland 1001, New
Zealand
e-mail: [email protected]
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2 V. Strang
Abstract This paper considers the practical and intellectual challenges that attend efforts
to integrate the social and natural sciences in environmental research, and the broader
political, social and economic context in which this takes place. Based on the experiences
of researchers in Australia—but with obvious relevance for researchers in many coun-
tries—it is the outcome of an interdisciplinary workshop which brought together social and
natural scientists involved in environmental management. This event and the wider dis-
cussions that followed were initiated to enable researchers to exchange ideas about the
obstacles to interdisciplinary collaboration, and to discuss ways to overcome these. The
paper provides a summary of the issues and proposes some guidelines for interdisciplinary
collaboration. These may be summarised as follows:
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Integrating the social and natural sciences 3
1 Introduction
Anthropologist: ‘So, how are you integrating the social sciences into your research
programme?’
Regional Catchment Group Manager: ‘Well... er... we are talking to a lot of people, so
we figure we have got that covered’.1
This paper is an experiment in interdisciplinary2 publication, being the outcome of
discussions between social and natural scientists about the obstacles impeding their efforts
to collaborate. It attempts to draw together the key issues, to consider the broader social,
political and economic context from which these arise, and to propose some potential
guidelines for successful interdisciplinary collaboration. The discussions on which it is
based were initiated at an interdisciplinary workshop at the University of Queensland in
2004, bringing together a mixed group of social and natural scientists.3 Most of the quotes
in this paper are from that workshop, which was electronically recorded for this purpose.
An early draft of this discussion paper was then circulated to all the participants and to
other researchers in Australia, New Zealand and the UK. Additionally, one-to-one
interviews with a wider range of researchers (mostly in the natural sciences) were carried
out as an adjunct to a larger research project,4 and a related paper was presented at the
Australian Anthropology Society Conference in 2004. Both formal and informal feedback
from all parties has been incorporated at various stages.
It appears that the issues described in Queensland are reflected in the experiences of
researchers in other parts of Australia, and to some degree internationally. In accord with
the precepts of anthropological research, this paper locates the issues in the specific cul-
tural context that shapes and directs them, giving consideration to local and regional
dynamics, and to the wider social and political currents that shape research policy and
funding a national level. The location of this debate in an explanatory context is one of the
major contributions that anthropology can make to questions about interdisciplinary
collaboration, providing insights into the underlying dynamics that shape professional
relationships, and offering a holistic model which is encompassing of diverse intellectual
approaches. Plainly each specific social and political context will impose its own particular
pressures on research, offering a commensurately different set of potential avenues for
development. However, the methodological choice to locate the issues ethnographically is
1
Interview with Coordinator of the Northern Gulf Regional Management Group, 2004. In fact this group
has, in the past, made some use of social survey research but, as the quote implies, this does not seem to
have provided a vision of social research as an empirical science.
2
Definitions about what constitutes ‘interdisciplinary’ or ‘cross-disciplinary’ research seem to differ from
one country to another. Here I use the term ‘interdisciplinary’ to describe collaborative work by different
disciplinary practitioners on a shared research project. To me, ‘cross-disciplinary’ would tend to mean
drawing upon the methodologies of more than one discipline in a research task, and this might be done by a
single researcher. For a useful set of definitions and explorations of these different approaches see Grigg
(1999); Somerville and Rapport (2000); Lawrence et al. (2001); Lawrence (2003).
3
I invited approximately equal numbers of social and natural scientists to the workshop, but higher
numbers of social scientists accepted. As I am an anthropologist myself and my Australian colleagues are
familiar with my work there was a particularly high proportion of fellow anthropologists. Considerable
attempts were made to engage with a wider range of natural scientists subsequently, to even up the balance.
4
Many such opportunities arose in the course of a lengthy research project concerned with water man-
agement in two major river catchments in Queensland. Entitled Under Water: a comparative ethnographic
analysis of water use and resource management in Queensland and Western Australia, this project was
funded by the Australian Research Council and carried out in collaboration with Associate-Professor Sandy
Toussaint at the University of Western Australia.
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4 V. Strang
readily replicable in other contexts, and I hope that the proposed guidelines will provide a
usefully generalisable starting point.
The need to consider the obstacles to collaboration between the social and natural
sciences was highlighted during the course of a long-term ethnographic research project
focusing on the cultural issues surrounding water management in Australia. As well as
dealing with water users directly, this research entailed considerable interaction between
social scientists, environmental scientists, hydrologists, biologists and other natural sci-
entists, and with the local, regional and state agencies responsible for managing rivers,
water resources and the wider environment.
It was readily apparent, even in the preliminary stages of this research that, despite rhetoric
about ‘integrated catchment management’ and ‘triple bottom lines’, people’s efforts to
manage and conserve resources, and the research activities that attended these endeavours,
remained largely dominated by the natural or environmental sciences (see Pawson et al.
2003). Supposedly ‘integrated catchment management’ (ICM) in Australia is, in reality,
largely directed towards practical ecological issues such as water quality and flow, feral
animals and weeds, and the health of aquatic species. The social sciences, if not left out of the
picture entirely, are often marginalised or ‘tacked on’ inadequately and ineffectually. At the
same time, social and natural scientists agree that there is an urgent need to integrate social
and cultural issues into land and water management, and to enable this more integrated
approach through research collaborations. Both kinds of expertise are needed if we are to
succeed in explaining the complexities of global environmental problems and assist decision-
makers in finding solutions to these. It is plain, however, that meeting the need for interdis-
ciplinary research is very challenging in practice, and as one of the anonymous reviewers of
this paper commented, efforts need to be made by both sides:
It is true that the social sciences seldom are included in natural science projects.
When it happens, often the natural scientists get in contact with social scientists... It
is just as important for us (social scientists) to invite natural scientists to join our
projects. (Anonymous reviewer)
One of the most basic obstacles to integration is the differing conceptual frames to which
social and natural scientists subscribe (see Eggins and MacDonald 2003; Nowotny et al.
2001). In Australia (as in most industrialised countries), discourses about environmental
management are generally situated in a dualistic intellectual paradigm in which ‘nature’ is
perceived as being separate from human ‘culture’. Placed in the category of ‘nature’, ‘the
environment’ is therefore objectified in primarily technical, ecological terms, rather than,
as anthropologists have argued it should be, as simultaneously socio-cultural and eco-
logical (see Descola and Palsson 1996; Ellen and Fukui 1996; Strang 2005a, b; Abram
2001). This is a fundamental problem, as it is impossible to consider the social and cultural
aspects of human–environmental relationships without a model that recognises that
oppositional dualisms are merely heuristic, and ‘nature’ and ‘culture’ actually interpene-
trate each other.
In anthropological terms, humans are simultaneously biophysical and cultural, and their
material surroundings are, likewise, composed of processes that can and do occur inde-
pendently of human action, but are also constantly altered and acculturated by human
action. In other words, both humans and their environments are composed of ‘nature’ and
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Integrating the social and natural sciences 5
‘culture’. A dualistic model that reifies these as separate categories conceptually functions
as a significant barrier to genuinely ‘integrated’ analyses of environmental issues. Nev-
ertheless, the ‘nature-culture’ paradigm remains dominant in western thought, and
adherence to it is reflected in the academic structuring of Universities and research or-
ganisations. In most Universities the social and natural sciences, though brought together
in occasional attempts to induce collaboration, continue to function independently, and
interdisciplinarity requires the crossing of a considerable divide (see Lattuca 2001; Lee
et al. 2004; Weingart and Stehr 2000).
Another major obstacle is provided by the differing approaches to specialisation in the
sciences. Anthropologists and other social scientists necessarily make use of holistic
theoretical models that attempt to locate human behaviour in an explanatory social and
cultural context. Within these large and encompassing models, there is ample room for
consideration of biological and ecological processes (particularly in sub-disciplines such as
cognitive anthropology, biological anthropology, and environmental anthropology). Nat-
ural scientists, while familiar with efforts to consider the dynamics of ecosystems as a
whole, generally conduct much more specialised research and apply models to which
social issues are extraneous. Yet, more often than not, interdisciplinary research projects
are conceived from a natural science perspective, with an expectation that, if they do
include social data and analysis, these will somehow be compressed to fit a more reductive
theoretical paradigm. This is a recipe for frustration all round, affecting every subsequent
stage of the research.
Clearly there are other factors that could be discussed here: a general academic shift
towards more specialised and more technical types of inquiry; wide disparities in levels
of funding and support; political pressure for reductive and above all readily ‘appli-
cable’ research. The key point, though, is that there is a need for robust reflexive
critiques of the theoretical models that are used to consider ‘the environment’, and
more specifically a need to challenge the dualism that frames nature as a kind of
technical ecology.
While according parity to the theoretical models of the social and natural sciences, such
a discussion also needs to include an understanding that these are very different in form,
and the large and necessarily holistic approaches of the social sciences cannot be ‘reduced
to fit’ more specialised frameworks. An acceptance of this reality opens the way for more
integrated research that could elucidate the links between socio-cultural issues and material
ecological outcomes. There is thus a case for suggesting that a first stage of any collab-
orative project design should involve some very engaged discussions between the potential
participants about the theoretical frameworks in which the research will be located.
3 Integrating knowledges
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6 V. Strang
familiar or reductive forms, and this pressure is most likely to be placed on the qualitative
disciplinary areas. Unfortunately, this approach invariably fails to produce outcomes that
cohere intellectually. It is apparent that collaborative projects would have much better
prospects of success if researchers actually invested the time, funding (and commitment)
necessary to enable a fuller interdisciplinary exchange in the first place, and to continue
this throughout their collaboration.
This suggests a need for equality between the social and natural sciences, not just in
considering theoretical frameworks, but also in formulating the research questions and
making decisions about project design.
The process has to be egalitarian... there has to be mutual respect and each regarding
the other as indispensable... And equality of data too, so that my bit of participant
observation counts... as much as somebody else’s statistical analysis. (Franca
Tamisari, Anthropologist, University of Queensland, workshop participant)
Such equality is rarely achieved. Research collaborations are also social, economic and
political relationships to which people bring very unequal levels of social, economic and
political capital. Given the realpolitik of the academe, and of national funding regimes,
social scientists frequently find themselves as minority members of larger teams; as part-
timers in projects otherwise populated by full-time researchers; or as ‘afterthoughts’ to
projects dominated by more reductive approaches. This severely limits their potential
contribution, and perpetuates their exclusion from research concerned with the ‘natural’
environment. In addition to these delicate issues of relative wealth and status, each dis-
ciplinary area has a distinct ‘culture’ and ‘identity’ composed of its ways of thinking, its
theory and methods and its particular languages (see Somerville and Rapport 2000).
Collaborative research needs to be organised so that people can be confident that their
disciplinary identities will not be denigrated, appropriated, or consumed by assimilation.
Researchers differ widely in the extent to which they are comfortable engaging with
other disciplinary ‘languages’. Being ‘multi-lingual’ in these terms is relatively unpro-
blematic for social scientists, whose training and research requires them to engage with
multiple perspectives and adopt a culturally relative approach. Familiar with the challenges
of cross-cultural translation, they are well situated to apply a similarly translatory approach
in the micro-cosmic diversity of a mixed research group. Indeed, there is a good case for
using researchers with these kinds of skills more directly, to assist the process of cross-
disciplinary collaboration, and possibly to draw on the techniques of group facilitation
developed in other disciplines (see Adler et al 2004; Heron 1993; Hogan 2002; Hunter
et al. 1996).
The encompassment of new disciplinary ‘languages’ may appear less necessary and less
achievable to the more specialised sciences occupying a dominant discursive position in
the academe. The disparate levels of disciplinary status noted above mean that there are
commensurately varied levels of motivation for change, or openness to it.
It really depends on your position in the whole structure. Your attitude, and your
interpretation, and your perception... depend on where you are. (Eva Abal, Scientific
Coordinator, Healthy Waterways, Queensland, workshop participant)
Without a consciousness of the way that these underlying issues frame research, it is
inevitable that wider inequalities will be reflected in the design of research projects. Though
individual researchers may feel they can have little impact on the political and economic
context in which they work, they can at least make a contribution to change by recognis-
ing, in their own research activities, a need to begin with—and maintain—
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Integrating the social and natural sciences 7
intellectual and practical equalities. The previous discussion suggests that the outcome of
achieving equality in collaborative endeavours would entail a shift towards a more holistic
and inclusive approach.
4 Concepts in practice
Dominant intellectual paradigms are, inevitably, reflected not just in research, but also in
everyday practice. Thus a dualistic model of nature and culture can be readily discerned in
the structural organisation of the Government and non-government agencies involved in
caring for ‘the environment’. In Queensland, for example, the key Government agencies
deemed most directly responsible for land and water care, and given authority in this task
by National and State legislation, are Natural Resources and Mines, the Environmental
Protection Agency and, to a lesser degree, Queensland National Parks and Wildlife. The
Government and non-government agencies directed towards ‘social’ issues—or example,
the Department of Community Affairs—have no remit to consider environmental man-
agement. It is simply taken for granted that the ‘natural’ environment will be managed by
‘environmental’ agencies, which will be advised, in turn, by specialists located in the
‘environmental’ sciences.5
Visions of the ‘natural’ environment as a separate object, and all the assumptions that
attend this conceptual dualism, also percolate down through the various levels of gover-
nance to the regional agencies, local councils, and community groups directly involved in
managing land and resources. River catchment groups typically employ environmental
scientists or conservation specialists as coordinators, and draw in as key participants a high
proportion of people with related areas of knowledge and skill. Like the larger agencies,
they also rely heavily on advice from natural scientists.
Most catchment management groups also try to include representatives from a disparate
range of ‘stakeholders’. In Australia, this generally includes Aboriginal communities,
pastoralists, miners, fishers, environmental groups, tourism operators, farmers and so forth.
While indigenous communities have their own (highly integrated) models of the envi-
ronment,6 most of these groups consider the issues in accord with the dominant cosmo-
logical model to which they are exposed, conceptualising the environment as a separate
sphere of ‘nature’ to be managed in technical terms. As resource managers they tend to
valorise practical and experiential knowledge, and while they can quite readily relate to the
ecological material presented by natural scientists, very few have experience of the more
abstract complexities of social theory, the kinds of data and analysis that are the focus of
social science research, or the types of discourse that emerge from it. Social scientists
observe that even where extensive social research exists on the environmental issues of
concern, this is rarely—if ever—utilised by such groups. This is partly because many are
anxious about having to engage with unfamiliar kinds of information, and cannot see how
these might be usefully applied to environmental care. Sandy Toussaint cites a manager of
a conservation and land management office in the Kimberley area, who said:
5
See Carr (1994); Strang (2005c); Toussaint et al. (2005).
6
Aboriginal cosmology does not make meaningful use of any nature-culture dualism, and frames human–
environmental engagements in a highly integrated model that has—I have argued—had considerable
influence on theoretical developments in anthropology (see Strang 2006).
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8 V. Strang
I’ve met a few anthropologists in my time. They are a pretty interesting group of
people, but I just don’t get it: I don’t get what you are on about. (Research inter-
viewee in ‘Under Water’ project)
As Toussaint observes:
Of concern to me was that, despite him having had some contact with anthropolo-
gists, he really didn’t know what anthropology was. He had not engaged, had no
understanding, despite being exposed to the discipline. Nor had he been exposed to
the way in which the cultural activities of humans, of people as residents, workers, as
tourists, as researchers, as engineers, as designers and so on, were an important part
of any environmental equation... There has been a huge amount of ethnographic
work put together by anthropologists on culture... but it is often evident that such
depth of work is not accessible... it just doesn’t get through. (Sandy Toussaint,
anthropologist, University of Western Australia, workshop participant and collabo-
rator on Under Water project).
Introducing more complexity to the process is inevitably somewhat at odds with building
epistemological bridges, both in research terms, and in meeting political pressures to
ensure transparency in communicating findings with the wider community. As Eva Abal
also notes, with the promulgation of concepts such as ‘citizen science’, funding submis-
sions are increasingly demanding that research should be ultra-accessible to local com-
munities.7
Scientists are now under pressure to be accountable to the community... Submissions
are getting tougher and tougher, and they are ensuring that they become more rel-
evant or acceptable to the stakeholders. (Eva Abal, Scientific Coordinator, Healthy
Waterways, Queensland, workshop participant)
There are further moves in this direction: as Geoff Lawrence observes, various funding
bodies in Australia (for example the National Heritage Trust, and the National Action Plan
for Salinity and Water Quality) have embraced the idea that research will be directed and
funding by catchment groups and local communities.
It will be the catchment management groups who ‘invite’ scientists to tender for
research that the community would like undertaken. (Geoff Lawrence, Sociologist,
University of Queensland, workshop participant)
In Australia—and elsewhere—this is a political trend that social scientists should consider
very carefully. Although promulgated under the mantra of ‘democratising’ the research
process (and having obvious advantages for politicians keen to garner popularity), the idea
that research questions and funding should be directed by local communities carries a
significant threat to research quality. As well as radically disempowering academics by
failing to acknowledge any need for genuine expertise in research, it leaves the process
wide open to supporting only the interests, understandings and goals of dominant stake-
holder groups. There is thus an urgent need to critique such a loss of research indepen-
dence, and to ensure that funding decisions and research direction come from properly
qualified and politically independent bodies (such as the Australian Research Council), and
are not the handmaiden either of ‘the community’ or the Government.
7
See Lake Baroon Catchment Care Group (1995); Martin (1991); Nash (2001); Syme (1992); Verdec
(1998).
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Integrating the social and natural sciences 9
A further threat to the independence and quality of research, as Helen Ross points out,
comes from related political pressures to produce ‘goal directed’ research that can be
applied directly to practical problems, which sets up a gap between rich data and putatively
‘real’ research. As Elaine Green comments, the abstractions of social science analysis do
not translate readily into policy or practice. Having taken on a role with Queensland’s
‘Healthy Waterways’ organisation, as a geologist, she worked with historians and people
doing cultural mapping, but felt completely stumped when asked to turn this material into
‘management actions’.
Environmental management has come a long way, but it is beholden on anthropology
to define its utility and provide accessible outputs and explanations. (Elaine Green,
geologist, Healthy Waterways, Queensland, workshop participant)
Thus one of the major challenges of interdisciplinary research is to achieve forms of
communication that not only allow bridge building between disparate disciplines, but also
translate findings into widely accessible forms. As John Bradley observes, members of ‘the
community’ want scientists to communicate in plain English, citing one informant from his
own anthropological research:
You bloodyologists have got to get real. (Research interviewee)
So there is both the challenge of encouraging researchers to ‘learn each others languages’,
and the demand to produce findings in a form that allows communities to engage with
them.
Communities... don’t really care about jargon... In the scientific expert panel we’ve
got a scientist who we would never let out on the community, just because of that
scientific barrier. Once you come up with the technical jargon, whether it is from a
social scientist or a natural scientist, really you lose the community. (Eva Abal,
Scientific Coordinator, Healthy Waterways, Queensland, workshop participant)
This is a large task and good communication with local research users can only be achieved
realistically by including in research projects some extra time and expertise to bridge the
gap not just between different disciplinary areas, but between researchers and communi-
ties.
It is useful to acknowledge that there is an important political dimension to this equation
too. In practice, major social, economic, cultural and philosophical differences lie between
the groups involved in land and water management, and there are some highly contentious
issues relating to the ownership, control and use of resources. There are also major power
disparities between groups, which mean that, as John Bradley puts it: ‘people now know
that ‘‘stakeholder’’ doesn’t mean equality at all’.8 These issues, while central to social
science research, are rarely made explicit or examined in the process of land and resource
management. On the contrary, in the interests of harmonious co-management, any
potentially controversial social issues—although they may have very far-reaching impli-
cations for people’s engagement with resources—are left firmly outside the door.
Thus, although many subtle social negotiations do take place in and around the man-
agerial process, in overt terms there is both political and practical pressure to separate the
messy and controversial ‘human’ side of the human-environmental interaction from dis-
cussions about the material ‘natural’ environment. Given the political tensions about the
ownership of land and resources, some participants in catchment groups are also wary of
8
See Attwood and Arnold (1992); Pearson and Sanders (1995); Sinnamon (1992).
123
10 V. Strang
the potential of social analysis to upset the status quo, and are therefore not sympatheti-
cally disposed towards the social sciences.9
As Franca Tamisari notes:
Knowledge is always embedded in power relations, and there are situations where
you know the bridges are there, but they don’t want to cross them because this is out
of synch with what the most dominant stakeholders want to carry out. (Franca
Tamisari, Anthropologist, University of Queensland, workshop participant)
Yet as Geoff Lawrence points out:
We need social science, because when you add social sciences to Landcare we start
to see some other things going on... people are being marginalised, just like the
power relations in society in general. One of my students found that a number of
Landcare groups established in inland Queensland were formed in an attempt to
neutralise any critique of current agricultural practices, that is, by marginalising
‘greens’ and preventing them having a say. (Geoff Lawrence, Sociologist, University
of Queensland, workshop participant)
He argues that the social sciences are integral to facilitating local community engagement
with land and resource management organisations:
With all these elements we can see how important it is for us as social scientists to
understand how to collaborate with those involved, and to actually give some
commentary to the way the process is shaped. (Id.)
Natural scientists working with the Healthy Waterways Partnership in South-East
Queensland expressed similar concerns. The Partnership is a government sponsored
‘expert’ panel composed largely of natural scientists (though with a couple of quantitative
social scientists), which is intended to assist the management of local waterways through a
collaboration between scientists, government, industry and local community groups (see
Abal et al. 2002).10 But, though ‘we feel it’s all about working together’, the group’s
scientific coordinator, Eva Abal, remains keenly aware that:
The interactions of these different groups have not been documented... [although] the
social interaction of our different groups is critical... Awareness is good in education,
but I think we get to a stage where we would like to look at behavioural change. And
what are the requirements to actually arrive at behavioural change? (Eva Abal,
Scientific Coordinator, Healthy Waterways, Queensland, workshop participant)
Despite major efforts to incorporate the social sciences, the Partnership finds itself
subject to all the factors that make this integration difficult to achieve. The core
9
Clearly, in the Australian context, the issue of land rights, and the perception that social scientists have
assisted indigenous groups in this regard, has led to some political antipathy towards social science in
general and anthropology in particular (as was evident in the Hindmarsh Bridge case). This reality is
influential at various levels, but most particularly at a local level, where decisions are made by natural
resource users (whose votes often go to the National Party or One Nation) about the kinds of science they
want to incorporate into catchment management.
10
The structure of the Healthy Waterways Partnership is based on strong links with State agencies, a
scientific advisory group, a community and industry advisory group, and about 60 subsidiary catchment
management, industry and community groups. It also has legal support and various implementation groups,
and has gained considerably from the support of eminent (natural) scientists and the Lord Mayor of
Brisbane.
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Integrating the social and natural sciences 11
model to which it subscribes is largely that of the natural sciences; the social sciences
are present, but occupy a more marginal role; and the integration of social theo-
ries, discourses, methods and analyses has not happened as fully as the participants
would like.
It is plain that successful collaboration requires a major investment of time and energy.
There is a strong case for employing, on any interdisciplinary team, someone whose role is
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12 V. Strang
simply to enable communication and exchange between researchers, as well as between the
research team and potential research users. In addition to funding this type of input, it is
also essential to allocate sufficient time for this communication to happen not just at the
outset, but at each stage in the research.
It’s part of the relationship building that needs to go on, a lot of building trust... We
had half day weekly meetings... 10% of our time was in meetings, and we absolutely
needed all that time. (John Bradley, Anthropologist, Monash University, workshop
participant)
In a truly interdisciplinary project, the time invested is different, You need a lot more
time.... you need a lot of discussion time just for the team members to talk things
through, get to know each other... a big upfront investment on just getting mutual
understanding before you can power ahead. Building up teams of people with a
history of working together can be very very useful. (Lesley Jolly, Anthropologist,
University of Queensland, workshop participant)
There are various models for collective/group decision-making which may have some
potential to assist interdisciplinary research processes (see Brewer and Stern 2005; White
and O’Brian 1999). A useful example of good interdisciplinary practice is provided by the
Rural Economy and Land Use Programme in the UK (RELU), which is based at the Centre
for Rural Economy at the University of Newcastle. Funded by the Economic and Social
Research Council, this interdisciplinary programme has a specific remit to ‘inform policy
and practice with choices on how to manage the countryside and rural economies’, and it
does this by ‘harnessing the social and natural sciences for sustainable rural development’
(RELU, url, see also RELU 2006). RELU’s research projects contain a requirement that, at
regular stages, the various disciplinary participants have to ‘sign off’ on its progress,
indicating that they are happy with the direction of the research and feel that their particular
input has been properly included. Projects cannot proceed further until all have done so.
Even academics are not immune to the need to form positive social relationships in
order to work together.
Traveling together was very good... Traveling together as a group, and interpreting
the landscape to one another... Getting plastered together... Getting silly hair cuts –
the younger ones went and got tee shirts with jokes on them. (John Bradley,
Anthropologist, Monash University, workshop participant)
Something that is bound to emerge with a shared understanding of the different theo-
retical models and kinds of data involved, is an appreciation that social science research
generally requires far more diverse types of data than is commonly encompassed in
natural science projects, and that it takes more time to collect and analyse such a wide
range of data.
There is a huge variability in the time scales we are looking at. (Eva Abal, Scientific
Coordinator, Healthy Waterways, Queensland, workshop participant)
The larger time frame needed for social science cannot be reduced simply by adding
labour, as it may depend on long-term methods of data collection, such as participant
observation, lengthy interactions with informants, and the ability to tease out complex
social and cultural issues that have not previously been articulated.
This is particularly the case with most ‘in-depth’ qualitative disciplines such as
anthropology, which could reasonably be described as the ‘slow food’ of the social
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Integrating the social and natural sciences 13
sciences.11 Based on the premise that the only way to understand human behaviour is to
locate it in its social and cultural context, anthropology is committed to collecting a
comprehensive range of (largely qualitative) in-depth data about this context—or ‘envi-
ronment’—including its material and ecological aspects.12
Given these realities, it is practical to approach collaborative research, as Eva Abal puts
it ‘by recognising that we do have different time scales’ and then incorporating the dif-
ferent time spans needed for social and natural science research into projects more real-
istically. While this may seem somewhat outre´, it would be most logical to design projects
that actually give a ‘head start’ to slower forms of research, and acknowledge their larger
energy input with realistic funding allocations. This would begin to tackle the problem that
in the majority of putatively collaborative research projects, the social science participants
find that they are chronically underfunded in terms of conducting in-depth qualitative
research, and that there is far too little time allocated for data collection, analysis and
writing up.
This suggests that a useful principle would be to base project design on the idea that
each disciplinary area would be allocated time and funds, not in some arbitrary or com-
petitive sense, but in accord with its particular temporal needs, so that each could have an
equal opportunity to produce the best possible research outcomes.
Though they share a reliance on empirical data, there is considerable disparity in methods
of data collection in the social and natural sciences, and in the types and range of data
collected. There may be some common ground in quantitative approaches: for example
between material on household social composition and measurements of water use pat-
terns, but the material that is most likely to elucidate the relationship between these types
of data tends to be qualitative, diverse, and not—in general—quantifiable. Interdisciplinary
projects therefore have to tackle the problem that the types of data they produce are rarely
comparable, and do not mesh readily. Some efforts have been made to consider all kinds of
data as ‘multiple variables’, for instance with systems theory and other—for example—
economic modelling techniques (see Crane 2000; Schweitzer 2002, 2003) and even ‘agent
based’ modelling (see Paget 2000).13 There may be some scope—with research designed in
accord with some of the principles outlined below—for systems theory and modelling
exercises to contribute, as heuristic devices, to discussions about how to integrate social
and ecological systems. In the end, an interdisciplinary project will only produce a
coherent outcome if it has a coherent process of managing and integrating diverse data, and
this needs to be set up at the outset, managed carefully throughout, and brought into play in
the production of outputs.
11
‘Slow food’, as those interested in gourmet food will know, is food produced according to the premiss
that quality is all. Produced ‘traditionally’, entirely according to organic principles, and steadfastly refusing
any compromises towards ‘convenience’, it is meant to offer tastes, textures and experiences that are the
qualitative polar opposite of mass-produced ‘fast food’.
12
Obviously I am implying here that it might be useful if we used the term ‘environment’ more holistically
in the first place, acknowledging that it is both social and ecological.
13
For those unfamiliar with computer modelling, ‘agent based’ modelling is a sort of ‘organic’ approach in
which a number of ‘agents’ (variables) are given a set of rules or characteristics and then allowed to interact
and ‘evolve’ behaviours.
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14 V. Strang
8 Outputs
The disparities in form and approach that characterise data from the social and natural
sciences are reflected equally in the kinds of outputs that they generate. A common
expectation in research on environmental issues, because it has been largely dominated by
the natural sciences, is that input from the social sciences will be summarised to fit a style
of reporting that valorises brevity. This is a problem, particularly for the more qualitative
social scientists, who find that although it is certainly possible to highlight key findings, the
real value of their work lies in elucidating complexity and making sense of human
behaviour by locating it in its explanatory social and environmental context. Extracted
piecemeal from this context, much social data ceases to ‘make sense’ and seems either
facile or impenetrable.
There is a clear case, then, for suggesting a similar approach to outputs as with data.
Instead of trying to homogenise these to fit particular norms and expectations, it is more
practical to produce a range of complementary outputs that reflect the needs and qualities of
each of the disciplines involved, and to consider how these inform and support each other.
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Integrating the social and natural sciences 15
9 Conclusion
It is possible to distil, from the interactions of social and natural scientists referred to here,
as well as from other writing on this topic, a set of general principles that I hope will
facilitate cross-disciplinary research, from its initial design stages through to completion.
Many of the suggested improvements involve the addition of time, funds or people spe-
cifically to assist the collaborative process and the communication of its findings. The
implication is that collaborative research will, as a result, cost more than the sum of its
parts. However—done successfully—I would argue that it also has the potential to yield
much more than the sum of its parts, amply justifying the greater investment that it
requires. Researchers embarking on collaborative projects might do well, therefore, to be
bold in allocating time and funds to support the collaboration and ensure that ‘integration’
moves from rhetorical to real.
It is useful to summarise the suggestions that emerged from the workshop at the Uni-
versity of Queensland, and related discussions. These suggest, above all, an overriding
need for equality between the social and natural sciences. This equality needs to be
manifested at each stage in the research process: in constructing working relationships, in
discussing and negotiating research questions, in dealing with different theoretical para-
digms, in allocated resources realistically, and in using and valorising different kinds of
data, analysis and output.
Another overriding need is for there to be, in the academe and in public discourse, a
robust reflexive critique of the conceptual models that are used to consider ‘the environ-
ment’, to challenge the dualism that separates and compartmentalises ‘nature’ as a kind of
technical ecology. Only when this dualistic model is questioned and found wanting, will it
be possible to shift public discourse towards more integrated holistic models. In the aca-
deme, if social and natural scientists are to work together successfully, research design
therefore needs to begin with an in-depth discussion about theory, and efforts to ensure that
all participants are able to make use of (or at least see where their research fits into) a
model that conceptually integrates socio-cultural and biophysical complexities.
At the proposal development stage of collaborative projects, participants need to have
equal input into the design of all stages of the research: its key questions, the basic
approach, and the kinds of methods, data and analysis that will be used. All of the dis-
ciplines in the research really need to achieve at least a basic understanding of the types of
theory, methods, data and analysis used by the others. This implies considerable knowl-
edge sharing, and thus a commitment of a significant amount of time to be spent in
communication between the participants. Participants might consider drawing on tech-
niques for group facilitation and collective decision-making. Time and funding should be
built into the process to enable this interdisciplinary exchange. These discussions need to
be maintained throughout the project, so that data is brought into a shared model sys-
tematically, and can be analysed and reported coherently. There is a good case for fol-
lowing the practice recommended by RELU (Ibid.), of checking that all participants are in
accord and happy with the progress of the work at regular stages during the project.
Given the political demands for ‘public accountability’ and ‘accessibility’, time and
funding should also be allocated to enable communication between the research team and
potential research users. However, there are some question marks over the (often uncrit-
ically accepted) mantra that good research is accessible research. While public commu-
nication about research is useful and certainly politic, a requirement that research must be
‘accessible to all’ may not engender good research practice and high quality outcomes.
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16 V. Strang
There is a real need for research to be conducted without undue influence from ‘stake-
holders’ and external funders. Thus, in major projects, there is a case for employing
someone with appropriate expertise, whose role is to liaise with potential research users,
while also protecting the independence of the research. Such a person might also facilitate
communication within the team.
Academics bring a great deal of passion and commitment to their work, and identity is
thus an emotive issue. Careful consideration should therefore be given to the ‘profile’ of
collaborative research projects, so that all the participants can feel confident that their
disciplinary identities will not be denigrated, appropriated, or consumed by assimilation.
They also need to be sure that their particular disciplinary needs will be met. For example,
in the development of timetables and budgets for research, there needs to be much greater
recognition of different temporal needs. Rather than imposing a schedule that reflects only
some disciplinary timeframes, each disciplinary area should be allocated time and funds in
accord with its particular temporal realities.
Interdisciplinary projects have to tackle the problem that the types of data they produce
are rarely comparable, and do not mesh readily. Potential collaborators should give some
thought to how their various kinds of data will be managed, and whether they can be
incorporated into—or at least linked with—systemic schemes that will encourage inte-
grative ways of managing and possibly reconceptualising their information. Similarly, at
the other end of any collaborative project, rather than being homogenised, the outputs
should also reflect the diverse needs and qualities of each of the disciplines involved.
Consideration should also be given to how outputs will be integrated or at least linked
systematically, and how they can inform and support each other.
Finally, any collaboration between different disciplines introduces into the research
process a new set of challenges and potential advantages. The designers of interdisciplinary
projects should therefore be bold in allocating realistic amounts of time and funds to
support the kinds of changes in research design that will lead to successful collaborations
between the social and natural sciences.
I would conclude by expressing a hope that this paper demonstrates the need to locate
the issues in a specific cultural context, and to consider its particular effects on the research
process. I also hope, though, that the issues and recommendations set out here provide a
least a useful starting point for researchers in a variety of different cultural contexts.
Acknowledgements I would like to thank the workshop participants in Queensland, who put time aside to
engage with this topic; my Australian research collaborator, Sandy Toussaint, who provided much helpful
advice; post-graduate student, Marie Seeman, who took diligent notes of the workshop discussions and
recorded the discussion electronically; and Keitha Brown, who provided invaluable administrative support.
Geoff Lawrence and the University of Queensland School of Social Sciences were kind enough to host the
event, and to give me a congenial and supportive academic base for my research in Australia. Funding for
the workshop was provided by the Australian Research Council. I would also like to thank the wider group
of social and natural scientists in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the UK who contributed to dis-
cussions on this topic and offered feedback on early drafts of this paper, and the editor and the anonymous
reviewers for Environment, Development and Sustainability, who made further helpful comments.
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