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Oromo Indigenous Con Ict Resolution Institutions: An Example of African Indigenous Institutions
Oromo Indigenous Con Ict Resolution Institutions: An Example of African Indigenous Institutions
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ABSTRACT
The paper briefly introduces and explains the essence of indigenous Oromo conflict resolution
institutions and an example of African Indigenous institutions that are relevant for the current condition of
Africa in general and Oromo society in particular. It also illustrates how Oromo Indigenous institutions had
functioned as a socio-political institution by preventing conflict oppression and exploitation and by promoting
relative peace, security, sustainable development, and political sovereignty, and how those Indigenous
institutions organized Oromo society around economic, cultural and religious institutions. Finally, the paper
explores how the Oromo Indigenous Institutions play a role in preventing conflict and achieving sustainable
peace for multinational democracy and struggles to revive and revitalize the Oromo democratic tradition.
INTRODUCTION
Prior to their colonization during the European Scramble for Africa by the alliance of European
imperialism and colonialism (Holcomb and Ibssa, 1990 cited in Aseffa, 2005),the Oromo people were
independent and organized both culturally and politically using their own Institutions like of gadaa system
(Oromo democratic Socio-political institutions) to promote their peace and to maintain their security and
sovereignty.Conflict is an inevitable phenomenon since human beings exist on earth. The cost of conflict is
also varied on the systems that the conflicting parties used to settle their dispute.Conflict is not a new
phenomenon in the history of human beings. That means it always exists as long as human beings live
together and it is an inevitable human experience. Conflict can be understood as engagement in a fight or
possible confrontation between two or more parties as aspiring towards incompatible or competitive means
or ends (University of Peace, 2005).
There are two ways of conflict resolution institutions, i.e. the formal and informal. According to
(Macfarlane, 2007) the formal one is conducted in the court through litigation with official recognition of the
government and tends to be more strictly examined and monitored whether there are signs of impartiality,
entrenched inequities and lack of due process. Indigenous or sometimes called informal conflict resolution
institutions is the ancient set of practices in almost all the societies in the world in general and Oromo
people in particular with an ultimate application of third party arbitration and mediation (United Nations,
2010).
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The Oromopeoplehave their own varieties of customary practices. Among these practices they have
indigenous conflict resolution institutions which are more than helping the people to build solidarity and
peaceful coexistence among them. It has a gap filling role for the state made laws. They are such as Gadaa
system or Abba Gadaa council, Jaarsummaa, Qaalluu institution or decision of spiritual
leaders,gumaasystem, and siiqqee institution etc.Gadaa system is one of the interesting ways of conflict
resolution institution and well respected among the Oromo community in Ethiopia (Deselegnetal, 2007:
148).During their long history of egalitarian culture, the Oromo developed a uniquely democratic socio-
political structure known as Gadaa” (Cerulli, 1922; Hunting ford, 1955; Asmerom, 1973; Melbaa, 1991 cited
in Kuwe, 1997: 116) which can be taken as a symbol of practicing collective approach. Gadaa system of
conflict resolution is one that deserves attention. This institution is well respected by the Oromo society at
large in the country. If this indigenous knowledge can be controlled, then it is thought that it can be a means
through which sustainable development can be achieved (Ibid). However, there exists a weak relationship
between these statutory and customary institutions in the management of natural resources and conflict
resolution. The Gadaaleaders play important roles in natural resources management. While the rules and
regulations laid down by the Gadaainstitution must be respected by all councils of elders, any problem
regarding resources use which could not be solved by these elders would be handled by the higher
Gadaaleaders(Jemila,2014:2).
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takes space. Therefore, the researcher would like to inform the readers to refer from the above mentioned
and other sources to capture the full image of gadaa system in general and its role in indegenious conflict
resolutions.
Gumaa isinstitution of conflict resolution, compensation paid for wrong doingand its one of the
Oromo indigenous institutions of conflict resolution, justice administration and peace-building that was able
to persist and functions to date. These prevailing indigenous institutions of conflict resolution, justice
administration and peace-building have mostly been analyzed from developmental, anthropological,
sociological and points of view (Ibid).Gumaa is derived from the gadaasystem, or working in parallel with it,
there are other nonviolent methods of conflict resolution, justice administration and peace-building such as
michuu, harma-hodhaa, luba-baasa, moggaasaa and waadaa (Asaffa ,2012).
Tsega (2002) gives a good account of michuu, harma-hodhaa, luba-baasa and moggaasaa. The
meanings of waadaahave been addressed by Asaffa (2012),Dejene (2007 cited in Meron, 2010) gives an
account of gumaa; its rituals and purification ceremonies. Ibrahim have discussed jaarsummaaat some
depth (Ibrahim, 2005). It has to be bear in mind that the term gumaa carries multiple meanings Dejene
(2007 cited in Meron, 2010). This is why it has often been misunderstood by scholars not well versed in
Afaan Oromo, the language of the Oromo, and Oromo culture.
For example, in her article, Ye “ShakochChilot” (the court of the sheikhs): A traditional institution of
conflict resolution in Oromiazone of Amhara regional state, Ethiopia. MeronZeleke(2010) depicts the term
gumaaas if it refers solely to killing for revenge. In connection with this, Meron (2010) added that states
that killing for revenge is a cultural value of the Oromo. This is not shown by the term gumaa. The word
gumaa, alone and in connection with other words also carries different meanings in different parts of
Oromia. For example, warra-gumaa means parties at blood feud; gumaa-baasuu means killing for revenge,
gumaa-nyaachuu means receiving blood price, gumaa means feud, and gumaa may also refer to a large
piece of meat (Dejene, 2007 cited in Meron, 2010).
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Furthermore, the term gumaa is most often used to refer to compensation and rituals for
purification after homicide. This latter meaning of the word is much more common. In contrary to Meron s
understandings of gumaa, it should be emphasized that the Oromo regard peace and forgiveness as higher
values than revenge and retaliation (Asafa, 2012).This is shown by the existence of numerous indigenous
methods of conflict resolution, justice administration and peace-building among the Oromo. Peace and
forgiveness are two very interrelated and interdependent concepts that pervade all aspects of the Oromo
life. In fact, forgiving is a non-violent means to peace. Peace has a special place and value among the Oromo
and it is expressed in greetings, songs, prayers, proverbs, blessings, folklore, and public speeches (Asafa,
2012). The place and value of peace among the Oromo has been well described in the Oromo Studies
Association (OSA, 2008 cited in Teressa, 2016). Peace (nagaa) is central to Oromo ritual and ceremonial
activities, to administrative and legal functions, to traditional religion, morality, and social life, and the
conduct of politics. For the Oromo, peace is an essential to an orderly universe and societal wellbeing that
humans must pursue (Oromo Studies Association, 2008 cited in Teressa, 2016). It is clearly noticeable from
the quote above that the Oromos world view of peace transcends short-lived conflict resolution. Peace
largely concerns an orderly universe and societal well-being. Among the Oromo, an orderly universe and
societal well-being are prioritized over individual or personal well-being and interest. Therefore, the ultimate
goal of any type of peace is communal well-being in an orderly universe (Oromo Studies Association, 2008
cited in Teressa, 2016).
In short, for the Oromo there cannot be an orderly universe and societal well-being without peace
and thus peace is highly valued among them. Since peace is so valued among the Oromo people, there are
various mechanisms to restore peace when it is lost for whatever reason and sustain it. Gumaa is one of
such many mechanisms for the restoration of peace. Asaffa (2012) defines the core meaning of the word
guma as follows: gumaa is a general institution of settling blood feuds. It is an indigenous institution of
settling blood feuds between parties in conflict. Some scholars tend to view conflict resolution and peace-
building mechanisms drawn from and grounded in African and other non-western cultures as traditional
approaches comparing with those from the western cultures (Desalegn et al, 2005; Tsega, 2002; Dejene,
2007; Meron, 2010 cited in Teressa, 2016).
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wield a special religious power where they draw an enormous moral and ritual authority. Men, therefore, try
to avoid their curse and seek their blessings .Women in general are symbolically and politically luminal and
correspondingly enjoy special sacred power as a class. people respect and revere a woman because Waaqaa
made her to be respected and revered .Interference with a woman’s sacred authority is regarded as violating
seeraWaaqaa and safu” (Kuwee, 1997:127).
A man who violated women’s individual and collective rights could be corrected through
reconciliation and pledging not to repeat the mistakes or through women’s reprisal ritual: A group of women
“ambush the offender in the bush or on the road, bind him, insult him verbally using obscene language that
they would not normally utter in the direct presence of an adult male pinch him, and whip him with leafy
branches or knotted strips of cloth. In extreme cases, they may force him to crawl over thorny or rocky
ground while they whip him.They demand livestock sacrifice as the price to cease their attack. If he refuses,
they may tie him to a tree in thebush and seize one of his animals themselves, then other men rarely
intervene” (Kelly, 1992:187).AssefaJalata has briefly discussed about the roles of siiqqeein Oromo societies
based on the idea of Kuwe. He has written that; if the peace between men and women was broken, a
siiqqeerebellion was initiated to restore the law of God and the moral and ethical order of
society.TheGadaaand siiqqeeinstitutions greatly influenced the Oromo value system in pre-colonial (Pre
1880s) Oromo society. These two institutions helped to maintain safu(Oromo moral codes) in Oromo society
by enabling Oromo women to have control over resources and private spaces, social status and respect,
sisterhood and solidarity by deterring men from infringing upon their individual and collective
rights.Recognizing the importance of the Gadaasystem, Oromo nationalists are struggling to restore the
system (Asafa, 2012: 4). Kuwe and Tolosa assert that as a stick and symbol of marriagesiiqqeeis given to the
bride and hororo to the bridegroom on the day of their marriage. As symbols of women's power most
writers are agreed up on the idea that siiqqeeis given to women by Gadaaleaders. (BulaSirika 2009: 9 cited in
Jemila, 2014)has stated that the Oromo women had been given a shelter in the Gadaasystem and the Abba
Gadaawas given a siiqqee, ritual stick, to take home for his wife by the Qaalluu, the spiritual leader. The
siiqqeewas granted her to use whenever she performs important ritual performances and to symbolize her
feminine rights and respect. Similarly, (Jeylan, 2004: 113 cited in Jemila, 2014) has wrote that "the Abba
Gadaawas also given a siiqqee(ritual stick) and a qanafaa(sacred piece of wood) to take home for his wife.
The ritual stick was granted her to use when she performs anointment (and other important ritualistic
performances) as well as to symbolize her hanfala (feminine) mirga(rights) and wayyoomaa(respect)."
(Tolosa, 2011:24 cited in Jemila, 2014). According to him "siiqqeecame into being in the Oromo culture with
the Gadaasystem which has governed the social, religious, political and economic life of the Oromo people
for many centuries. (Esrael, 2009: 31 cited in Asafa, 2012) has pointed out that “siiqqee is a Gadaasystem in-
built mechanism that can be seen as a means of check and balance to the men dominated Oromo social
order. He has said that women can stop violent conflict that can happen between clans by using their
siiqqee. As Asmerom (1973: 279) has stated that physically siiqqeeis a stick, but as the custodians of Oromo
oral literature say, a deeper and richer symbolic meaning of it should be sought within the context of the
history and culture of the people who defined, named and practiced it.
A woman can use her siiqqeeto enforce women's rights and resolve conflicts according to the
traditional law of the Oromo. If she sees peoples fighting, she can use their siiqqeesto intervene. They will
put their siiqqeebetween the fighters to separate them while the community elders come to resolve the
conflict. The men do not challenge to continue fighting in the presence of the siiqqeesince they are bound by
tradition and culture to the traditional law of the Oromo (Jane etal, 2008: 10). Using sticks that symbolize as
peace is not only found in Oromo society. There is the same institution with that of siiqqeeof Oromo women
known as yakkain Sidama society in which the group of women can resolve conflict by using their siqqoor
stick. Accordingly, the Sidama women can use their siqqoto control and defend over their rights. Specially,
when man beaten his wife or pregnant wife the yakkagroup would come together in front of their leader
and resolve the conflict (Ibid, 2008:12). In addition to these according to this writers in most parts of
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Ethiopia in different ethnic group such as women Abagarin Wollo area of Amhara region, Gambela women,
Debarteof Raya-Azebo in Southern Tigray are some the examples of women that can seen as source of peace
like that of Oromo and Sidama community. Therefore, Kuwee believe that we should have to reviving
Siiqqeeon a new basis. She has written that; the most important principle of siiqqee is building sisterhood
and allying to fight against oppression. For the Oromo women of the old times, the countervailing group was
just the Oromo male. In the contemporary world, however, forms of oppression and its perpetrators have
been multiplied; domination, oppression, and exploitation have been globalized; and Oromo women have
been pushed down to the bottom-most rung of the economic, political, and social ladder of the emerging
world-wide oppressive hierarchy. But they are not fragile objects that are easily crushed under this
formidable weight. They are, indeed, challenging the system as they are being changed by it. It is within this
process of their dynamic multifarious struggle that the prospects of reviving siiqqeeon a new basis must be
examined (Kuwee, 1997: 140). In Oromo community, family ties and community networking are constantly
respected, maintained and strengthened. When there is a conflict between different parties, main concern is
given to restore the relationships. During the conflict resolution, which would normally involve supporters of
the conflicting parties and the local elders meant to talk the matters through, relationships are given main
attentions. Women are among those local elder who plays special roles in peace building using their
siiqqeerights.
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representatives went to him from far and near places to receive his blessings, AbbaaMuudaa commanded
them “not to cut their hair and to be righteous, not to recognize any leader who tries to get absolute
powerand not to fight among themselves” (Ibid).In its modified form, the qaalluu institution exists in some
parts of Oromia, such as in the Gujiand Borana areas; it still protects an Oromo way of life, such as
dispensing of local justice based on Oromo customs and providing solutions to problems created by a
changing social condition (Knutsson, 1967: 133-135).
The qaalluus of Guji and Borana are ritual leaders, advisors, and ritual experts in the gadaa system.
The qaalluus “possess the exclusive prerogative of legitimizing the different gadaa officials, when a new
gadaa group is initiated into the politically active class” (Knutsson, 1967: 142). The Oromo still practice some
elements of Oromo democratic values in the areas where the gadaa system was suppressed a century ago.
The gadaasystem is still practiced in the Borana and Gujiregions in its modified form; it helps maintain
peace, exchange knowledge and practice rituals among some clans and regional groups (De Loo, 1991: 25).
CONCLUSION
Every society has developed an institution that could help to manage conflict of various natures.
Research shows that all societies across the world have institutional settings and mechanisms of conflict
resolutions institutions among themselves and with other groups. Like as other societies built up their own
ways of conflict resolving institutions, Oromo people have also built up time proven indigenousinstitutions of
conflict resolution. The paper tried to show the way how the Oromo peoplesettles conflicts on resource,
land and land related issues and breach of societal values, norms and contracts. Theindigenous institutions
of conflict resolution of the Oromo’s are playing pivotal roles to achieve sustainable peaceand employs
peaceful mechanisms to settle conflicts. The paper found that the most commonly and currently used
indigenous institutions of conflict resolution such as gadaa/abbagadaa council, jaarsummaa, gumaa and
siiqqee institutions of the Oromo societyhave survived and are still practiced in a functioning and modified
forms.
The opportunity of not being corrupted, accessibility, the ability of finding truth, flexibility, time and
money saving and the exercise of familiar cultural norms are characterized as the main pulling factor behind
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Oromo people to prefer indigenous conflict resolution institutions than formal court. In opposite to this,
formal court lacks these afro mentioned criteria or qualities while solving conflict, the paper also reveals the
role that woman play in indigenous institutions of conflict resolution through siiqqee institutions among
Oromo people. Women play indispensible roles in resolving conflicts that may occur at individual level or at
group level through siiqqee institution which is socially recognized institution of women that works starting
from fighting against the violation of women’s right up to mediating the groups in conflict until the male
elders hold the issue. Besides, women play the role of conflict resolution through creating a marriage bond
particularly between parties whose conflict resulted in homicide.
To conclude the paper Oromo indigenous conflict resolution institutions are highly
respected,additionally the objectives of the paper were adequately and comprehensively addressed.
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