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Oromo Indigenous Conflict Resolution Institutions: An Example of African

Indigenous Institutions

Article · December 2018

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 Review Of ReseaRch
impact factOR : 5.7631(Uif) UGc appROved JOURnal nO. 48514 issn: 2249-894X

vOlUme - 8 | issUe - 3 | decembeR - 2018

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OROMO INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION
INSTITUTIONS:AN EXAMPLE OF AFRICAN INDIGENOUS
INSTITUTIONS

Muleta Hussain Sedeto1 and Dr. Irshad Ahmad2

1
Dept. of Civics and Ethical Studies, College of Social Science and
Humanities, MaddaWalabu University , Bale Robe Ethiopia.
2
Assistant Professor , Dept. of Civics and Ethical Studies,
College of Social Science and Humanities, MaddaWalabu University ,
Bale Robe Ethiopia.

ABSTRACT
The paper briefly introduces and explains the essence of indigenous Oromo conflict resolution
institutions and an example of African Indigenous institutions that are relevant for the current condition of
Africa in general and Oromo society in particular. It also illustrates how Oromo Indigenous institutions had
functioned as a socio-political institution by preventing conflict oppression and exploitation and by promoting
relative peace, security, sustainable development, and political sovereignty, and how those Indigenous
institutions organized Oromo society around economic, cultural and religious institutions. Finally, the paper
explores how the Oromo Indigenous Institutions play a role in preventing conflict and achieving sustainable
peace for multinational democracy and struggles to revive and revitalize the Oromo democratic tradition.

KEYWORDS: sustainable development, and political sovereignty , multinational democracy .

INTRODUCTION
Prior to their colonization during the European Scramble for Africa by the alliance of European
imperialism and colonialism (Holcomb and Ibssa, 1990 cited in Aseffa, 2005),the Oromo people were
independent and organized both culturally and politically using their own Institutions like of gadaa system
(Oromo democratic Socio-political institutions) to promote their peace and to maintain their security and
sovereignty.Conflict is an inevitable phenomenon since human beings exist on earth. The cost of conflict is
also varied on the systems that the conflicting parties used to settle their dispute.Conflict is not a new
phenomenon in the history of human beings. That means it always exists as long as human beings live
together and it is an inevitable human experience. Conflict can be understood as engagement in a fight or
possible confrontation between two or more parties as aspiring towards incompatible or competitive means
or ends (University of Peace, 2005).
There are two ways of conflict resolution institutions, i.e. the formal and informal. According to
(Macfarlane, 2007) the formal one is conducted in the court through litigation with official recognition of the
government and tends to be more strictly examined and monitored whether there are signs of impartiality,
entrenched inequities and lack of due process. Indigenous or sometimes called informal conflict resolution
institutions is the ancient set of practices in almost all the societies in the world in general and Oromo
people in particular with an ultimate application of third party arbitration and mediation (United Nations,
2010).

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The Oromopeoplehave their own varieties of customary practices. Among these practices they have
indigenous conflict resolution institutions which are more than helping the people to build solidarity and
peaceful coexistence among them. It has a gap filling role for the state made laws. They are such as Gadaa
system or Abba Gadaa council, Jaarsummaa, Qaalluu institution or decision of spiritual
leaders,gumaasystem, and siiqqee institution etc.Gadaa system is one of the interesting ways of conflict
resolution institution and well respected among the Oromo community in Ethiopia (Deselegnetal, 2007:
148).During their long history of egalitarian culture, the Oromo developed a uniquely democratic socio-
political structure known as Gadaa” (Cerulli, 1922; Hunting ford, 1955; Asmerom, 1973; Melbaa, 1991 cited
in Kuwe, 1997: 116) which can be taken as a symbol of practicing collective approach. Gadaa system of
conflict resolution is one that deserves attention. This institution is well respected by the Oromo society at
large in the country. If this indigenous knowledge can be controlled, then it is thought that it can be a means
through which sustainable development can be achieved (Ibid). However, there exists a weak relationship
between these statutory and customary institutions in the management of natural resources and conflict
resolution. The Gadaaleaders play important roles in natural resources management. While the rules and
regulations laid down by the Gadaainstitution must be respected by all councils of elders, any problem
regarding resources use which could not be solved by these elders would be handled by the higher
Gadaaleaders(Jemila,2014:2).

GADAAAS OROMO INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION INSTITUTIONS

The indigenous institution ofgadaa system organized and ordered society around political,
economic, social, cultural, and religious institutions (Baissa, 1993; Legesse, 1973 cited in Aseffa, 2012). The
Oromo traditional administrative and justice system has operating within the institutional context of Gadaa
system. Under fully operational Gadaa system, disputes including inter clan conflicts have been managed
and resolved by Gadaa officials in line with the Oromo indigenous laws. This confirms Asmarom (1973) who
says that one of the functions of GadaaAssembly is the maintenance of peace (nagaa). Also, Abera (1998:44
cited in Dejene, 2002) states that Oromoindigenous law is embedded in the Gadaa system.
During the sixteenth century, the Guji who had a common Gadaagovernment had also common law.
The leaders had legitimacy of declaring war, mobilizing resources for common purposes, resolving conflicts
to maintain order and concluding peace on behalf of the people. Similarly, the Guji who moved further away
to the south were ruled under common law set at their common head quarter (Mohammed, 1990:41 cited in
Dejene, 2002). Any inter and intra clan conflicts were dealt with by this common law.Different Oromo groups
were engaged in constant and unceasing fights. This was mainly caused by the right of pasturage and
borders that was economic in nature rather than the political goal of establishing domination over the other.
None of them appeared as conquerors, but as constant raiders.
Consequently, the Gadaa system underwent considerable changes and lost the former peaceful
mechanism of handling inter-tribal dispute over the area. The war fought around involved theloss of many
lives and repeated raids and counter raids. Killing a man of other clan was notprohibited rather killers were
decorated, warriors were encouraged and raids were initiated. In this case, there was no blood price paid
and no negotiation for reconciliation was conducted between the warring parties, rather a simple ritual of
purification that involved the slayer was performed. The killer slaughtered a sheep and washed his hands
with its blood to insure against future damage in response to supernatural requirements (see Bartels,
1983:235).
On the other hand, the Guji claim that there was no war fought within the Guji clan; instead the
Abba Dulas of different Guji clans fought others in support of each other. According to the Guji, the presence
of common Gadaa (Gadaa of Guji) and common law symbolized by common bokkuu fully explains the
peaceful coexistence of the Guji clans. The already operating Gadaasystem that was unable to provide
peaceful means of handling crisis for the society at large was successful in managing dispute arose within
individual clans and among the Guji clans. The day-to -day conflict resolution and the application of justice
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were well performed by the Gadaa officials owing to the common bokkuu.In this regard, Fortes and Evans-
Pritchard's (1940:17) statement "members of an African society feel their unity and perceive their common
interests in symbols, and it is their attachment to these symbols which more than anything else gives their
society cohesion and persistence" is relevant to the Guji case.
Abera (1998: 52) shows that in Gada court three gulas have served as permanent judges. In addition,
each party in dispute selects three assessors to sit for hearing their case with the permanent judges.
Nevertheless, the nominee of each party should secure the approval of the opposite party to be selected.
Together with the three judges, the six selected elders constitute the full bench of the court and would sit
for a hearing. The court was known as dhaddacha or shanacha. The proceeding has been open for any male
member to attend.
The court has been held in an open field under a tree as in the case of law making. It has permitted
full interaction of the parties. They could even request the postponement of the proceeding when need be.
The formal procedure of requesting for adjournment of the hearing was by saying qabe (I behold). According
to Asefa (2001: 12-13 cited in Dejene, 2002) they usually employ this method in seeking further information
and piece of advice on the matter under investigation. Abera (1998) further discusses that after hearing
arguments and counter arguments of the disputants, judgments are rendered. Such judgments are supposed
to be given by consensusin consulting Gadaa law and local customs. Of course, according to Abera, there has
been achancetogive verdict on a dispute case by majority vote.
The decision of such court was not final, as any party that refuses to accept the decision had aright
to appeal against the verdict. Asefa (2012) states that a formal way of requesting for appeal was by saying
bokkuuqabadhe (I hold the scepter). This appeal has been taken to the court of another clan. According to
Abera (1998), while the appellants move from place to place for appeal, any Oromo group through whose
land they travel had the responsibilities to guide and provide shelter and food.AsAbera (1998) states the
appeal has been presented orally by two assessors from the initial court to the court of appeal. The verdict
of the later court would be final. Abera makes an interesting conclusion that the system of appeal served
two purposes. It served maximum fairness and impartiality. It also maintained the spirit of unity among the
Oromo groups through the preservation of common administration of justice.However, such a system of
appeal has caused great inconveniences both to the parties in dispute and the assessors who have reported
the case to the court of appeal. In the mean time, though the assessors have been expected to present the
fact without any distortion, there hasbeen still high chance for the report to be misinterpreted and
distorted. As a response to such a great deal of problems, Abera (1998) says that the Oromo has organized a
court of first instance and an appellant court in the same locality. Accordingly, the court of appeal
constituted judges who were not members of the court of first instance. The number of judges in higher
court also exceeded the number of judges in the lower court at least by two.
Women did not serve as judges in such traditional Oromo Gada court. But according to Abera (1998:
54) they played a significant role in arranging and opening negotiation between two clans in feud.
Traditionally, any clan has cultural duty to fairly treat such a pleading of women for mercy. Women
forwarded their requests by holding their siiqqee and caaccuu,Caaccuu is a ritual object used only by
women, and is worn on the right wrist serve as a symbol of female fertility and of fullness.
The main aim of Oromo traditional court (GadaaInstitutionn) has been reconciliation of the
disputant parties and restoration of peace and order. In this process the person or party who suffered the
consequences of the offense has been compensated and the offender fined.
Sisay (2008) describes the Oromo and their gadaa system as follows: The Oromo have one of the
most open and democratic cultures among Ethiopians. Their system of African democracy known as gadaa is
a well-known African indigenous political system that governs social order, politics, as well as peaceful
conflict resolution. In short, gadaa is a unique social, cultural, political and economic institution of the
Oromo people and it permeates all aspects of their life. Asmarom (1973) and Lemmu (2004) give an
important account of the gadaa system. Since gadaasystem is a vast concept, presenting the full image of it

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takes space. Therefore, the researcher would like to inform the readers to refer from the above mentioned
and other sources to capture the full image of gadaa system in general and its role in indegenious conflict
resolutions.

GUMAA AS OROMO INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION INSTITUTIONS

The term gumaa is stands for many things in Oromo people. In some zones of Oromia it used as
compensation paid for something for wrong doing while some places used as revenges. In other places it
used as reintegration for people apart by some incident wrong doing such as killing practices. As indicated in
the work of (Jemal, 2012:32 cited in Jemila, 2014)the term gumaa stands for many things. Gumaa system
does not apply for everything at all. It only applies for things that selected to be included in gumaa system.
Gumaa make every effort to convey about peace, justice by compromising parties involved in conflict in
every aspect of their movements as socially, politically, economically and psychologically.
Also gumaa used as it mechanism headed for family reintegration (Tamene, 2013: 45). These things
included in gumaa system are as follows when:

 A person is killed by other person

 An eye has been gouged out
 Teeth are broken
 An ear lobe has been cut
 fingers are cut off
 A person's bull has been killed
 A person's male sheep is killed
 A person's horse is killed
 A female is raped
 A person's home and furniture is burned, there are specific punishments accordingly.

Gumaa isinstitution of conflict resolution, compensation paid for wrong doingand its one of the
Oromo indigenous institutions of conflict resolution, justice administration and peace-building that was able
to persist and functions to date. These prevailing indigenous institutions of conflict resolution, justice
administration and peace-building have mostly been analyzed from developmental, anthropological,
sociological and points of view (Ibid).Gumaa is derived from the gadaasystem, or working in parallel with it,
there are other nonviolent methods of conflict resolution, justice administration and peace-building such as
michuu, harma-hodhaa, luba-baasa, moggaasaa and waadaa (Asaffa ,2012).
Tsega (2002) gives a good account of michuu, harma-hodhaa, luba-baasa and moggaasaa. The
meanings of waadaahave been addressed by Asaffa (2012),Dejene (2007 cited in Meron, 2010) gives an
account of gumaa; its rituals and purification ceremonies. Ibrahim have discussed jaarsummaaat some
depth (Ibrahim, 2005). It has to be bear in mind that the term gumaa carries multiple meanings Dejene
(2007 cited in Meron, 2010). This is why it has often been misunderstood by scholars not well versed in
Afaan Oromo, the language of the Oromo, and Oromo culture.
For example, in her article, Ye “ShakochChilot” (the court of the sheikhs): A traditional institution of
conflict resolution in Oromiazone of Amhara regional state, Ethiopia. MeronZeleke(2010) depicts the term
gumaaas if it refers solely to killing for revenge. In connection with this, Meron (2010) added that states
that killing for revenge is a cultural value of the Oromo. This is not shown by the term gumaa. The word
gumaa, alone and in connection with other words also carries different meanings in different parts of
Oromia. For example, warra-gumaa means parties at blood feud; gumaa-baasuu means killing for revenge,
gumaa-nyaachuu means receiving blood price, gumaa means feud, and gumaa may also refer to a large
piece of meat (Dejene, 2007 cited in Meron, 2010).

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Furthermore, the term gumaa is most often used to refer to compensation and rituals for
purification after homicide. This latter meaning of the word is much more common. In contrary to Meron s
understandings of gumaa, it should be emphasized that the Oromo regard peace and forgiveness as higher
values than revenge and retaliation (Asafa, 2012).This is shown by the existence of numerous indigenous
methods of conflict resolution, justice administration and peace-building among the Oromo. Peace and
forgiveness are two very interrelated and interdependent concepts that pervade all aspects of the Oromo
life. In fact, forgiving is a non-violent means to peace. Peace has a special place and value among the Oromo
and it is expressed in greetings, songs, prayers, proverbs, blessings, folklore, and public speeches (Asafa,
2012). The place and value of peace among the Oromo has been well described in the Oromo Studies
Association (OSA, 2008 cited in Teressa, 2016). Peace (nagaa) is central to Oromo ritual and ceremonial
activities, to administrative and legal functions, to traditional religion, morality, and social life, and the
conduct of politics. For the Oromo, peace is an essential to an orderly universe and societal wellbeing that
humans must pursue (Oromo Studies Association, 2008 cited in Teressa, 2016). It is clearly noticeable from
the quote above that the Oromos world view of peace transcends short-lived conflict resolution. Peace
largely concerns an orderly universe and societal well-being. Among the Oromo, an orderly universe and
societal well-being are prioritized over individual or personal well-being and interest. Therefore, the ultimate
goal of any type of peace is communal well-being in an orderly universe (Oromo Studies Association, 2008
cited in Teressa, 2016).
In short, for the Oromo there cannot be an orderly universe and societal well-being without peace
and thus peace is highly valued among them. Since peace is so valued among the Oromo people, there are
various mechanisms to restore peace when it is lost for whatever reason and sustain it. Gumaa is one of
such many mechanisms for the restoration of peace. Asaffa (2012) defines the core meaning of the word
guma as follows: gumaa is a general institution of settling blood feuds. It is an indigenous institution of
settling blood feuds between parties in conflict. Some scholars tend to view conflict resolution and peace-
building mechanisms drawn from and grounded in African and other non-western cultures as traditional
approaches comparing with those from the western cultures (Desalegn et al, 2005; Tsega, 2002; Dejene,
2007; Meron, 2010 cited in Teressa, 2016).

SIIQQEEAS OROMO INDIGENOUS INSTITUTIONS OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION

In pre-colonial Oromo society, women had the siiqqee institution, a parallel institution to the
gadaasystem that “functioned hand in hand with Gadaasystem as one of its built-in institutions of checks
and balances” (Kuwee, 1997: 119). These two institutions helped maintain safu in Oromo society by enabling
Oromo women to have control over resources and private spaces, social status and respect, and sisterhood
and solidarity by deterring men from infringing upon their individual and collective rights (Kuwee, 1997: 115-
145). If the balance between men and women was broken, a siiqqeerebellion was initiated to restore the law
of God and the moral and ethical order of society. When there were violations of their rights, women left
their homes, children, and resources and traveled to a place where there was a big tree calledqilxxuu and
assembled there until the problems were solved through negotiation by elders of men and women (Kuwee,
1997: 129-130).
According to KuweeKumsa (1997: 126), “Married women have the right to organize and form the
siiqqee sisterhood and solidarity. Because women as a group are considered halaga (non-relative) and
excluded from the Gadaa grades, they stick together and count on one another through siiqqee which they
all have in common in the strange gosaa (lineage) where women live as strangers, siiqqeerepresents the
mother and they even address each other as `daughters of a mother.’They get together regularly for prayers
as well as for other important individual and community matters. If men try to stop women from attending
these walargee (meetings), it is considered againstsafu.Oromo women used different siiqqee mechanisms to
maintain their rights; such mechanisms included the law of mukalaaftu (soften wood), the abaarsa (curse),
iyyasiiqqee(scream), and godaannasiiqqee (trek). As Kumsa comments, “because of their liminality, women

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wield a special religious power where they draw an enormous moral and ritual authority. Men, therefore, try
to avoid their curse and seek their blessings .Women in general are symbolically and politically luminal and
correspondingly enjoy special sacred power as a class. people respect and revere a woman because Waaqaa
made her to be respected and revered .Interference with a woman’s sacred authority is regarded as violating
seeraWaaqaa and safu” (Kuwee, 1997:127).
A man who violated women’s individual and collective rights could be corrected through
reconciliation and pledging not to repeat the mistakes or through women’s reprisal ritual: A group of women
“ambush the offender in the bush or on the road, bind him, insult him verbally using obscene language that
they would not normally utter in the direct presence of an adult male pinch him, and whip him with leafy
branches or knotted strips of cloth. In extreme cases, they may force him to crawl over thorny or rocky
ground while they whip him.They demand livestock sacrifice as the price to cease their attack. If he refuses,
they may tie him to a tree in thebush and seize one of his animals themselves, then other men rarely
intervene” (Kelly, 1992:187).AssefaJalata has briefly discussed about the roles of siiqqeein Oromo societies
based on the idea of Kuwe. He has written that; if the peace between men and women was broken, a
siiqqeerebellion was initiated to restore the law of God and the moral and ethical order of
society.TheGadaaand siiqqeeinstitutions greatly influenced the Oromo value system in pre-colonial (Pre
1880s) Oromo society. These two institutions helped to maintain safu(Oromo moral codes) in Oromo society
by enabling Oromo women to have control over resources and private spaces, social status and respect,
sisterhood and solidarity by deterring men from infringing upon their individual and collective
rights.Recognizing the importance of the Gadaasystem, Oromo nationalists are struggling to restore the
system (Asafa, 2012: 4). Kuwe and Tolosa assert that as a stick and symbol of marriagesiiqqeeis given to the
bride and hororo to the bridegroom on the day of their marriage. As symbols of women's power most
writers are agreed up on the idea that siiqqeeis given to women by Gadaaleaders. (BulaSirika 2009: 9 cited in
Jemila, 2014)has stated that the Oromo women had been given a shelter in the Gadaasystem and the Abba
Gadaawas given a siiqqee, ritual stick, to take home for his wife by the Qaalluu, the spiritual leader. The
siiqqeewas granted her to use whenever she performs important ritual performances and to symbolize her
feminine rights and respect. Similarly, (Jeylan, 2004: 113 cited in Jemila, 2014) has wrote that "the Abba
Gadaawas also given a siiqqee(ritual stick) and a qanafaa(sacred piece of wood) to take home for his wife.
The ritual stick was granted her to use when she performs anointment (and other important ritualistic
performances) as well as to symbolize her hanfala (feminine) mirga(rights) and wayyoomaa(respect)."
(Tolosa, 2011:24 cited in Jemila, 2014). According to him "siiqqeecame into being in the Oromo culture with
the Gadaasystem which has governed the social, religious, political and economic life of the Oromo people
for many centuries. (Esrael, 2009: 31 cited in Asafa, 2012) has pointed out that “siiqqee is a Gadaasystem in-
built mechanism that can be seen as a means of check and balance to the men dominated Oromo social
order. He has said that women can stop violent conflict that can happen between clans by using their
siiqqee. As Asmerom (1973: 279) has stated that physically siiqqeeis a stick, but as the custodians of Oromo
oral literature say, a deeper and richer symbolic meaning of it should be sought within the context of the
history and culture of the people who defined, named and practiced it.
A woman can use her siiqqeeto enforce women's rights and resolve conflicts according to the
traditional law of the Oromo. If she sees peoples fighting, she can use their siiqqeesto intervene. They will
put their siiqqeebetween the fighters to separate them while the community elders come to resolve the
conflict. The men do not challenge to continue fighting in the presence of the siiqqeesince they are bound by
tradition and culture to the traditional law of the Oromo (Jane etal, 2008: 10). Using sticks that symbolize as
peace is not only found in Oromo society. There is the same institution with that of siiqqeeof Oromo women
known as yakkain Sidama society in which the group of women can resolve conflict by using their siqqoor
stick. Accordingly, the Sidama women can use their siqqoto control and defend over their rights. Specially,
when man beaten his wife or pregnant wife the yakkagroup would come together in front of their leader
and resolve the conflict (Ibid, 2008:12). In addition to these according to this writers in most parts of

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Ethiopia in different ethnic group such as women Abagarin Wollo area of Amhara region, Gambela women,
Debarteof Raya-Azebo in Southern Tigray are some the examples of women that can seen as source of peace
like that of Oromo and Sidama community. Therefore, Kuwee believe that we should have to reviving
Siiqqeeon a new basis. She has written that; the most important principle of siiqqee is building sisterhood
and allying to fight against oppression. For the Oromo women of the old times, the countervailing group was
just the Oromo male. In the contemporary world, however, forms of oppression and its perpetrators have
been multiplied; domination, oppression, and exploitation have been globalized; and Oromo women have
been pushed down to the bottom-most rung of the economic, political, and social ladder of the emerging
world-wide oppressive hierarchy. But they are not fragile objects that are easily crushed under this
formidable weight. They are, indeed, challenging the system as they are being changed by it. It is within this
process of their dynamic multifarious struggle that the prospects of reviving siiqqeeon a new basis must be
examined (Kuwee, 1997: 140). In Oromo community, family ties and community networking are constantly
respected, maintained and strengthened. When there is a conflict between different parties, main concern is
given to restore the relationships. During the conflict resolution, which would normally involve supporters of
the conflicting parties and the local elders meant to talk the matters through, relationships are given main
attentions. Women are among those local elder who plays special roles in peace building using their
siiqqeerights.

QAALLUU AS INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION INSTITUTIONS

Original Oromo religious leaders, qaalluus, have had a moral authority and social obligation to
oppose tyrants and support popular Oromo democracy and gadaa leaders, and to encourage harmonious
and democratic relations based on the principles of safu, kaa’oo, Waaqaa, and uumaa. The qaalluu“is
thought to possess sacred characteristics that enable him to act as intermediary between the people and
God,” and “he had no administrative power, but could bless or withhold blessings from gadaa leadership,
and had an extraordinary power to curse anyone who threatened the wellbeing of the entire community by
deviating from God’sorder” (Kelly, 1992: 166 citedinAsaffa, 2005).
The qaalluuinstitution has been committed to social justice, the laws of God, and the rule of law, and
fair deliberation; the qaalluu “residence was considered politically neutral ground, suitable for debating
controversial issues and for adjudicating highly charged disputes, although he himself might not take a
prominent role in proceedings” (Kelly, 1992: 166). The qaalluuinstitution has played an important role in
protecting original Oromo culture, religion, worldview, and identity. When those Oromos who were
influenced by this institution kept their Oromo names, most Oromos who were converted to Islam or
Christianity willingly or by force abandoned their Oromo names and adopted Muslim or Christian names
depending on their borrowed religion. The qaalluucan be credited with having played an indirect role in the
preservation of the Oromo identity and the Oromo political system. The criteria to be a qaalluuincluded
seniority in lineages, respectability in the community, expertise in ritual practices, moral qualification, and
respect for cultural taboos, sound social status, and other leadership qualities (Knutson, 1967: 66-67).The
leader of all qaalluus was known as AbbaaMuudaa (father of the anointment) who was considered to be the
prophet and spiritual leader of Oromo society. Oromo pilgrims traveled to the residence of AbbaaMuudaa to
receive his blessing and anointment to be ritual experts in their respective regions (Ibid: 148).
AbbaaMuudaa served as the spiritual center and symbol of Oromo unity and assisted all Oromo
branches to keep in touch with one another for several centuries; “as the Jews believe in Moses and the
Muslims in Muhammad, the Oromo believe in their AbbaaMuudaa (Hassen, 1991:79 cited in Jemila,
2014).AbbaaMuudaa likeother qaalluu leaders encouraged harmonious and democratic relations in Oromo
society. According to the qaalluu mythology, AbbaaMuudaa, theoriginal Oromo religious leader was
descended from heaven (Knutsson, 1967). Oromo representatives traveled to the highlands of the mid-south
Oromia to honor AbbaaMuudaaand to receive his blessing and anointment that qualified them as pilgrims
known as jilas to be ritual experts in their respective areas (Knutsson, 1967: 148). When Oromo

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representatives went to him from far and near places to receive his blessings, AbbaaMuudaa commanded
them “not to cut their hair and to be righteous, not to recognize any leader who tries to get absolute
powerand not to fight among themselves” (Ibid).In its modified form, the qaalluu institution exists in some
parts of Oromia, such as in the Gujiand Borana areas; it still protects an Oromo way of life, such as
dispensing of local justice based on Oromo customs and providing solutions to problems created by a
changing social condition (Knutsson, 1967: 133-135).
The qaalluus of Guji and Borana are ritual leaders, advisors, and ritual experts in the gadaa system.
The qaalluus “possess the exclusive prerogative of legitimizing the different gadaa officials, when a new
gadaa group is initiated into the politically active class” (Knutsson, 1967: 142). The Oromo still practice some
elements of Oromo democratic values in the areas where the gadaa system was suppressed a century ago.
The gadaasystem is still practiced in the Borana and Gujiregions in its modified form; it helps maintain
peace, exchange knowledge and practice rituals among some clans and regional groups (De Loo, 1991: 25).

JAARSUMMAA AS INDIGENOUS CONFLICT RESOLUTION INSTITUTION

Jaarsummaa is one of the institutions that Oromo people used to resolve the conflict upraised
among people. It is used as reconciliation practices that the jaarsabiyyaa (respected reliable person) play
important role to implement the rule and regulation needed on the peace settlement. This is one of the
valuable cultural practices has been with Oromo people since Oromo born. The term 'jaarsaa' in Afaan
Oromo language literally means 'an old man'. However, in jaarsummaacontext, it refers to mean that men
take part as selected respected representative of the community and have deep knowledge to settle down
the uprising as mediators whenever there is dispute or conflict. Jaarsa/ jaarsabiyyaa (respected and selected
person) selected by the two parties that conflict happened between them. Depending on the particular area
of the Oromopeople, different terms are used to refer to these elders. They are simply called jaarsabiyyaa,
jaarsaaor jaarsaaraaraa (Mamo, 2006, Dejene, 2002)
According to (Jemila, 2014) for males to be recognized as jaarsaa, the individual’s personality and his
father's position within the jaarsabiyyaa (respected community persons) are the most crucial attributes for
the community. As a jaarsaa it needs to be a sociable, honest, trustworthy and knowledgeable man with a
skillful for oratory. And though the institution of jaarsabiyyaa is not hereditary, a renowned jaarsa's son or
sons will most likely find a place of their own among the jaarsaa. If a man qualifies the above criteria,
neither his lack of economic success nor his youth preclude him from being considered. No public ceremony
or formal gathering is required for the granting of the position of jaarsaa to an individual. In the normal
course of life, a person stands out for his character, the community takes notice of these traits and starts
treating that individual as recognized elder.

CONCLUSION
Every society has developed an institution that could help to manage conflict of various natures.
Research shows that all societies across the world have institutional settings and mechanisms of conflict
resolutions institutions among themselves and with other groups. Like as other societies built up their own
ways of conflict resolving institutions, Oromo people have also built up time proven indigenousinstitutions of
conflict resolution. The paper tried to show the way how the Oromo peoplesettles conflicts on resource,
land and land related issues and breach of societal values, norms and contracts. Theindigenous institutions
of conflict resolution of the Oromo’s are playing pivotal roles to achieve sustainable peaceand employs
peaceful mechanisms to settle conflicts. The paper found that the most commonly and currently used
indigenous institutions of conflict resolution such as gadaa/abbagadaa council, jaarsummaa, gumaa and
siiqqee institutions of the Oromo societyhave survived and are still practiced in a functioning and modified
forms.
The opportunity of not being corrupted, accessibility, the ability of finding truth, flexibility, time and
money saving and the exercise of familiar cultural norms are characterized as the main pulling factor behind
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Oromo people to prefer indigenous conflict resolution institutions than formal court. In opposite to this,
formal court lacks these afro mentioned criteria or qualities while solving conflict, the paper also reveals the
role that woman play in indigenous institutions of conflict resolution through siiqqee institutions among
Oromo people. Women play indispensible roles in resolving conflicts that may occur at individual level or at
group level through siiqqee institution which is socially recognized institution of women that works starting
from fighting against the violation of women’s right up to mediating the groups in conflict until the male
elders hold the issue. Besides, women play the role of conflict resolution through creating a marriage bond
particularly between parties whose conflict resulted in homicide.
To conclude the paper Oromo indigenous conflict resolution institutions are highly
respected,additionally the objectives of the paper were adequately and comprehensively addressed.

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