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EIGHTH EDITION

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127304°5.6.738-9.0
Geass
PREF,

Chapter 1: Sociology: Theory and Method NS

WHAT IS THE “SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION”?

Studying Sociology
Developing a Global Perspective
Globalization by the Numbers: Opinion of the United States
Understanding Social Change

WHAT THEORIES DO SOCIOLOGISTS USE?

Early Theorists
Neglected Founders
Modern Theoretical Approaches
Digital Life: Bullying Goes Viral
Theoretical Thinking in Sociology
Levels of Analysis: Microsociology and Macrosociology

WHAT KINDS OF QUESTIONS

CAN SOCIOLOGISTS ANSWER? 21

WHAT ARE THE STEPS OF

THE RESEARCH PROCESS? 23
23
1. Define the Research Problem
2. Review the Evidence 23
24
3. Make the Problem Precise
4. Work Out a Design
24

Contents
 5. Carry Out the Research
6. Interpret the Results
7. Report the Findings

WHAT RESEARCH METHODS DO SOCIOLOGISTS USE?

Ethnography
Surveys
Experiments
Comparative and Historical Research

WHAT ETHICAL DILEMMAS DO SOCIOLOGISTS FACE?

HOW DOES THE SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION

AFFECT YOUR LIFE?
Employing Your Sociological Imagination: What Can You Do
with a Sociology Major?
The Big Picture

Chapter 2: Culture and Society

WHAT IS CULTURE?
Defining “Culture”: Nonmaterial Culture
Defining “Culture”: Material Culture
Culture and Society

HOW DOES HUMAN CULTURE DEVELOP?

Early Human Culture: Adaptation to Physical Environment
Nature or Nurture?
How Nature and Nurture Interact
Cultural Diversity
Digital Life: The Secret Power of Cultural Norms and Values
Cultural Universals
Culture and Social Development

WHAT HAPPENED TO PREMODERN SOCIETIES?

The Earliest Societies: Hunters and Gatherers
Pastoral and Agrarian Societies
Traditional Societies or Civilizations

HOW HAS INDUSTRIALIZATION SHAPED

MODERN SOCIETY?
The Industrialized Societies
Global Development

vi Contents
 HOW DOES GLOBALIZATION AFFECT
CONTEMPORARY CULTURE?
63
Does the Internet Promote a Global Culture?
64
Globalization by the Numbers: National Identity
65
Employing Your Sociological Imagination: International Student
Adviser 66
Globalization and Local Cultures
68
The Big Picture
70

Chapter 3: Socialization, the Life Course,

and Aging 72
HOW ARE CHILDREN SOCIALIZED? 75
Theories of Child Development
76
Agents of Socialization 78
Social Roles 82
Identity 82
Gender Socialization 83
Digital Life: New Apps Challenge Kids—and the Gender Binary 85
Race Socialization 87

WHAT ARE THE FIVE MAJOR STAGES

OF THE LIFE COURSE? 88
Childhood 88
The Teenager 88
Young Adulthood 89
Midlife or “Middle Age” 89
Later Life 90

HOW DO PEOPLE AGE? 91

The Meanings of “Age” 91

Growing Old: Trends and Competing Sociological Explanations 91
Globalization by the Numbers: Life Course Transitions 93

WHAT ARE THE CHALLENGES OF AGING IN

THE UNITED STATES? 95
Health Problems 96
Globalization by the Numbers: Graying of the World 97
Elder Abuse 98
Social Isolation 99
Employing Your Sociological Imagination: Activities Director
at a Nursing Home 100
Prejudice 100
The Big Picture 102

Contents
Chapter 4: Social Interaction
and Everyday Life in the
Age of the Internet
WHAT IS SOCIAL INTERACTION AND WHY STUDY IT?
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WHAT RULES GUIDE HOW WE COMMUNICATE

WITH OTHERS?
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Digital Life: Turning Away from Face-to-Face Interaction

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HOW DO TIME AND SPACE AFFECT OUR INTERACTIONS?

Globalization by the Numbers: Who Owns a Smartphone?
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HOW DO THE RULES OF SOCIAL INTERACTION AFFECT

YOUR LIFE?
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The Big Picture

Chapter 5: Networks, Groups, and

Organizations
Digital Life: Crowdfunding and the Strength of Weak Ties

HOW DO WE BENEFIT FROM SOCIAL NETWORKS?

“3 pte S Bietooo
$s Social Network

Globalization by the Numbers: Internet Connectivity

WHAT ARE SOCIAL GROUPS?

The Effects of Size
141
Types of Leadership
142
Conformity
143

HOW DO ORGANIZATIONS FUNCTION? 145

Theories of Organizations 146

IS BUREAUCRACY AN OUTDATED MODEL? 150

The Transformation of Management 151
Technology and Modern Organizations 152
The “McDonaldization” of Society TOS

HOW DO ORGANIZATIONS AND GROUPS AFFECT

YOUR LIFE? 154
Social Capital: The Ties That Bind 154
Employing Your Sociological Imagination: From Organizational
Consultant to CEO
The Big Picture

Chapter 6: Deviance, Crime,

and Punishment
WHAT IS DEVIANCE?
Norms and Sanctions

WHY DO PEOPLE COMMIT DEVIANT ACTS?

The Biological View of Deviance
The Psychological View of Deviance
Sociological Perspectives on Deviance
Theoretical Conclusions

HOW DO WE DOCUMENT CRIME?

The Great Crime Decline

Criminal Victimization

WHO ARE THE PERPETRATORS?

Gender and Crime

Youth and Crime
Crimes of the Powerful
Organized Crime

WHAT WERE THE CAUSES AND COSTS OF THE

GREAT CRIME DECLINE?
Prisons
The Death Penalty

Contents
Globalization by the Numbers: Incarceration Rates 185
Policing 186
Digital Life: Using Cameras to Police the Police 187
The Benefits of the Crime Decline 189
Employing Your Sociological Imagination: Law Enforcement:
Police Officer and Civilian Employee 190

HOW DO CRIME AND DEVIANCE AFFECT YOUR LIFE? 192

The Costs of Crime 192
The Functions of Deviance 192
The Big Picture 194

Chapter 7: Stratification, Class,

and Inequality 196
WHAT IS SOCIAL STRATIFICATION? 198
Slavery 199
Caste Systems 199
Class 200
Theories of Stratification in Modern Societies 202
Digital Life: Does the Digital Divide Still Matter? 203

HOW IS SOCIAL CLASS DEFINED IN

THE UNITED STATES? 207
Income 207
Wealth 207
Education 209
Employing Your Sociological Imagination: Corporate Recruiter 210
Occupation 211
A Picture of the U.S. Class Structure 211
Globalization by the Numbers: Income Inequality 214

WHAT ARE THE CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES

OF SOCIAL INEQUALITY IN THE UNITED STATES? 216
Ethnic Minorities Versus White Americans CAN
Social Mobility 218

HOW DOES POVERTY AFFECT INDIVIDUALS? 220

Measuring Poverty A
Who Are the Poor? aa
Explaining Poverty: The Sociological Debate (aa)
Social Exclusion 226

HOW DOES SOCIAL INEQUALITY AFFECT YOUR LIFE? 228

The Big Picture 230

Contents
Chapter 8: Global Inequality 232
WHAT IS GLOBAL INEQUALITY? 235
High-Income Countries
236
Globalization by the Numbers: Global Inequality
Zor
Middle-Income Countries 238
Low-Income Countries 238

WHAT IS DAILY LIFE LIKE IN RICH VS.

POOR COUNTRIES? 240
Health 240
Digital Life: Can Apps Heal Global Inequalities? 241
Hunger and Malnutrition 242
Education and Literacy 243
Child Labor 244

CAN POOR COUNTRIES BECOME RICH? 244

HOW DO SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES EXPLAIN

GLOBAL INEQUALITY? 246
Neoliberal Theories 247
Dependency Theories 248
World-Systems Theory 249
Global Capitalism Theory 252
Evaluating Global Theories of Inequality 253
Employing Your Sociological Imagination:
Public Sociologist: Sociology in Action 254

WHAT DOES RAPID GLOBALIZATION MEAN FOR

THE FUTURE OF GLOBAL INEQUALITY? 257
The Big Picture 260

Chapter 9: Gender Inequality 262

ARE GENDER DIFFERENCES DUE TO NATURE,

NURTURE, OR BOTH? 265
The Role of Biology 265
Gender Socialization 267
The Social Construction of Gender 268
Cross-Cultural and Historical Findings 269

HOW DO GENDER INEQUALITIES PLAY OUT IN

SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS? 272

Education “ia
Women and the Workplace 275
Globalization by the Numbers: Gender Inequality 281

Contents xl
The Family and Gender Issues 282
Gender Inequality in Politics 284

WHY ARE WOMEN TARGETS OF VIOLENCE? 285

Digital Life: “His” and “Hers” Apps? 286

Rape 287
Sexual Violence against Women: Evidence of “Rape Culture”? 288

HOW DOES SOCIAL THEORY EXPLAIN

GENDER INEQUALITY? 289
Functionalist Approaches 289
Employing Your Sociological Imagination: Domestic Violence Advocate 290
Feminist Approaches 291

HOW CAN WE REDUCE GENDER-BASED AGGRESSION? 294

The Big Picture 296

Chapter 10: Race, Ethnicity, and Racism 298

WHAT ARE RACE AND ETHNICITY? 301
Race 301
Ethnicity 302
Globalization by the Numbers: Racial & Ethnic Populations 303
Minority Groups 304
Multiracial and Multiethnic Identities 305

WHY DO RACIAL AND ETHNIC ANTAGONISM EXIST? 306

Psychological Theories 306
Sociological Interpretations 308
Ethnic Antagonism: A Historical Perspective 309
Models of Ethnic Integration 310

HOW DOES RACISM OPERATE IN AMERICAN

SOCIETY TODAY? 311
Institutional Racism 311
Interpersonal Racism 313

WHAT ARE THE ORIGINS AND NATURE OF ETHNIC

DIVERSITY IN THE UNITED STATES? 317
Early Colonization Shit
Immigrant America in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries 318
Blacks in the United States 320
Hispanics and Latinos in the United States 321
Asians in the United States 328

Contents
HOW DO RACE AND ETHNICITY AFFECT
THE LIFE CHANCES OF DIFFERENT GROUPS?
323
Educational Attainment
324
Employment and Income
325
Digital Life: What Are You, Anyway?
326
Health
oer
Residential Segregation
328
Political Power
329
Gender and Race
330
Divergent Fortunes 330

HOW DO SOCIOLOGISTS EXPLAIN RACIAL INEQUALITY? 333

\Q-Based Explanations 333
Cultural Explanations 334
Economic Explanations 334
Racial Discrimination-Based Explanations 335
The Big Picture 336

Chapter 11: Families and Intimate

Relationships 3338
Basic Concepts 341

HOW DO SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES

CHARACTERIZE FAMILIES? 342
Functionalism 342
Symbolic Interactionist Approaches 343
Feminist Approaches 344

HOW HAVE FAMILIES CHANGED OVER TIME? 346

Changes in Family Patterns Worldwide 347

WHAT DO MARRIAGE AND ROMANTIC PARTNERSHIPS

IN THE UNITED STATES LOOK LIKE TODAY? 348
Dating 348
Marriage 350
Race, Ethnicity, and American Families 352
Digital Life: Dating and Mating Online 358
Social Class and the American Family 359
Divorce and Separation 360
Repartnering and Stepparenting 362
Single-Parent Households 363

Contents
WHY DOES FAMILY VIOLENCE HAPPEN? 364

Child Abuse
Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)
Employing Your Sociological Imagination: Marriage and Family Therapist W oO
ws G vi
g oO

HOW DO NEW FAMILY FORMS AFFECT YOUR LIFE? 77)oO oO

Cohabitation
Same-Sex-Parent Families
Globalization by the Numbers: Maternity Leave W
WW

Being Single
Being Child-Free
The Big Picture

Chapter 12: Education and Religion

WHY ARE EDUCATION AND LITERACY SO IMPORTANT?
Education and Industrialization
Sociological Theories of Education
Education and Literacy in the Developing World

WHAT IS THE LINK BETWEEN EDUCATION

AND INEQUALITY? 384
“Fire in the Ashes” (ei

Coleman's Study of “Between-School Effects” in American Education OO)

oP)

The Resegregation of American Schools?

Tracking and “Within-School Effects”
The Social Reproduction of Inequality 7)
DD
—-
I9)

Intelligence and Inequality

Education Reform in the United States W
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w
yd
Ww&©Oo
oD Ownrs

HOW DO SOCIOLOGISTS THINK ABOUT RELIGION?

Theories of Religion

HOW DOES RELIGION AFFECT LIFE THROUGHOUT

THE WORLD?

Types of Religious Organizations

Globalization and Religion
Globalization by the Numbers: Religious Affiliation

HOW DOES RELIGION AFFECT YOUR LIFE IN THE

UNITED STATES? 405
Trends in Religious Affiliation 4
o,)
i
Digital Life: From Pulpits to iPads? 407
ey,
or

Religious Affiliation and Socioeconomic Status »

409

The Big Picture 412

Contents
Chapter 13: Politics and Economic Life
414
HOW DID THE STATE DEVELOP? 418
Characteristics of the State 418
HOW DO DEMOCRACIES FUNCTION? 421
Participatory Democracy 421
Monarchies and Liberal Democracies 421
The Spread of Liberal Democracy 422
Populist Authoritarianism 423
Democracy in the United States 423
Employing Your Sociological Imagination: Political Activist 424
Globalization by the Numbers: Voter Turnout 427
The Political Participation of Women 429
Who Rules? Theories of Democracy 430
Democracy in Trouble? 433

WHAT IS THE SOCIAL SIGNIFICANCE OF WORK? 434

The Importance of Paid and Unpaid Work 435
Digital Life: Will a Robot Take Your Job? 436
The Importance of the Division of Labor 437
Industrial Work 437

WHAT ARE KEY ELEMENTS OF THE MODERN ECONOMY? 440

Corporations and Corporate Power 44]

HOW DOES WORK AFFECT EVERYDAY LIFE TODAY? 444

Work and Technology 444
Trends in the Occupational Structure 446
Unequal Pay 448
Unemployment 449
The Future of Work 450
Globalization by the Numbers: Unemployment Rates 451
The Big Picture 452

Chapter 14: The Sociology of the

Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality 454
HOW DO SOCIAL CONTEXTS AFFECT
THE HUMAN BODY? 457

Eating Disorders 459

The Obesity Epidemic 460
Globalization by the Numbers: Obesity Rates 461

Contents XV
HOW DO SOCIOLOGISTS UNDERSTAND
HEALTH AND ILLNESS? 463

The Sick Role 463

Illness as “Lived Experience” 464
Changing Conceptions of Health and Illness 466
Digital Life: Can Wearable Tech Keep You Healthy? 469

HOW DO SOCIAL FACTORS AFFECT

HEALTH AND ILLNESS? 470

Social Class-Based Inequalities in Health 471

Race-Based Inequalities in Health 472
Gender-Based Inequalities in Health 474
Disparities in Infectious Diseases Worldwide 475

HOW DO SOCIAL CONTEXTS SHAPE

SEXUAL BEHAVIOR? 477
The Diversity of Human Sexuality 477
Sexuality in Western Culture: A Historical Overview 479
Employing Your Sociological Imagination: Health Care Provider 482
How Does the Social Context of Bodies, Sexuality, and Health
Affect Your Life? 487
The Big Picture 488

Chapter 15: Urbanization,

Population, and the Environment 490
HOW DO CITIES DEVELOP AND EVOLVE? 493
Cities in Traditional Societies 493
Industrialization and Urbanization 494
Theories of Urbanism 495

HOW DO RURAL, SUBURBAN, AND URBAN

LIFE DIFFER IN THE UNITED STATES? 498
The Decline of Rural America? 499
Suburbanization 499
Urban Problems 501
Gentrification and Urban Renewal S02

HOW DOES URBANIZATION AFFECT LIFE

ACROSS THE GLOBE? 902
Global Cities 903
Inequality and the Global City 303
Urbanization in the Global South 503
Globalization by the Numbers: Urbanization 504
The Future of Urbanization in the Developing World S07

Contents
WHAT ARE THE FORCES BEHIND WORLD
POPULATION GROWTH? 507
Population Analysis: Demography
508
Dynamics of Population Change
510
Malthusianism 912
The Demographic Transition i
Employing Your Sociological Imagination: Demographer 514
Prospects for Change ate

HOW DO ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGES

AFFECT YOUR LIFE? 516
Global Environmental Threats 516
Global Warming and Climate Change one
Digital Life: Tracking Your Ecological Footprint 518
Environmental Social Movements 921
The New Ecological Paradigm in Sociology 23
The Big Picture 526

Chapter 16: Globalization in a

Changing World
HOW DOES GLOBALIZATION AFFECT SOCIAL CHANGE? 531
The Physical Environment
Political Organization
Culture
Economic Factors
Technology

WHY DOES TERRORISM SEEM TO BE ON

THE RISE IN THE WORLD TODAY?

WHAT ARE SOCIAL MOVEMENTS?

Classical Theories of Social Movements
Globalization and Social Movements
Technology and Social Movements
Digital Life: Online Activism Trends Upward

WHAT FACTORS CONTRIBUTE TO GLOBALIZATION?

Information Flows
Political Changes
Economic Changes
The Globalization Debate

Contents XVII
 HOW DOES GLOBALIZATION AFFECT YOUR LIFE? 554
The Rise of Individualism 554
Work Patterns 555
Popular Culture 556
Globalization and Risk 556
Globalization and Inequality 558
Globalization by the Numbers: Global Wealth 560
The Big Picture 564

GLOSSARY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
CREDITS
INDEX

XVill Contents
 We believe that sociology plays an essential role in modern intellectual culture
and occupies a central place within the social sciences. We have aimed to write
a book that merges classic sociological theories with up-to-the-minute social
issues that interest sociologists today. We also believe that sociologists must
use rigorous research methods in order to study and understand human behavior. We
highlight findings from ethnographic studies to document the hows and whys of social
behavior and also present current statistical data to document important social trends.
We aim to present material in a “fair and balanced” way. Although each of the authors
has their own perspective on social theories, methods, and social policy, we have worked
hard to ensure that our treatment is unbiased and nonpartisan. We strive to present the
most complete picture of sociology possible. Given the vast array of topics encompassed
by sociology, however, we made difficult choices about what the most essential topics in
sociology are today. We hope readers are engaged, intrigued, and occasionally inspired by
the ideas presented in this book.

Al

The Eighth Edition of Essentials of Sociology is based on the Twelfth Seagull Edition of
our best-selling full text Introduction to Sociology. We created the Essentials Edition for
instructors and students who prefer a briefer book. We have reduced the length of the book
by roughly one-third, and we reduced the number of chapters from 20 to 16. Retaining
the themes that have made the full text such a successful teaching tool, we cut selected
topics to focus on the core ideas of sociology and reorganized the chapters around a “big
questions” framework. While briefer than the full text, Essentials of Sociology includes
a
some additional pedagogical aids not present in Introduction to Sociology, including
greater number of images and current event examples, “Globalization by the Numbers”
infographics, “Employing Your Sociological Imagination”features, and “Digital Life"
under-
features. Combined with a briefer overall exposition, these features help students
stand and apply key concepts and theories.

Preface XIX
 Major Themes
The book is constructed around four basic themes that provide its character. The new-
est theme is applying sociology to everyday life. Sociological thinking enables self-
understanding, which can in turn inspire an improved understanding of the social
world. Studying sociology can be a liberating experience: It expands our sympathies
and imagination, opens up new perspectives on the sources of our own behavior, and
creates an awareness of cultural settings different from our own. Sociological ideas
challenge dogma, teach appreciation of cultural variety, and allow us insight into the
workings of social institutions. At a more practical level, the text shows how the skills
and knowledge acquired in sociology classes can be applied to far-ranging careers, from
health care to law enforcement (“Employing Your Sociological Imagination” features in
select chapters).
Our second theme is inequalities. Throughout the text, we highlight that import-
ant resources—whether education, health, income, or social support—are not fairly
or evenly distributed to all individuals. We highlight how gender, race, social class,
and age shape our daily lives in the United States. We also pay keen attention to global
inequalities and reveal how differences in economic and natural resources through-
out the world powerfully influence even very personal experiences—including health,
religion, and relationships.
A third theme of the book is that of social and historical context. Sociology was
born of the transformations that wrenched the industrializing social order of the West
away from the lifestyles characteristic of earlier societies. The pace of social change has
continued to accelerate, and it is possible that we now stand on the threshold of transi-
tions as significant as those that occurred in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Sociological study helps us to chart the transformations of our past and grasp the major
lines of development taking place today. Our understanding of the past also contributes
to our understanding of institutions in the present and future.
The fourth fundamental theme of the book is globalization. For far too long, sociology
has been dominated by the view that societies can be studied as independent entities.
But even in the past, societies never really existed in isolation. Today we can see a clear
acceleration in processes of global integration. This is obvious, for example, in the expan-
sion of international trade across the world. The emphasis on globalization also con-
nects closely with the weight given to the interdependence of the industrialized and
developing worlds today. In every chapter, visually engaging full-page “Globalization by
the Numbers” infographics highlight how countries across the globe compare on key
metrics, such as incarceration rates, maternity leave benefits, voter turnout, and gender
inequality—as well as two new infographics on life course transitions and global unem-
ployment rates.
Despite these interconnections, however, societies have their own distinctive attri-
butes, traditions, and experiences. Sociology cannot be taught solely by understanding the
institutions of any one particular society. While we have slanted our discussion toward the
United States, we have also balanced it with a rich variety of materials drawn from other
regions—especially those undergoing rapid social change, such as the Middle East, Asia,
Africa, and Eastern Europe. The book also includes much more material on developing
countries than has been usual in introductory texts.

XX Preface
What's New in the Eighth Edition
All of the chapters in the book have been updated and revised to reflect the most
recent
available research and data. Each chapter opens with a contemporary news event
or social
trend—ranging from the most local (like a confrontation between a dog walker and
bird-watcher in New York's Central Park) to the most global (such as the rapid spread
of
COVID-19). These events are used to introduce and explain the key sociological concepts,
themes, and studies that are elaborated throughout the text. New to this edition, racial and
ethnic categorizations are considered proper nouns and thus are capitalized. As Temple
University journalism professor Lori Tharps notes, “Black with a capital B refers to people
of the African diaspora. Lowercase black is simply a color” (Tharps, 2014). In the same way,
“White” as a racial category acknowledges the functions of this label in society. Racial des-
ignations are not neutral markers of skin tone but socially constructed categories whose
meanings and boundaries shift over time and place. Treating these categories as proper
nouns recognizes them as such (Appiah, 2020). Other substantive changes include:

Chapter 1 Sociology: Theory and Method A new chapter opening narrative draws
from a New York Times story on how COVID-19 rendered socioeconomic differences
between college students newly visible, focusing on two Haverford College students and
the different home situations they returned to at the beginning of the pandemic. The par-
enthetical discussion regarding what is considered a “Western” nation has been updated
in the “What Is the ‘Sociological Imagination?” section. An explanation of how one would
use a sociological imagination to consider the impact of COVID-19 on one’s own household
has been added. The “Globalization by the Numbers” infographic in this chapter, “Opinion
of the United States,” has been updated with 2020 data. The section discussing Herbert
Spencer has been removed. A new key term, rationalization, has been added. The “Digital
Life” box “Bullying Goes Viral” includes updated data regarding the number of LGBTQ
students who have been cyberbullied. Divorce rate data have been updated. Table 1.4,
“Opinion of the United States: Comparison of Selected Nations,” has been updated with
the most recent available data.

Chapter 2 Culture and Society Data regarding the number of American adults
who smoke have been updated. Data regarding the percentage of the world that lives and
works in urban areas have been updated. A new “Employing Your Sociological Imagination”
feature explores how a sociological education in culture and globalization can lend itself
well to working as an international student adviser.

Chapter 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging A new key term, desocial-
ization, has been added. An explanation of how Charles Horton Cooley's looking-glass-self
theory exemplifies core themes of symbolic interactionism has been added. Data from 2019
on how smartphone usage has surpassed television viewing (particularly among young
people) have been added. Research on how video games can strengthen intergenerational
relationships is now included. The “Work” section now discusses the increasing numbers
of Americans who work from home. A brief history of the pink-blue gender divide in the
United States has been added to “Gender Learning.” The chapter features a new discussion
of how recent Black Lives Matter protests have heightened the recognition that White
children should learn to recognize and fight racism. Data from the International Labour
Organization regarding the number of child laborers in the world have been added. The

Preface OC
 “Midlife or ‘Middle Age” section now discusses high divorce rates among midlife persons.
The “Later Life” section includes a new discussion of how old age has been reinvented in
recent decades. Data on the rapidly growing older adult population have been updated. A
new “Globalization by the Numbers” infographic, “Life Course Transitions,” compares the
mean age of first marriage, first birth, and life expectancy at birth of individuals globally,
highlighting contemporary delays in marriage and childbirth among young people, partic-
ularly in high-income countries. An additional “Globalization by the Numbers” infographic
in this chapter, “Graying of the World,” reveals growing populations of older adults around
the world and has been updated with recent data. The amount of money older adults spend
out of pocket on health care has been revised with recent numbers. The number of older
adults abused worldwide has been updated. Data concerning the number of older men
and women living alone, as well as those who have been widowed, have been updated.
A discussion concerning how social isolation became more acute for older adults during
the COVID-19 pandemic has been added. The “Employing Your Sociological Imagination”
feature, which explores the tasks of an activities director at a long-term care facility, has
been revised to account for the impact of COVID-19 on nursing homes.

Chapter 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet The
“Globalization by the Numbers” infographic, “Who Owns a Smartphone?,” has been updated
with the most recent available data.

Chapter 5 Networks, Groups, and Organizations The new chapter opening

narrative describes the first person to catch COVID-19 in New York. To illustrate the
sociological concept of “networks,” it follows the movement of “patient zero” through
various communities and the attendant spread of the virus. In that same vein, the defi-
nition of the key term network has been updated and revised. The section “How Do We
Benefit from Social Networks?” further explores how the concept of “networks” can apply
both to social connections and biological outbreaks. Data updates include the number of
American adults using the Internet as well the “Globalization by the Numbers” infographic
“Internet Connectivity,” which highlights the global digital divide by illustrating the per-
centage of each regional population that has access to the Internet. The definition of the
key term organization has been revised. The key term informal networks has been changed to
informal relations. Pew Research Center data from 2019 on the percentage of Americans that
trusts the federal government has been added. Table 5.1, “Applying Sociology to Networks,
Groups, and Organizations,” has been newly added to this chapter, highlighting contempo-
rary applications of theories discussed within the chapter.

Chapter 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment The beginning of the chapter dis-
cusses “Operation Varsity Blues”: a nationwide college admissions scandal in which
William Rick Singer helped his affluent clients’ children get accepted into elite institutions
under fraudulent premises. This new chapter introduction highlights the unequal distribu-
tion of justice between the rich and poor in the United States, where incarceration rates are
higher than anywhere else in the world. New Table 6.1, “Applying Sociology to Deviance,”
highlights contemporary applications of theories discussed within the chapter. Figure 6.3,
“Crime Rates in the United States, 1997-2018,” has been updated with recent data. Violent
crime data, including data on rape or sexual assault, robberies, and simple assault, have
been updated. Auto theft reporting data have been added. The discussion of hate crimes
now includes more recent data on the number of reported crimes in 2018. The “Gender

XXII Preface
and Crime” discussion has been updated to reflect the number of male
versus female
arrestees and imprisonment rates for both groups. The “Prisons” section
has been sig-
nificantly updated, with more recent data on the percentage of African American
peo-
ple constituting the total U.S. population as well as the number of executed prisoners
in
the United States in 2018. Figure 6.4, “State and Federal Prison Population, 1978-2020
,”
has been revised with recent data. Survey data for the percentage of U.S. adults
who
support capital punishment have been updated.

Chapter 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality The new introduction to this

chapter highlights the rise of political candidates such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and
Bernie Sanders and points to the increasing popularity of socialist political ideas, partic-
ularly among young adults, in the United States. The section “Theories of Stratification in
Modern Societies” now elaborates on Marx's definition of capitalism and includes a new
subsection on the work and legacy of Erik Olin Wright. The “Digital Life” feature “Does the
Digital Divide Still Matter?” includes an updated discussion of smartphone and Internet
usage according to household income. New Table 7.1, “Applying Sociology to Stratification,”
highlights contemporary applications of theories discussed within the chapter. The discus-
sion of income now includes data on the percentage of total income that various income
brackets within the United States received from the 1970s to 2018, highlighting the signif-
icant and increasing income disparity between the poorest and richest groups. Figure 7.1,
“Mean Household Income by Income Group, 1967-2018,” has been updated. The “Wealth”
section compares the net worth of various income groups with more recent data and now
includes a 2018 study citing unequal loan denial rates between Black and White people.
Figure 7.2, “Median Earnings of Young Adults, 2018,” has been revised with current data.
The “Education” section includes updated data on levels of education among different racial
and ethnic groups in the United States. A new “Employing Your Sociological Imagination”
feature, “Corporate Recruiter,” discusses how a sociology degree would prove useful as a
job recruiter. A real-life example of a corporate recruiter working for a large hedge fund in
New York, this new “Employing” feature shows how sociological thinking can be used to
help companies seek out suitable job candidates. The section “A Picture of the U.S. Class
Structure” includes updated income brackets and new data on the proportion of the U.S.
population that falls into each socioeconomic group. It also includes a new discussion of
Rachel Sherman's research on the superrich. The discussion about the “underclass” has
been removed. Median household income data between different racial and ethnic groups
have been updated. The “Globalization by the Numbers” infographic “Income Inequality,”
which highlights the unequal distribution of income across the globe, has been updated.
Figure 7.3, “Black and Latino Income as Percentage of White Income,” has been updated.
The definition of the key term absolute poverty has been expanded to account for lack of
access to health care and education. A discussion of the high childhood poverty rates in
the United States relative to the rest of the world has been added to “How Does Poverty
Affect Individuals?” Pew Research Center data concerning the percentage of Americans
that believe poverty is beyond a person's control have been updated. Minimum wage infor-
mation has been updated for several states in the discussion about “The Working Poor.”
Figure 7.4, ‘Americans Living in Poverty, 2018,” has been updated with current data. The
discussion of “Poverty, Race, and Ethnicity” includes updated poverty rates among White,
Black, and Latino populations in the United States. “The Feminization of Poverty” section
has been fully updated with current data on poverty rates among female-headed households

Preface XXtil
 of various racial and ethnic groups. Data on the percentage of American children living in
poverty generally and according to racial and ethnic groups have been updated. Poverty
rates among elderly Americans of different racial and ethnic groups have been updated.
The discussion of “Social Exclusion” includes updated data on the percentages of the
homeless population in the United States that are Black, White, Hispanic, Native American,
and multiracial.

Chapter 8 Global Inequality The definitions for the key terms absolute poverty and
relative poverty have been revised. The “What Is Global Inequality?” section has been updated
to reflect recent changes in the World Bank’s standards for classifying countries by income;
the number of countries in each category has also been updated. This section has been
expanded to include a discussion of the informal sector and how GNI fails to include this
significant aspect of the global economy. A discussion of the Multidimensional Poverty
Index (MDPI) developed by the United Nations Development Programme explores the
shortcomings of purely economic measures, which fail to account for human development
by hyper-focusing on the economic output of countries. The sections on “High-Income
mtb
Countries,” “Middle-Income Countries,” and “Low-Income Countries” have been updated
to reflect recent data on the percentage of the world’s population that falls into each income
level, as well as total and per-person GNI for each. A discussion of fertility rates and larger
family sizes in “Low-Income Countries” has been added, along with an exploration of why
and how the global standard of living has slowly risen. The “Globalization by the Numbers”
infographic “Global Inequality,” which highlights the systematic differences in wealth and
power that exist between nations, has been updated with the most current data avail-
able. Global Map 8.1, “Rich and Poor Countries: The World by Income in 2020,” has been
updated. The section on “Health” now discusses how low-income countries suffer the larg-
est consequences of environmental pollution and how high-income countries by and large
contribute to it. Data on the likelihood of child death and illness and overall life expectancy
for low-income countries have been updated. The “Digital Life” box “Can Apps Heal Global
Inequalities?” includes updated data on smartphone ownership. The number of people suf-
fering from chronic hunger has been updated in the “Hunger and Malnutrition” section,
while secondary school attendance and literacy data have been updated in “Education
and Literacy.” China's compound growth rate has been updated in “Can Poor Countries
Become Rich?” The term neoliberal has replaced market-oriented throughout the chapter, and
a new section on “Neoliberal Theories” provides a history and explanation of the concept.
The discussion of modernization theory has been revised to emphasize that modernity is a
biased term used to measure how closely a country resembles the United States and other
high-income nations. The key term dependency theory has been revised. The discussion of
“Dependency Theories” has been expanded to highlight the exploitative nature of capital-
ism and its roots in colonialism. The “World-Systems Theory” section has been completely
rewritten to highlight global commodity chains and uses the creation of the iPhone 11
Pro Max to offer a practical example of what commodity chains look like in action. The
“Global Capitalism Theory” section has been rewritten to explore the theory of global capi-
talism and the transnational capitalist class as defined by William Robinson. New Table 8.1,
“Applying Sociology to Global Inequality,” highlights contemporary applications of theories
discussed within the chapter. A new “Employing Your Sociological Imagination” feature,
“Public Sociologist: Sociologist in Action,” highlights the career of former Brazilian presi-
dent Fernando Henrique Cardoso, who popularized the theory of dependent development.

XXIV Preface
The discussion of global capitalism theory in the section “Evaluating Global
Theories of
Inequality” has been revised to emphasize an increasingly powerful transnational
capital-
ist class that is reshaping the world economy in its own interests,

Chapter 9 Gender Inequality The “Social Construction of Gender” section now

further clarifies the difference between gender socialization theories and the social
con-
struction of gender by comparing the two. The key term cisgender has been added. Data
regarding the number of U.S. states that issue nonbinary identification have been added.
“The Gendering of College Majors” discussion now includes data from a 2017 Glassdoor
study on women-dominated college majors and median salaries for careers dominated by
women and men. Table 9.1, “The Gendering of College Majors,” has been updated with
more recent data. The discussion of “Women and the Workplace” includes updated data on
women over age 16 in the workforce as well as labor force statistics for married women
with preschool-aged children. Figure 9.1, “Women’s Participation in the Labor Force in
the United States,” has been updated with current data. The “Inequalities at Work” section
includes updated data on occupations with the highest proportions of women. Figure 9.2,
“The Gender Pay Gap, 1979-2018,” has been updated. The number of senior roles held by
women globally has been updated with current data. A discussion of the Japanese gov-
ernment's goals to increase women's representation in management is now included. New
Table 9.2, “Applying Sociology to Gender,” highlights contemporary applications of theo-
ries discussed within the chapter. The “Globalization by the Numbers” infographic “Gender
Inequality,” which uses the Gender Inequality Index to compare gender inequality through-
out the world, has been updated with current data. The discussion in “Housework and the
Second Shift” has been expanded to include a Pew Research Center report on the perceived
importance of sharing chores in a successful marriage. “Gender Inequality in Politics”
includes updated information about the number of women in the U.S. Senate and House
of Representatives. Data on the number of women leaders in UN countries and female
representation in national legislatures have been updated in “Gender and Politics: Global
Perspective.” In “Why Are Women Targets of Violence?” data on the number of women
killed or driven to suicide in dowry-related disputes have been updated, along with data
on the number of women killed by intimate partners worldwide and the number of people
subjected to forced labor as a result of human trafficking. A short definition of the term
honor killing has been added within this section as well. The “Digital Life” feature, “His' and
‘Hers’ Apps?” has been revised to include a more recent study by the Pew Research Center
on which apps are most popular among men and women.

Chapter 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism A new chapter introduction recounts

bird-watcher Christian Cooper's racist experience with dog walker Amy Cooper in the
Central Park Ramble, highlighting the power of White privilege and Cooper's deployment
of it. The “Globalization by the Numbers” infographic “Racial & Ethnic Populations,” which
points to the variety in racial and ethnic categories globally, has been updated with current
data. A new section, “Multiracial and Multiethnic Identities,” discusses the increasing num-
ber of Americans who identify as multiracial and multiethnic. This section elaborates on
how multiracial/multiethnic people negotiate their identities among people who cling to
the view that “race” is a monolithic construct. The discussion of “Institutional Racism” has
been completely revised to describe George Floyd's murder at the hands of the Minneapolis
police and the subsequent nationwide protests that brought attention to the unequal treat-
ment of Black Americans at the hands of police. New Table 10.1, “Applying Sociology to

Preface XXV
 Race and Ethnicity,” highlights contemporary applications of theories discussed within the
chapter. The numbers of foreign-born and Hispanic individuals in the United States and
the proportions of the population they represent have been updated. The discussion of
“Mexican Americans” has been updated with data regarding the percentages of the Mexican
American population that live below the poverty line, speak English, and hold a bachelor's
degree. The discussion of “Educational Attainment” includes updated data regarding high
school dropout rates and adults with bachelor’s degrees among different racial and ethnic
groups. Figure 10.2, “Educational Attainment by Race and Ethnicity in 2019,” has been
updated with current data. Unemployment rates for adults with bachelor’s degrees among
different racial and ethnic groups have been updated, as well as median household income
for Black and White households. The discussion of “Health” has been completely rewritten
to account for the COVID-19 pandemic and how it exacerbated preexisting health dis-
parities between racial and ethnic groups. This section was further expanded with a new
discussion of infant mortality rates among different racial and ethnic groups. Figure 10.3,
“Earnings by Race and Sex in 2018,” has been updated. A new discussion of anti-Asian
prejudice during the COVID-19 pandemic has also been included.

Chapter 11 Families and Intimate Relationships This chapter has been revised to
include new research on dating and romantic partnerships. One of the Big Questions has
been updated to account for the primacy of romantic partnerships in the contemporary
United States. The “Basic Concepts” section has been expanded to discuss high contempo-
rary rates of polygamy and the so-called “polygamy belt” extending across various African
countries. Research from Christopher Carrington’s study on same-sex couples and “doing
gender” via household chores has been added to the “Symbolic Interactionist Approaches”
section. New Table 11.1, “Applying Sociology to Families,” highlights contemporary appli-
cations of theories discussed within the chapter. A new section on dating provides his-
torical context for dating and courtship in the West. It also discusses modern romantic
relationships and the use of apps in initiating them. In addition, this section includes
research on the “success rates” for arranged and autonomous marriages, and it discusses
interracial dating. A new section on marriage includes current data on the median ages of
marriage for men and women in the United States, projected marriage rates for millennials
and Gen Z, and a discussion of how marriage has become an institution of social and eco-
nomic advantage. This section also includes updated data on the percentage of households
in which women outearn their husbands and data on the number of young adults cohabi-
tating versus living with a spouse. The section on “Race, Ethnicity, and American Families”
has been thoroughly updated and now includes data on the number of young people who
marry someone of a different racial and/or ethnic background than themselves. Data on the
percentage of Mexicans and Cubans within the larger Hispanic population in the United
States have been updated. A discussion of the difficulties that undocumented families have
faced under the Trump administration is now included within the “Hispanic and Latinx-
Origin Families” section. A new subsection in the “Black Families” section (previously the
“African American Families” section) discusses historical and cultural differences between
Black families who have lived in the United States for generations versus Black immigrant
families. Research from one of the first sociological analyses of Black families, The Negro
Family in the United States by E. Franklin Frazier (1939), has been included. A new section
on multiracial families discusses the increasing number of young adults today who date,
cohabitate with, and marry partners from different racial and ethnic backgrounds. This

Xxvi Preface
 section also explores research on discrimination faced by
interracial partners from family,
friends, and strangers. Figure 11.2, “Divorce Rates in the United
States, 1920-2018,” has
been updated. A discussion of how scholarship has shifted from
examining the effects of
divorce on children to instead studying family instability more
broadly now opens the
“Divorce and Children” section. Research on the increasing number
of divorced and wid-
owed people who avoid remarriage has been added. The “Child Abuse”
section now high-
lights particularly high rates of child abuse among Native American
children and includes
broadly updated data on the number of child abuse victims. The number
of same-sex cou-
ples living in the United States has been updated and data on the likelih
ood of same-sex
and different-sex parents to have biological and/or stepchildren have been
updated. The
“Globalization by the Numbers” infographic “Maternity Leave,” which compar
es mandated
maternity leave in 11 different countries, has been updated with more recent data. Rates
of
child-free women of various racial and ethnic backgrounds have been updated.

Chapter 12 Education and Religion A new section on homeschooling discusses

the difficulties that have come with remote learning during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Literacy rates in South and West Asia have been updated. The “Fire in the Ashes” section,
which concerns school funding costs for a low-income school in Chicago versus a wealth-
ier school in a nearby suburb, has been updated to reflect 2019 spending. The “Globalization
by the Numbers” infographic “Religious Affiliation” now includes updated data regard-
ing religious affiliation globally and within the U.S. population. The “Trends in Religious
Affiliation” discussion includes updated data for the number of Americans who identify as
Christian as well as the number of Americans who are religiously unaffiliated. Research
regarding the percentage of Catholics in the United States who attend mass once a week
has been updated.

Chapter 13 Politics and Economic Life The chapter introduction includes updated
minimum wage data for both states and large corporations as well as updated data on the
poverty level in the United States. A new discussion of Democrats and the Raise the Wage
Act of 2019 expands on the changes in minimum wage discussed in the introduction.
The “Internet and Democratization” discussion has been revised to include Pew Research
Center data on Internet usage as it correlates to age, wealth, and education. This discus-
sion has been expanded to include research on how the Internet has started to overtake
and even replace newspapers and television for news. The “Political Parties” section has
been updated to reflect political party identification in the United States as of August 2020.
The discussion of voter identification laws has been updated for 2020. The “Globalization
by the Numbers” infographic “Voter Turnout” includes updated global voter turnout for
2018 elections. The “Interest Groups” section includes revised data for incumbent House
and Senate members to reflect the 2018 U.S. midterm elections. The discussion of women
in politics has been updated to reflect the increasing number of women in political posi-
tions in the United States. Military spending in the United States has been updated. Pew
Research Center data regarding the decreasing proportion of Americans who say they
trust the federal government have been updated. The section “Democracy in Trouble?” has
been extensively rewritten to highlight American perceptions of the role of the federal
government and how this varies by demographic. A new key term, housework, has been
added. The “Importance of Paid and Unpaid Work” section now includes extensive research
on domestic workers, including the critical role that they play in the informal economy (in

Preface XXvVil
 the United States specifically) as well as the abuse and exploitation they often suffer as “off
the books” workers. Figure 13.2, “Work Stoppages, 1947-2019,” has been updated. The num-
ber of unionized workers in the United States has been updated. Annual revenues for the
2,000 largest corporations in the world have been revised with current data. The discus-
sion of corporate mergers has been extended to include new examples, such as Amazon's
acquisition of Whole Foods Market. The explanation of managerial capitalism has been
extended for clarity. “Transnational Corporations” has been updated with recent data con-
cerning combined revenues for the largest transnational corporations. In the “Automation
and the Skill Debate” section, the discussion of Harry Braverman’s Labor and Monopoly
Capital (1994) has been replaced by Alan Blinder’s research on the U.S. occupational struc-
ture, in which he classified hundreds of different jobs and determined the likelihood that
they would be offshored. This section has been expanded to further discuss automation
and how it affects our economy today. New Table 13.1, “Applying Sociology to Government,
Political Power, and Social Movements,” highlights contemporary applications of concepts
discussed within the chapter. A new section “Unequal Pay” discusses CEO-to-worker gaps
in pay as well as pay gaps by gender and racial or ethnic background. New Figure 13.3,
“Americans Paychecks, 1984-2018,” charts average hourly wages from 1984 onward to
illustrate how wage rates haven't changed significantly over decades. The “Unemployment”
section has been expanded to discuss American unemployment rates since World War II;
it also highlights the recession of 2008-2009 and its effect on unemployment rates. A
new “Globalization by the Numbers” infographic, “Unemployment Rates,” compares global
unemployment rates and breaks down unemployment data by gender, race, and educa-
tional background in the United States.

Chapter 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality The
chapter introduction has been revised to discuss the COVID-19 pandemic as it illustrates
the connection between social factors and health. The discussion of “Eating Disorders”
includes updated data on the number of people suffering from eating disorders in the
United States. Obesity statistics have been updated according to race. The “Globalization
by the Numbers” infographic “Obesity Rates” includes updated obesity rates for the United
States and the United Kingdom. In “How Do Social Factors Affect Health and Illness?” a new
discussion of decreasing life expectancy in the United States has been added, as well as an
extended discussion of COVID-19 and how it has disproportionately affected economically
disadvantaged people. Recent research on life expectancy and suicide rates as they differ by
education levels has been added. Research on depression rates among Black and White peo-
ple has been added as well as cancer rates among Black and White women. Recent research
on the gender gap in life expectancy has been added, along with research suggesting that
COVID-19 has disproportionately affected men. “Gender-Based Inequalities in Health” has
been extended to further discuss the paradox that men tend to die younger but women
report more health problems. New Table 14.1, “Applying Sociology to the Body,” highlights
contemporary applications of theories discussed within the chapter. Research concerning
life expectancy in the United States as it compares to other wealthy countries has been
added. The “Infectious Diseases Today” section now accounts for COVID-109's global pre-
dominance. The discussion of HIV and AIDS has been thoroughly updated with new data
on the number of people globally and within the United States who live with HIV as well
as updated data on the rate at which Black and Hispanic Americans are disproportionately
affected by HIV. “How Do Social Contexts Shape Sexual Behavior?” has been extended to

XXVIII Preface
clarify terminology related to sexual orientation. Survey data concerning sexual
orienta-
tion as it correlates to being bullied at school has been added. Updated data on the percent-
age of Americans who support same-sex marriage have been added. The “Employi
ng Your
Sociological Imagination” feature, “Health Care Provider,” now references a meta-analysis
of 14 studies concerned with the varying rates at which White, Black, and Hispanic patients
received painkillers when in acute pain.

Chapter 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment The chapter intro-

duction now includes a discussion of COVID-10's effect on the world economy, with
particular attention paid to the U.S. economy. A discussion about human-made carbon
emissions in China and China's investment in renewable energy has been added. Data
on air-pollution-related deaths in Delhi have been updated. The discussion on the most
and least urbanized regions in the world has been updated with 2019 data alongside a
new discussion of China's increasing urbanization. The comparison between the Chicago
School and urban ecology has been shortened and streamlined. The discussion of urban
ecology has also been extended in order to take into account how race and ethnicity factor
into this approach to studying urban life. “Jane Jacobs: ‘Eyes and Ears Upon the Street”
has been extended to point to the continued relevance of Jacobs’ ideas today. The section
“The Decline of Rural America?” now elaborates on the reasons behind population declines
in rural areas; this section's discussion of poverty rates has also been streamlined. The
“Suburbanization” section now discusses the history of the “American Dream” and elabo-
rates on the similarities of urban and suburban life. This section is further enhanced by data
on population growth in metropolitan areas between 2010 and 2018. “Urban Problems”
now includes a discussion of home ownership and racism as well as research on the exploit-
ative nature of landlord-tenant relationships. The process of gentrification is explained in
“Gentrification and Urban Renewal.” Data on the projected urbanization of populations in
the Global South by 2050 have been added. A discussion of Paul Erlich’s controversial book
The Population Bomb, which warned of the dangers of global population growth, has been
added to the section “What Are the Forces behind World Population Growth?” Population
growth projections made by the United Nations for the next century have been added.
The discussion about demography has been expanded to provide greater clarity on what
the term means. The section on “Basic Demographic Concepts” now includes a shortened
explanation of crude birth rates and a new key term: age-specific birth rates. The discussion
of crude birth rates has been extended to include recent data on global crude birth rates.
The explanation of the one-child policy in China has been shortened and the discussion
about crude death rates has been extended and updated in order to include research on how
the U.S. crude death rate compares globally. Global infant mortality rates have also been
updated. “Dynamics of Population Change” has been extended to discuss the increasing
global population. Global Map 15.1, “Change in Population Growth Rate, 2010-2019,” has
been updated. A discussion of differences in population growth between rich and poor
countries has been added. “The Demographic Transition” now includes a discussion of
child labor and compulsory schooling. Research from a 2019 United Nations report regard-
ing the decline of nature and the acceleration of species extinction has been added. The
discussion of “Global Environmental Threats” now highlights the role of industrialized
countries in producing trash. The section on “Global Warming and Climate Change” has
been significantly updated to include recent research on worldwide energy use, the rising
temperature of the planet, the rise of greenhouse gas emissions, and the state of the earth's

Preface KIX
 oceans, glaciers, and permafrost. A discussion of the possibilities for achieving sustain-
able development has been added, as well as data regarding the number of undernourished
people in the world. The “Digital Life” feature “Tracking Your Ecological Footprint” has
been updated to reflect former president Trump's decision to withdraw the United States
from the Paris Agreement on climate change as of 2020. A new section, “Environmental
Social Movements,” discusses the increase in social movements revolving around climate
change and highlights Greta Thunberg’s role in this regard. This new section also includes
recent Pew Research Center data ranging across 26 countries that measures how con-
cerned people are about climate change. A discussion of the term Anthropocene has been
added that highlights the term's significance in our current geological period. New
Table 15.1, “Applying Sociology to Population, Urbanization, and the Environment,”
highlights contemporary applications of concepts discussed within the chapter.

Chapter 16 Globalization in a Changing World The “Digital Life” feature “Online

Activism Trends Upward” now includes a discussion of the killing of George Floyd and
how his murder sparked a global movement calling for police reform, accountability, and
defunding. This feature box has been further extended to discuss the #MeToo movement
and now provides examples of powerful people who have been accused of sexual miscon-
duct since 2017. The number of satellites currently revolving around the earth has been
updated. The number of people using the Internet worldwide has been updated. The com-
bined revenues of the world’s 500 largest transnational corporations have been updated.
A discussion of the significant drop in the Dow Jones during the COVID-19 pandemic
has been added. New Table 16.2, “Applying Sociology to Globalization in a Changing
World,” highlights contemporary applications of concepts discussed within the chapter.
The devastating impact of the Australian brushfires in 2020 and their connection to climate
change is now discussed in “The Spread of ‘Manufactured Risk.” Data on wealth and which
portions of the global population hold the most of it have been updated. The “Globalization
by the Numbers” infographic “Global Wealth” has been updated to account for increas-
ing global wealth disparities. Research from the Brookings Institution on the number of
people living in extreme poverty and how much money they survive on is now included.
This discussion is further expanded by new data illustrating where the majority of the
global poor live. Data on the global total in merchandise and service exports have
been updated. “The Campaign for Global Justice” section now accounts for the United
States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) signed in November 2018.

Organization
There is very little abstract discussion of basic sociological concepts at the beginning of
this book. Instead, concepts are explained when they are introduced in the relevant chapters,
and we have sought throughout to illustrate them by means of concrete examples. While these
are usually taken from sociological research, we have also used material from other sources
(such as newspaper or popular magazine articles). We have tried to keep the writing style as
simple and direct as possible, while endeavoring to make the book lively and full of surprises.
The chapters follow a sequence designed to help achieve a progressive mastery of the
different fields of sociology, but we have taken care to ensure that the book can be used
flexibly and is easy to adapt to the needs of individual courses. Chapters can be skipped or
studied in a different order without much loss. Each has been written as a fairly autono-
mous unit, with cross-referencing to other chapters at relevant points.

XXX Preface
Study Aids
Every chapter in the Eighth Edition of Essentials of Sociology features:

m= Learning Goals are outlined at the start of the chapter and then recur
throughout the chapter in marginal notations at the beginning of the relevant
sections to promote active learning.

= = “Concept Checks” throughout each chapter help students assess their

understanding of the major topics in the chapter. Each “Concept Check” has
questions that range from reading-comprehension level to those that ask
students to exercise more advanced critical thinking skills.

= “Digital Life” boxes in every chapter get students thinking critically about
how the Internet and smartphones are transforming the way we date, manage
our health, and even practice religion.

= “Globalization by the Numbers” infographics transform raw numbers into

visually interesting displays that put the United States in a global context.
Interactive versions in the ebook make the data dynamic and include integrated
assignments that engage students with the data.

= “Big Picture” Concept Maps at the end of every chapter, which integrate the
“Big Questions,” key terms, and “Concept Checks” into a handy and visually
interesting study tool, serve as both a pre-reading guide to the chapter as well
as a post-reading review.

Acknowledgments
Many individuals offered us helpful comments and advice on particular chapters, and, in
some cases, large parts of the text. They helped us see issues in a different light, clarified
some difficult points, and allowed us to take advantage of their specialist knowledge in
their respective fields. We are deeply indebted to them. Special thanks go to Aleksandra
Malinowska, who worked assiduously to help us update data in all chapters and
contributed significantly to editing as well; and Dmitry Khodyakov, who wrote
thought-provoking Concept Check questions for each chapter.
We would like to thank the many readers of the text who have written us with
comments, criticisms, and suggestions for improvements. We have adopted many of their
recommendations in this new edition.

Adalberto Aguirre, University of California, Kim Brackett, Auburn University

Riverside Joy Branch, Southern Union State Community
Francis O. Adeola, University of New Orleans College

Patricia Ahmed, South Dakota State University Helen Brethauer-Gay, Florida A&M University

Benjamin L. Augustyn, Miami Dade College Edith Brotman, Towson University

Colleen Avedikian, University of Tucker Brown, Austin Peay State University

Massachusetts, Dartmouth Cecilia Casarotti, Hillsborough Community
Debbie Bishop, Lansing Community College College / Webber International University

Sharon Bjorkman, Pikes Peak Community Susan Cody-Rydzewski, Georgia Perimeter

College College

Preface XXXi
 Caroline Calogero, Brookdale Community College Timothy L. O'Brien, University of Wisconsin-
Milwaukee
Paul Calarco, Hudson Valley Community College
Daniel O'Leary, Old Dominion University
Giana Cicchelli, Fullerton College
Takamitsu Ono, Anne Arundel Community
Karen Coleman, Winona State University
College
Dawn Conley, Central Arizona College
Carolyn Pevey, Germanna Community College
Michelle N. Crist, University of Toledo
Robert Pullen, Troy University
Olga Custer, Oregon State University
Dusty Ray, Kansas State University
Raymonda Dennis, Delgado Community
Kent Redding, University of Wisconsin-
College
Milwaukee
Sarah DeWard, Eastern Michigan University
Matt Reynolds, College of Southern Idaho
Jason Dixon, Walters State Community College
James Rice, New Mexico State University
Jonathan Fish, Trident Technical College
Fernando Rivera, University of Central Florida
Bernard Fitzpatrick, Naugatuck Valley
Dan Rose, Chattanooga State Community
Community College
College
Matthew Flynn, Georgia Southern University
Ayesha Saeed, Kansas State University
Clare Giesen, Delgado Community College
Elizabeth Scheel-Keita, St. Cloud State
Ron Hammond, Utah Valley University University
Garrison Henderson, Tarrant County College Dave Seyfert, Pikes Peak Community College
Nicole Hotchkiss, Washington College Luis Sfeir-Younis, University of Michigan
Howard Housen, Broward College John M. Shandra, Stony Brook University
Rahime-Malik Howard, El Centro College Mark Sherry, University of Toledo
Annie Hubbard, Northwest Vista College Rachel Stehle, Cuyahoga Community College
Onoso Imoagene, University of Pennsylvania Larry Stern, Collin College
Kristin Ingellis, Goodwin College Daniel Steward, University of Illinois at
Jennifer Jordan, University of Wisconsin- Urbana-Champaign
Milwaukee Karen Stewart-Cain, Trident Technical College
Foster Kamanga, Kansas State University Richard Sweeney, Modesto Junior College
Ryan Kelty, Washington College Adrienne Trier-Bieniek, Valencia College
Qing Lai, Florida International University Jason Ulsperger, Arkansas Tech University
Andrew Lash, Valencia College Thomas Waller, Tallahassee Community
College
Kalyna Lesyna, Palomar College
Candace Warner, Columbia State Community
Danilo Levi, Delgado Community College
College
Ke Liang, Baruch College
Tammy Webb, Goodwin College
Kathleen M. Maurice, Delaware Technical
Phyllis Welch, Florida A&M University
Community College
Debra Welkley, American River College /
Adria McLaughlin, East Tennessee State
California State University, Sacramento
University
Ron Westrum, Eastern Michigan University
Devin Molina, Bronx Community College
Jeremy White, Pikes Peak Community College
Monita H. Mungo, University of Toledo
Jessica Williams, Texas Woman's University
Jayne Mooney, John Jay College of Criminal
Justice Kristi Williams, Ohio State University

Kendra Murphy, University of Memphis D.J. Wolover, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee

Rafael Narvaez, Winona State University Annice Yarber-Allen, Auburn University

Cheryl North, Tarrant County College Erica Yeager, Anne Arundel Community College

XXXII Preface
We have many others to thank as well. Samantha Held did a marvelous job of copyediting
the new edition. We are also extremely grateful to project editor Caitlin Moran, who man-
aged the countless details involved in creating the book. Assistant editor Angie Merila
skillfully tracked all the moving parts that go into publishing this complicated project.
Production manager Stephen Sajdak did impressive work guiding the book through pro-
duction so that it came out on time and in beautiful shape. We also thank Eileen Connell,
our media editor, Ariel Eaton, our associate media editor, and Alexandra Park, our media
editorial assistant for developing all of the useful supplements that accompany the book.
Agnieszka Gasparska and the entire team of designers at Kiss Me I'm Polish gave the
book a stunning design and also managed to digest a huge amount of data to create the
Globalization by the Numbers infographics throughout Essentials of Sociology.
We are also grateful to our editors at Norton—Steve Dunn, Melea Seward, Karl
Bakeman, Sasha Levitt, and Michael Moss—who have made important substantive and
creative contributions to the book's chapters and have ensured that we have referenced
the very latest research. We also would like to register our thanks to a number of cur-
rent and former graduate students—imany of whom are now tenured professors at pres-
tigious universities—whose contributions over the years have proved invaluable: Wendy
Carter, Audrey Devin-Eller, Neha Gondal, Neil Gross, Black Hawk Hancock, Paul LePore,
Alair MacLean, Ann Meier, Susan Munkres, Josh Rossol, Sharmila Rudrappa, Christopher
Wildeman, David Yamane, and Katherina Zippel.

Anthony Giddens
Mitchell Duneier
Richard Appelbaum
Deborah Carr

Preface XXXII
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EIGHTH EDITION

Essentials
of Sociology
 THE BIG QUESTIONS

What is the “sociological imagination”?

Learn what sociology covers as a field and
how everyday topics like love and romance
are shaped by social and historical forces.
Recognize that sociology involves developing
a sociological imagination and a global
perspective and understanding social change.

What theories do sociologists use?

Learn about the development of sociology
as a field. Be able to name some of the
leading social theorists and the concepts
they contributed to sociology. Learn the
different theoretical approaches modern

Sociology: |
sociologists bring to the field.

What kinds of questions can

sociologists answer?
Be able to describe the different types of ques-

Theory and —
tions sociologists address in their research.

What are the steps of the research

process?
Learn the steps of the research process and
be able to complete the process yourself.

What research methods do

sociologists use?
Familiarize yourself with the methods avail-
able to sociological researchers, and know the
advantages and disadvantages of each. See how
researchers use multiple methods in a real study.

What ethical dilemmas do

sociologists face?
Recognize the ethical problems researchers
may face, and identify possible solutions to
these dilemmas.

How does the sociological imagination

affect your life?
Understand how adopting a sociological
Opinion of the United States
perspective allows us to develop a richer
p.9 understanding of ourselves, our significant
others, and the world.
 Sociology is the scientific study of human social life, groups, and societies. A
dazzling and compelling enterprise, it focuses on our own behavior as social beings.
The scope of sociological study is extremely wide, ranging from the analysis of
how people establish social connections with one another on the local level to the
investigation of social processes on a global scale.
Sociology teaches us that what we regard as natural, inevitable, good, or true may not be
such, and that the “givens” of our lives—including things we assume to be genetic or biological—
are strongly influenced by historical, cultural, social, and even technological forces. Understanding
the subtle yet complex and profound ways in which our individual lives reflect the contexts of our
unique social experiences is central to its outlook. A brief example, drawn from a brilliantly reported
article in the New York Times, provides a taste of the objectives of sociology (Casey, 2020).
In late winter of 2020, the global pandemic known as COVID-19 hit the U.S. education
system with the force of a major earthquake. Although those under 20 years of age were

Sociology: Theory and Method

 believed to be at minimal risk of dying from COVID-19, they could easily contract the virus in the
classroom and pass it on to their elders. Thus, even before President Donald Trump officially
ociology
declared a state of national emergency on March 13, 2020, some colleges began switching to
he study of human
online classes, requesting students to leave dorms, and shutting down libraries and all services
roups and societies,
iving particular emphasis on their campuses. Primary and secondary schools across the United States followed suit,
) analysis of the indus- announcing that they too would be closing down for an indefinite period. Each institution—
‘jalized world. Sociology public or private—was left to its own devices to figure out how to conduct a massive switch to
; one of a group of social remote learning within a week or two.
ciences that includes
At many colleges, the shift coincided with spring break. Such was the case at Haverford,
nthropology, economics,
a small, private liberal arts college near Philadelphia attended by Tatiana and Isabel, two mem-
olitical science, and
uman geography. The bers of the school’s lacrosse team who also happened to be joint TAs in a political science
ivisions among the course called “Forced Migration Refugees.” Both were preparing to play a lacrosse game
arious social sciences over the break when the school cancelled it and informed students that they should start
re not clear-cut, and all moving out of their dormitories. Isabel, whose father ran his own consulting company, car-
hare a certain range
pooled a ride back home to Maine, where she then left with her parents for their summer house
f common interests,
oncepts, and methods.
on the sea. Tatiana, meanwhile, returned to her own home in Jacksonville, Florida, which
was soon placed under a lockdown that threatened to destroy her parents’ only source of
income, a food truck.
At Haverford, the two young women had lived virtually as equals, living in the same dorm,
wearing the same uniforms, eating in the same cafeteria, and TAing for the same class. The
college, which has been highly successful in recruiting lower-income students despite its
roughly $73,000 annual tuition, had taken significant pride in being an “equalizer,” in bringing
together students from across the socio-economic spectrum and creating a learning environ-
ment in which all felt comfortable and accepted. Tatiana, of Puerto Rican origins, was on full
scholarship at Haverford thanks to her high school counselor, who had urged her to apply
to college due to her excellent grades. When learning of her acceptance into the college and
full-ride financial package, her response had verged on shock. Upon entering the school, she
soon joined its lacrosse team, where the mostly White, prep-school educated students had
given her a warm welcome.
When the class on Forced Migration Refugees resumed in videoconferencing form after
spring break, the students found themselves surrounded by familiar faces against unfamiliar
backdrops. Some were comfortably settled in their family’s spacious houses, while others
were participating in the sessions from humble or crowded homes. Those without means
to return home had received permission to remain in their dorm rooms on the near-empty
campus. Tatiana, however, was not present at the first session; shortly before, she had emailed
her professor to say that she was looking for a job at a grocery store in order to help her family
get through the crisis. “| have this panic moment that it’s literally for nothing now,” she wrote
about her four years at the college.
Although the professor began the class discussing the impact of the pandemic on
refugees, the students soon deviated from the subject to share their own experiences with
the situation. One young woman, from Hillsborough, California, told her classmates that her
father, a private equity executive, had initially wanted to take her family to Japan, where the
spread of the disease seemed to be under control, but had later changed his mind. Another
had remained on campus because her mother, who lived in Moscow on a small pension
with which she had to support herself and a son with severe disabilities, could not afford
to purchase her plane ticket home. As the students shared their various stories, it became

CHAPTER 1. Sociology: Theory and Method

increasingly obvious that though the disparity in their socioeconomic backgrounds had seemed
irrelevant in the egalitarian atmosphere of the Haverford campus, the pandemic had quickly
brought it back to the fore.
Sociology helps us to understand and analyze scientifically social phenomena like those
affecting Tatiana and her classmates as well as all the others sparked or aggravated by the
COVID-19 pandemic. American sociologist C. Wright Mills (1959) observed that social sciences
personal troubles
enable people to “translate private troubles into public issues.” What Mills meant is that individ-
Difficulties that are located
uals often believe that the problems that they (and others) face are personal, perhaps result- in individual biographies
ing from their own traits or decisions. But social scientists recognize that these seemingly and their immediate
“personal” troubles, if they occur in patterned ways among large numbers of individuals, milieu; seemingly private
experiences.
reflect important “public issues,” or consequences of social structures.
For example, during the recent pandemic, some people had to continue working despite
the significant dangers of this particular coronavirus. These included not only health care
public issues
providers, but those in other jobs deemed “essential,” such as building maintenance, postal
Difficulties or problems
service, meal delivery, public transport, food preparation, sanitation, etc. Yet these sorts of jobs
that are linked to the
are not conducted randomly by members of society at large. As Pangborn and Rea (2020) point institutional and histori-
out, they are far more likely to be performed by women, Latinos, and African Americans, whose cal possibilities of social
annual earnings generally fall below those of White men, and who are thus already victims of structure.

social inequality.

What Is the “Sociological —

Imagination? <
When we learn to think sociologically, we can better understand the most personal aspects Learn what sociology
of our own lives. For instance, have you ever been in love? Almost certainly you have. covers as a field and how
everyday topics like love
Most people who are in their teens or older know what being in love is like. Love and
and romance are shaped by
romance provide some of the most intense feelings we ever experience. Why do peo-
social and historical forces.
ple fall in love? The answer may seem obvious: Love expresses a mutual physical and Recognize that sociology
personal attachment between two individuals. These days, we might not all think that involves developing a
love is “forever,” but falling in love, we may agree, is an experience arising from univer- CyeYed
()(ofed(or-1Milnarctedlaelteya)

sal human emotions. It seems natural for a couple in love to want personal and sexual and a global perspective
FTavo Melero (-lecye-lave
[lated
fulfillment in their relationship, perhaps through marriage.
social change.
Yet this pattern whereby love leads to marriage is in fact very unusual. Romantic
love is not an experience all people across the world have—and where it does happen, it
is rarely connected to marriage. The idea of romantic love did not become widespread in
our society until fairly recently, and it has never even existed in many other cultures.
Only in modern times have love and sexuality become closely connected. In Europe
during the Middle Ages and for centuries afterward, men and women married mainly to
keep property in the hands of the family or to raise children to work the family farm—
or, in the case of royalty, to seal political alliances. Spouses may have become close com-
panions after marriage, but not before. People sometimes had sexual affairs outside mar-
riage, but these inspired few of the emotions we associate with love today. Romantic love
was regarded as a weakness at best and a kind of sickness at worst.

What Is the “Sociological Imagination’?

 Romantic love developed in aristocratic circles as a characteristic of extramarital
sexual adventures. Until about two centuries ago, it was confined to such circles and
kept separate from marriage. Relations between husband and wife were often cool and
distant. Each spouse had his or her own bedroom and servants; they may have rarely
seen each other in private. Sexual compatibility was not considered relevant to marriage.
Among both rich and poor, the decision of whom to marry was made by one’s immediate
and extended family; the individuals concerned had little or no say in the matter.
This remains true in many non-Western countries today. (Social scientists typically
define “Western” nations to be those with origins in or an association with European
culture. Western nations are typically economically rich; they include North America
and most European countries as well as Australia.) For example, in Afghanistan under
the rule of the Taliban, men were prohibited from speaking to women to whom they
were not related or married, and marriages were arranged by parents. The Taliban gov-
ernment saw romantic love as so offensive that it outlawed all nonreligious music and
films. Like many in the non-Western world, the Taliban believed Afghanistan was being
inundated by Hollywood movies and American pop music and videos, which are filled
with sexual images.
Neither romantic love, then, nor its association with marriage, can be understood as
hat is the origin of a natural or universal feature of human life. Rather, such love has been shaped by social
omantic love? Originally, and historical influences. These are the influences sociologists study.
omantic love was limited
Most of us see the world in terms of the familiar features of our own lives. Sociology
0 affairs for medieval
ristocrats like Tristan and demonstrates the need for a much broader view of our nature and our actions. It
Xo)
(o{rantal-M-10 0)[el (re) mr teaches that what we regard as “natural” in our lives is strongly influenced by historical
irteenth-century court and social forces. Understanding the subtle yet profoundly complex ways in which
omance that inspired our individual lives reflect the contexts of our social experience is basic to the
oems, operas, and films.
sociological outlook.
Learning to think sociologically means cultivating what sociologist C. Wright Mills
(1959), in a famous phrase, called the sociological imagination. According to Mills, each
of us lives in a very small orbit, and our worldviews are limited by the social situations
we encounter on a daily basis, including the family and the small groups of which we're
a part, the schools we attend, and even the dorms in which we live. All these things give
rise to a certain limited perspective and point of view. Mills argued that we all need to

ociological overcome this limited perspective. What is necessary is a certain quality of mind that
magination makes it possible to understand the larger meaning of our experiences. This quality of
mind is the sociological imagination.
he application of imag-
Native thought to the The sociological imagination requires us, above all, to “think ourselves away” from
sking and answering of our daily routines in order to look at them anew. It also allows us to see that many behav-
ociological questions. iors or feelings that we view as private and individualized actually reflect larger social
he sociological imagina-
issues. Try applying this sort of outlook to your own life. Consider, for instance, how the
ion requires us to “think
COVID-19 pandemic affected your household. Perhaps you got through it without major
urselves away” from the
amiliar routines of daily hardship; your parents worked from home while you spent several months taking high
fe, in order to understand school or college classes online. Although inconvenienced, you were not forced to give
ne larger meaning behind up long-term educational or career goals. Watching the news, you may have attributed
ur experiences.
your safety to your conscientious observance of social-distancing measures or simply felt
grateful for your family’s good luck. Or perhaps you had a different experience since your

CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

parents are employed in service jobs that were deemed “essential” during the outbreak.
Three weeks into the pandemic, your father brought home the virus and infected you
and your siblings and—because you live in a large, tightly packed housing project—
possibly others in your building. Since he has spent years working a strenuous job and
can only afford minimal health care coverage, he has developed a medical condition
that makes him more susceptible to the dangers of the virus. As a result, he ended up
in the hospital for four weeks, leaving the rest of you to get by on your mother's lower
salary. Your father survived the illness but was left with huge medical debt, which
placed your educational and career aspirations into serious jeopardy through no fault of
your own. A sociological imagination provides the tools to understand that this is not
simply a case of bad luck, or the result of people's irresponsible disregard for social-
distancing measures. It reveals the larger forces at work that protect certain segments of
the population at the expense of others.
The sociological imagination requires us, above all, to “think ourselves away” from
our daily routines in order to look at them anew. Consider the simple act of drinking a
cup of coffee. What might the sociological point of view illuminate about such apparently
uninteresting behavior? An enormous amount. First, coffee possesses symbolic value
as part of our daily social activities. Often, the ritual associated with coffee drinking is
much more important than the act itself. Two people who arrange to meet for coffee
are probably more interested in getting together and chatting than in what they actu-
ally drink. Drinking and eating in all societies, in fact, promote social interaction and the
enactment of rituals—vich subject matter for sociological study.
Second, coffee contains caffeine, a drug that stimulates the brain. In Western cul-
ture, coffee addicts are not regarded as drug users. Like alcohol, coffee is a socially accept-
able drug, whereas cocaine and opium, for instance, are not. Yet some societies tolerate
the recreational use of opium or even cocaine but frown on coffee and alcohol. Sociologists
are interested in why these contrasts exist.
Third, an individual who drinks a cup of coffee is participating in a complicated
set of social and economic relationships stretching across the world. The production
and distribution of coffee require continuous transactions among people who may be
thousands of miles away from the coffee drinker. Studying such global transactions is
an important task of sociology because many aspects of our lives are now affected by
worldwide social influences and communications.
Finally, the act of sipping a cup of coffee is only possible because of a process of
past social and economic development. Widespread consumption of coffee—along with
other now-familiar items of Western diets, such as tea, bananas, potatoes, and white
sugar—began only in the late 1800s under Western colonial expansion. Virtually all
the coffee we drink today comes from areas (South America and Africa) that were
colonized by Europeans; it is in no sense a “natural” part of the Western diet.

Studying Sociology
The sociological imagination allows us to see that many behaviors or feelings that we
view as private and individualized actually reflect larger social issues. Try applying this
sort of outlook to your own life. Consider, for instance, why you are attending college

What Is the “Sociological Imagination”?

 right now. You may think that it's because you worked hard in high school, or because
you want to earn a degree required to find a good job; yet other, larger social forces may
also have played a role. Many students who work hard in high school cannot attend college
because their parents cannot afford to send them or help them pay for it. Others have
their schooling interrupted by large-scale events, such as wars or economic depressions.
The notion that we need college to find a good job is also shaped by social context. In past
eras, when most people worked in agricultural or manufacturing rather than professional
jobs, college attendance was rare—rather than an expected rite of passage.
Although we are all influenced by the social contexts in which we find ourselves,
those contexts do not determine our behavior. We possess and create our own individ-
uality. For example, despite the fact that many people contracted COVID-19 during the
pandemic due to social circumstances beyond their control, there were some who got ill
or even died because they chose not to practice social distancing. It is the goal of sociology
to investigate the connections between what society makes of us and what we make of
ourselves. Our activities structure—give shape to—the social world around us and at the
same time are structured by that social world.
Social structure is an important concept in sociology. It refers to the fact that the
social contexts of our lives do not just consist of random assortments of events or
actions; they are structured, or patterned, in distinct ways. There are regularities in
the ways we behave and in the relationships we have with one another. But social
structure is not like a physical structure, such as a building, which exists independently
structuration of human actions. Human societies are always in the process of structuration.
The two-way process They are reconstructed at every moment by the very “building blocks” that compose
»y which we shape our them—human beings like you.
social world through our
ndividual actions and by
Developing a Global Perspective
which we are reshaped by
society. As we just saw in our discussion of the sociological dimensions of drinking a cup of
coffee, all our personal actions in our immediate communities form part of larger social
settings that extend around the globe. These connections between the local and the
global are quite new in human history. They have accelerated over the past 40 or 50 years
as a result of dramatic advances in communications, information, and transportation
technologies. The development of jet planes; large, speedy container ships; and other
means of rapid travel has meant that people and goods can be continuously transported
across the world. And our worldwide system of satellite communication, established
only some 50 years ago, has made it possible for people to get in touch with one another
instantaneously.
Nobalization U.S. society is influenced every moment of the day by globalization, the growth of
‘he economic, political, world interdependence—a social phenomenon that will be discussed throughout this
ind social interconnect- book. Globalization should not be thought of simply as the development of worldwide
‘dness of individuals networks—social and economic systems that are remote from our individual concerns.
hroughout the world.
It is a local phenomenon, too. For example, in the 1950s and 1960s, most Americans had
few culinary choices when they dined out at restaurants. In many U.S. towns and cities
today, a single street may feature Italian, Mexican, Japanese, Thai, Ethiopian, and other
types of restaurants next door to one another. In turn, the dietary decisions we make can
affect food producers who may live on the other side of the world.

CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

 Opinion of the United States

The extent to which people hold favorable attitudes toward the United States varies considerably across nations,
highlighting how macrosocial factors—migration patterns, economic factors, religion, history of military conflict—
can shape individual-level attitudes. Although there are strong national and regional patterns of support for the United
States, we also see considerable historical variation. ;

Population reporting favorable views of the United States (%), 2003-2019

Hi United Kingdom Wi France @ Turkey Wi Jordan

™ South Korea ') Spain Russia Hi Mexico

50%

40%

30%

10%

0%

PXoF-lol on
“Source: Pew Research Center,
 Do college students today have a global perspective? By at least one measure,
the answer is yes. According to a survey of 137,456 first-year college students in 2016,
86 percent reported that they had discussed politics “frequently” or “occasionally” in
the last year. Nearly half (46 percent) of students also reported that keeping up to date
with political affairs is “very important” or “essential’—the highest proportion since
1990—while nearly three in five students (59 percent) said “improving my understand-
ing of other countries and cultures” was very important or essential. About one-third
(33 percent) of students said there was a “very good chance” that they would study
abroad while in college (Eagan et al., 2017). These data reflect a pervasive awareness among
college students today that globalization has a direct effect on our daily, private lives.
A global perspective not only allows us to become more aware of the ways that we
are connected to people in other societies but also makes us more aware of the many
problems the world now faces. The global perspective opens our eyes to the fact that
our interdependence with other societies means that our actions have consequences for
others and that the world’s problems have consequences for us.

Understanding Social Change

The changes in human ways of life over the last 200 years, including globalization, have
been far-reaching. We have become accustomed, for example, to the fact that most of
the population lives in towns and cities rather than in small agricultural communities.
But this was not the case until the middle of the nineteenth century. For most of human
history, the vast majority of people had to produce their own food and shelter and
lived in tiny groups or small village communities. Even at the height of the most-
developed traditional civilizations—such as ancient Rome or pre-industrial China—
less than 10 percent of the population lived in urban areas; everyone else was engaged
in food production in rural settings. Today, in most industrialized societies, these
proportions have become almost completely reversed. By 2050, 68 percent of the
world population is expected to live in urban areas (UN Department of Economic and
Lodo],
[oq= 2 a 09 |109,€—)
Social Affairs, 2018d).
How does sociology These sweeping social transformations have radically altered, and continue to alter, the
help us understand the most personal and intimate aspects of our daily existence. To extend a previous example,
causes of bullying? the spread of the idea of romantic love was strongly conditioned by the transition from
Contrast public issues a rural to an urban, industrialized society. As people moved into urban areas and began
and personal troubles. to work in industrial production, marriage was no longer prompted mainly by economic
What Is the sociological motives—ty the need to control the inheritance of land and to work the land as a family
imagination, according to unit. “Arranged” marriages—fixed through the negotiations of parents and relatives—
C. Wright Mills?
became less and less common. Individuals began to initiate marriage relationships on the
How does-the concept of bases of emotional attraction and personal fulfillment. The idea of “falling in love” as a
social structure help
precondition for marriage was formed in this context.
sociologists better under-
Sociology was founded by thinkers who sought initially to understand the impact
stand social phenomena?
of transformations that accompanied industrialization in the West. Although our world
What is globalization? How
today is radically different from that of former ages, the original goal of sociologists
might it affect the lives
of college students today? remains: to understand our world and what future it is likely to hold for us.

CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

 What Theories Do
Sociologists Use? <
Sociologists do more than collect facts; they also want to know why things happen.
Learn about the development
For instance, we know that industrialization has had a major influence on the emergence of sociology as a field. Be
of modern societies. But what are the origins and preconditions of industrialization? able to name some of the
Why is industrialization associated with changes in methods of criminal punishment leading social theorists
and the concepts they
or in family and marriage systems? To respond to such questions, we must construct
contributed to sociology.
explanatory theories. Learn the different
Creating theories involves constructing abstract interpretations that can be used theoretical approaches
to explain a wide variety of situations. Of course, factual research and theories can modern sociologists bring
never be completely separated. Sociologists aiming to document facts must begin to the field.

their studies with a theory that they will evaluate. Theory helps researchers identify
and frame a factual question, yet facts are needed to evaluate the strength of a theory.
Conversely, once facts have been obtained, sociologists must use theory to interpret
and make sense of these facts.
Theoretical thinking also must respond to general problems posed by the study of
human social life, including issues that are philosophical in nature. For example, based
on their theoretical and methodological orientations, sociologists hold very different
beliefs about whether sociology should be modeled on the natural sciences.

Early Theorists
Humans have always been curious about why we behave as we do, but for thousands of
years our attempts to understand ourselves relied on ways of thinking passed down from
generation to generation, often expressed in religious rather than scientific terms. The
systematic scientific study of human behavior is a relatively recent development, dating
back to the late 1700s and early 1800s. The sweeping changes ushered in by the French
Revolution of 1789 and the emergence of the Industrial Revolution in Europe formed
the backdrop for the development of sociology. These major historical events shattered
traditional ways of life and forced thinkers to develop new understandings of both the
social and natural worlds.
A key development was the use of science instead of religion to understand the
world. The types of questions these nineteenth-century thinkers sought to answer are
the very same questions sociologists try to answer today: What is human nature? How
and why do societies change?

AUGUSTE COMTE
Many scholars contributed to early sociological thinking, yet particular credit is given to
the French philosopher Auguste Comte (1798-1857), if only because he invented the word Auguste Comte (1798-1857)
sociology. Comte originally used the term social physics, but some of his intellectual rivals
at the time were also making use of that term. Comte wanted to distinguish his own
views from theirs, so he introduced the term sociology to describe the subject he wished
to establish.

What Theories Do Sociologists Use?

 Comte believed that this new field could produce a knowledge of society based on
scientific evidence. He regarded sociology as the last science to be developed—tollow-
ing physics, chemistry, and biology—but as the most significant and complex of all the
sciences. Sociology, he believed, should contribute to the welfare of humanity by using
science to understand, predict, and control human behavior. Late in his career, Comte

drew up ambitious plans for reconstructing both French society in particular and
human societies in general based on scientific knowledge.

EMILE DURKHEIM
Another French scholar, Emile Durkheim (1858-1917), has had a much more lasting
and central impact on modern sociology than Comte. Although he drew on aspects of
Comte’s work, Durkheim thought that many of his predecessors’ ideas were too specu-
lative and vague and that Comte had not successfully established a scientific basis for
studying human behavior. To become a science, according to Durkheim, sociology must
Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) study social facts, aspects of social life that shape our actions as individuals, such as the
state of the economy or the influence of religion. Durkheim believed that we must study
WN social life with the same objectivity as scientists who study the natural world: His famous
first principle of sociology was “study social facts as things!” By this he meant that social
life can and should be analyzed as rigorously as objects or events in nature. The key task

social facts of the sociologist, according to Durkheim, was to search for correlations among social
facts to reveal laws of social structure.
According to Emile Durkheim,
the aspects of social life that Like a biologist studying the human body, Durkheim saw society as a set of indepen-
shape our actions as indi- dent parts, each of which could be studied separately. These ideas drew on the writings of
viduals. Durkheim believed Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), who also likened society to a biological organism. A body
that social facts could be consists of specialized parts, each of which contributes to sustaining the continuing life
studied scientifically.
of the organism. These parts necessarily work in harmony with one another; if they do
not, the life of the organism is under threat. So it is, according to Durkheim, with soci-
organic solidarity ety. For a society to function and persist over time, its specialized institutions (such as
the political system, religion, the family, and the educational system) must work in
According to Emile
Durkheim, the social harmony with one another and function as an integrated whole. Durkheim referred to
cohesion that results from this social cohesion as organic solidarity. He argued that the continuation of a society
the various institutions of thus depends on cooperation, which in turn presumes a consensus, or agreement, among
a society functioning as an its members over basic values and customs.
integrated whole.
Another major theme Durkheim pursued, as have many others since, is the idea that
society exerts social constraint over the actions of its members. Durkheim argued that
social constraint society is far more than the sum of individual acts; when we analyze social structures, we
The conditioning influence are studying characteristics that have “solidity” comparable to structures in the physical
on our behavior by the world. Social structure, according to Durkheim, constrains our activities just as physical
groups and societies structures do, setting limits on what we can do as individuals. It is “external” to us, like
of which we are mem-
the walls of a room.
bers. Social constraint
One of Durkheim's most influential studies concerned the analysis of suicide
was regarded by Emile
Durkheim as one of the (Durkheim, 1897/1966). Suicide may appear to be a purely personal act, the outcome of
distinctive properties of extreme personal unhappiness. Durkheim showed, however, that social factors exert a
social facts. fundamental influence on suicidal behavior—anomie, a feeling of aimlessness or despair
provoked by modern social life, being one of these influences. Suicide rates show regular
patterns from year to year, he argued, and these patterns must be explained sociologically.

CHAPTER 1. Sociology: Theory and Method

According to Durkheim, changes in the modern world are so rapid and intense
that they
give rise to major social difficulties, which lead individuals to develop feelings
of anomie.
Traditional moral controls and standards, which were supplied by religion in earlier
times,
are largely broken down by modern social development; this leaves individuals in many
societies feeling that their daily lives lack meaning. Many criticisms of Durkheim's study
can be raised, but it remains a classic work that is relevant to sociology today.

KARL MARX
The ideas of the German philosopher Karl Marx (1818-1883) contrast sharply with those
of Comte and Durkheim, but like these men, he sought to explain the societal changes
that took place during the Industrial Revolution. When Marx was a young man, his polit-
ical activities brought him into conflict with the German authorities: after a brief stay in
France, he settled permanently in exile in Great Britain. Marx's viewpoint was founded on
what he called the materialist conception of history. According to this view, it is not the
ideas or values human beings hold that are the main sources of social change, as Durkheim Karl Marx (1818-1883)
claimed; rather, social change is prompted primarily by economic influences. Conflicts
between classes—the rich versus the poor—provide the motivation for historical devel- “N
opment. In Marx's words, “All human history thus far is the history of class struggles.”
Though he wrote about many historical periods, Marx concentrated on change in
modern times. For him, the most important changes were bound up with the development anomie
of capitalism. Capitalism is a system of production that contrasts radically with previous A concept first brought
economic systems in history. It involves the production of goods and services sold to a into wide usage in sociol-
ogy by Emile Durkheim,
wide range of consumers. Those who own capitalfactories, machines, and large sums
referring to a situation in
of money—form a ruling class. The mass of the population make up the working class, or
which social norms lose
wage workers who do not own the means of their livelihood but must find employment their hold over individual
that the owners of capital provide. Marx saw capitalism as a class system in which conflict behavior. Anomie is char-
between classes is a common occurrence because it is in the interests of the ruling class acterized by a feeling of
to exploit the working class and in the interests of the workers to seek to overcome that aimlessness or despair.

exploitation.
Marx predicted that in the future, capitalism would be supplanted by a society in
materialist
which there were no classes—no divisions between rich and poor. He didn’t mean that all conception of
inequalities would disappear; rather, societies would no longer be split into a small class history
that monopolizes economic and political power and the large mass of people who benefit The view developed by Karl
little from the wealth their work creates. The economic system would come under commu- Marx according to which
nal-ownership and a more equal society would be established. material, or economic,
factors have a prime role
Marx's work had a far-reaching effect in the twentieth century. Through most of
in determining social and
the century, until the fall of Soviet communism in the early 1990s, more than one-third historical change.
of the world population lived in societies whose governments claimed to derive their
inspiration from Marx's ideas. In addition, many sociologists have been influenced by
Marx's ideas about class inequalities. capitalism
An economic system based
MAX WEBER on the private ownership of
wealth, which is invested and
Like Marx, Max Weber (pronounced “VAY-ber”, 1864-1920) cannot be labeled simply a
reinvested to produce profit.
sociologist; his interests and concerns spanned many areas. Born in Germany, where he
spent most of his academic career, Weber was educated in a range of fields. Like other
thinkers of his time, Weber sought to understand social change. He was influenced by

What Theories Do Sociologists Use?

 Marx but was also strongly critical of some of Marx's views. He rejected the materialist
conception of history and saw class conflict as less significant than Marx did. In Weber's
view, economic factors are important, but ideas and values have just as much effect on
social change.
Some of Weber's most influential writings compared the leading religious systems in
China and India with those of the West. Weber concluded that certain aspects of Christian
beliefs strongly influenced the rise of capitalism. He argued that the capitalist outlook of
Western societies did not emerge only from economic changes, as Marx had argued. In
Weber's view, cultural ideas and values also shape society and affect our individual actions.
One of the most significant aspects of Weber’s work was his study of bureaucracy. A
bureaucracy is a large organization that is divided into jobs based on specific functions and
staffed by officials ranked according to a hierarchy. Industrial firms, government organiza-
tions, hospitals, and schools are examples of bureaucracies. Bureaucracy makes it possible
for these large organizations to run efficiently, but at the same time it poses problems for
Max Weber (1864-1920)
effective democratic participation in modern societies. Bureaucracy involves the rule of
experts, who make decisions without much input from those whose lives are affected by
“NN
those decisions.
Weber's contributions range over many other areas, including the studies of urban-
ization, systems of law, types of economy, and the nature of classes. He also wrote about
the overall character of sociology itself. According to Weber, humans are thinking, reason-
ing beings: We attach meaning and significance to most of what we do, and any discipline
that deals with human behavior must acknowledge this.

Neglected Founders
Durkheim, Marx, and Weber are widely acknowledged as foundational figures in sociol-
ogy, yet other important thinkers from the same period made valuable contributions
to sociological thought as well. Very few women or members of racial minorities were
given the opportunity to become professional sociologists during the “classical” period of
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Their contributions deserve the
attention of sociologists today.

HARRIET MARTINEAU
Harriet Martineau (1802-1876) was born and educated in England. She was the author
of more than 50 books and numerous essays. Martineau is now credited with introduc-
ing sociology to England through her translation of Comte’s founding treatise of the
field, Positive Philosophy (Rossi, 1973). She also conducted a firsthand systematic study of
American society during her extensive travels throughout the United States in the 1830s,
which is the subject of her book Society in America (1837/2009).
Martineau is significant to sociologists today for several reasons. First, she argued
that when one studies a society, one must focus on all its aspects, including key political,
religious, and social institutions. Second, she insisted that any analysis of a society must
include an understanding of women’s lives. Third, she was the first to turn a sociological
Harriet Martineau (1802-1876)
eye on previously ignored issues, such as marriage, children, domestic and religious life,
and race relations. Finally, she argued that sociologists should do more than just observe;
aN they should also act in ways that benefit society. Martineau herself was an active propo-
nent of women’s rights and of the emancipation of slaves.

CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

TABLE 1.1

Interpreting Modern Development

Durkheim 1, The main dynamic of modern development is the division of labor as a basis for social cohesion and organic
solidarity.

2. Durkheim believed that sociology must study social facts as things, just as science would analyze the natural world.
His study of suicide led him to stress the important influence of social factors, qualities of a society external to the
individual, on a person's actions. Durkheim argued that society exerts social constraint over our actions.

Marx 1. The main dynamic of modern development is the expansion of capitalism. Rather than being cohesive, society is
divided by class differences.

2. Marx believed that we must study the divisions within a society that are derived from the economic inequalities
of capitalism.

Weber 1. The main dynamic of modern development is the rationalization of social and economic life.

2. Weber focused on why Western societies developed so differently from other societies. He also emphasized the
importance of cultural ideas and values on social change.

W. E. B. DU BOIS
W. E. B. Du Bois (1868-1963) was the first African American to earn a doctorate from
Harvard University. Du Bois made many contributions to sociology. Perhaps most
important is the concept of “double consciousness,” which is a way of talking about iden-
tity through the lens of the particular experiences of African Americans (Morris, 2015).
He argued that American society lets African Americans see themselves only through
others’ eyes:

It is a particular sensation, this double consciousness, this sense of always

measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused
contempt and pity. One ever feels his two-ness—an American, a Negro, two
souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings, two warring ideals in one
dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder.
(Du Bois, 1903: 2—3)

Du Bois made a persuasive claim that one's sense of self and one's identity are greatly
influenced by historical experiences and social circumstances—in the case of African
Americans, the effect of slavery, and, after emancipation, segregation and prejudice.
Throughout his career, Du Bois focused on race relations in the United States. As he
said in an often-repeated quote, “The problem of the twentieth century is the problem W. E. B. Du Bois (1868-1963)
of the color line.” His influence on sociology today is evidenced by continued interest in
the questions that he raised, particularly his concern that sociology must explain “the
“N
contact of diverse races of men.” Du Bois was also the first social researcher to trace the
a
problems faced by African Americans to their social and economic underpinnings,

What Theories Do Sociologists Use? 15

 connection that most sociologists now widely accept. Finally, Du Bois became known for
connecting social analysis to social reform. He was one of the founding members of the
rationalization
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and a longtime
A concept used by Max
advocate for the collective struggle of African Americans.
Weber to refer to the
process by which modes Later in his life, Du Bois became disenchanted by the lack of progress in American
of precise calculation and race relations. He moved to the African nation of Ghana in 1961 when he was invited
organization, involving by the nation’s president to direct the Encyclopedia Africana. He died in Ghana in
abstract rules and proce- 1963. Although Du Bois receded from American life in his later years, his impact on
dures, increasingly come to
American social thought and activism has been particularly profound, with many ideas of
dominate the social world.
the Black Lives Matter movement being informed by his writings (Morris, 2015).

Modern Theoretical Approaches

The origins of sociology were mainly European, yet the subject is now firmly established
worldwide—with some of the most important developments having taken place in
the United States.

SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONISM
The work of George Herbert Mead (1863-1931), a philosopher teaching at the University
of Chicago, had an important influence on the development of sociological thought,
symbolic in particular through a perspective called symbolic interactionism. Mead placed
interactionism great importance on the study of language in analyzing the social world. He reasoned
A theoretical approach in that language allows us to become self-conscious beings—aware of our own indi-
sociology developed by viduality. The key element in this process is the symbol, something that stands for
George Herbert Mead that
something else. For example, the word tree is a symbol that represents a physical
emphasizes the role of
tree. Once we have mastered such a concept, Mead argued, we can think of a tree
symbols and language as
core elements of all human even if none is visible; we have learned to think of the object symbolically. Symbolic
interaction. thought frees us from being limited in our experience to what we actually see,
hear, or feel.
Unlike animals, according to Mead, human beings live in a richly symbolic universe.
symbol This applies even to our very sense of self. Each of us is a self-conscious being because
One item used to stand for we learn to look at ourselves as if from the outside—we see ourselves as others see us.
or represent another—as
When a child begins to use “I” to refer to that object (herself) whom others call “you,” she
in the case of a flag, which
is exhibiting the beginnings of self-consciousness.
symbolizes a nation.
Virtually all interactions between individuals involve an exchange of symbols,
according to symbolic interactionists. When we interact with others, we constantly
look for clues to help us understand what type of behavior is appropriate in the con-
text and how to interpret what others are doing and saying. Symbolic interaction-
ism directs our attention to the details of interpersonal interaction and how those
details are used to make sense of what others say and do. For instance, suppose two
people are out on a date for the first time. Each is likely to spend a good part of the
evening sizing the other up and assessing how the relationship is likely to develop,
if at all. Both individuals are careful about their own behavior, making every effort
to present themselves in a favorable light; but, knowing this, both are likely to be look-
ing for aspects of the other’s behavior that would reveal his or her true beliefs and
traits. A complex and subtle process of symbolic interpretation shapes their interaction.

CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

FUNCTIONALISM
Symbolic interactionism has been criticized for concentrating too much on things
that
are small in scope. Symbolic interactionists have struggled to deal with larger-scal
e struc-
tures and processes—the very thing that a rival tradition of thought, functionalism, tends
functionalism
to emphasize. Functionalist thinking in sociology was originally pioneered by
Comte A theoretical perspective
and Spencer. based on the notion that
To study the function of a social activity is to analyze the contribution the activity social events can best be
makes to the continuation of the society as a whole. The best way to understand this explained in terms of the
idea is by analogy to the human body, a comparison made by Comte, Durkheim, and other functions they perform,
that is, the contributions
functionalist theorists. To study an organ, such as the heart, we need to show how it relates
they make to the continuity
to other parts of the body. When we learn how the heart pumps blood around the body, of a society.
we then understand that the heart plays a vital role in the continuation of the life of the
organism. Similarly, analyzing the function of some aspect of society, such as religion, means
identifying the part it plays in the continued existence and health of a society. Functionalism
emphasizes the importance of moral consensus in maintaining order and stability in society.
Moral consensus exists when most people in a society share the same values. Functionalists
regard order and balance as the normal state of society—a social equilibrium grounded
in the existence of a moral consensus among the members of society.
Functionalism became prominent in sociology in the mid-twentieth century through
the writings of Talcott Parsons and Robert K. Merton, each of whom saw functionalist
analysis as key to the development of sociological theory and research. Merton's version
of functionalism has been particularly influential. Merton distinguished between man-
ifest and latent functions. Manifest functions are those known to, and intended by, the
manifest
participants in a specific type of social activity. Latent functions are consequences of that
functions
activity of which participants are unaware. To illustrate this distinction, Merton used the
The functions of a partic-
example of a rain dance performed by the Hopi tribe of Arizona and New Mexico. The ular social activity that are
Hopi believe that the ceremony will bring the rain they need for their crops (manifest known to and intended by
function). This is why they organize and participate in it. But using Durkheim's theory the individuals involved in
of religion, Merton argued that the rain dance also has the effect of promoting the cohesion the activity.

of the Hopi society (latent function). A major part of sociological explanation, according
to Merton, consists in uncovering the latent functions of social activities and institutions.
latent functions
For much of the twentieth century, functionalist thought was considered the lead-
The functions of a particu-
ing theoretical tradition in sociology, particularly in the United States. In recent years,
lar social activity that
its popularity has declined as its limitations have become apparent. Many functionalist are unintended or of which
thinkers, including Parsons, unduly stressed factors leading to social cohesion at the individuals involved in the
expense of those producing division and conflict. In addition, many critics argue that activity are unaware.
functional analysis attributes to societies qualities they do not have. Functionalists
often wrote as though societies have “needs” and “purposes,” even though these concepts
conflict theories
make sense only when applied to individual human beings.
Sociological perspectives
that emphasize the role
CONFLICT THEORIES
of political and economic
A third influential approach is conflict theory. In general, conflict theories underscore power and oppression as
the role of coercion and power in producing social order. Social order is believed to be contributing to the existing
social order.
maintained by domination, with power in the hands of those with the greatest political,
economic, and social resources; historically, this would include White men with ample

What Theories Do Sociologists Use?

 economic and political resources. Two particular approaches typically classified under
the broad heading of conflict theories are Marxism and feminist theories.

Marxism Marxists, of course, trace their views back to the writings of Karl Marx. But
numerous interpretations of Marx’s major ideas are possible, and today there are schools
Marxism of Marxist thought that take very different theoretical positions. In all of its versions,
Marxism differs from non-Marxist perspectives in that its adherents see it as a combi-
A body of thought deriving
its main elements from nation of sociological analysis and political reform. Marxism is supposed to generate a
Karl Marx's ideas. program of radical political change.
Moreover, Marxists place more emphasis on conflict, class divisions, power, and
ideology than do many non-Marxist sociologists, especially those influenced by function-
power alism. The latter two concepts—power and its closely associated notion, ideology—are
The ability of individuals or of great importance to Marxist sociologists and to sociology in general. Power refers to
the members of a group to
the ability of individuals or groups to make their own concerns or interests count, even
achieve aims or further the
interests they hold. when others resist. Power sometimes involves the direct use of force but is almost
always accompanied by the development of ideology: ideas that are used to justify
the actions of the powerful. Power, ideology, and conflict are always closely connected.
ideology Many conflicts are about power because of the rewards it can bring. Those who hold
Shared ideas or beliefs the most power may depend mainly on the influence of ideology to retain their dominance,
that serve to justify the but they are usually also able to use force if necessary.
interests of dominant
groups. Ideologies are Feminism and Feminist Theory Feminist theory is one of the most prominent
found tn all societies in areas of contemporary sociology. This is a notable development because issues of gender
which there are systematic are nearly absent in the work of the major figures who established the discipline. The suc-
and ingrained inequalities cess of feminism’s entry into sociology required a fundamentalt—and often contested—
among groups. The con-
shift in the discipline’s approach.
cept of ideology connects
closely with that of power.
Many feminist theorists brought their experiences in the women’s movement of
the 1960s and 1970s to their work as sociologists. Like Marxism, feminism makes a link
between sociological theory and political reform. Feminist sociologists often have been
feminism advocates for political and social action to remedy the inequalities between women and
Advocacy of the rights of men in both the public and private spheres.
women to be equal with Feminist sociologists argue that women’s lives and experiences are central to the
men in all spheres of life. study of society. Historically, sociology, like most academic disciplines, has presumed a
male point of view. Driven by a concern with women’s subordination in American society,
feminist sociologists highlight gender relations and gender inequality as important
feminist theory
determinants of both social interactions and social institutions, such as the family,
A sociological perspec-
the workplace, and the educational system. Feminist theory emphasizes that gender
tive that emphasizes
the centrality of gender differences are not natural but socially constructed.
in analyzing the social Today, feminist sociology often focuses on the intersections of gender, race, and class.
world and particularly the A feminist approach to the study of inequality has influenced new academic fields, such as
experiences of women. LGBTQ studies. Taken together, these theoretical perspectives underscore power imbal-
There are many strands of
ances and draw attention to the ways in which social change must entail shifts in the
feminist theory, but they
all share the intention to
balance of power—consistent with the overarching themes of conflict theories.
explain gender inequalities
in society and to work to POSTMODERN THEORY
overcome them. Postmodernists claim that the very foundation on which classic social thought is based
has collapsed. Early thinkers were inspired by the idea that history unfolds sequentially

CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

~ DIGITAL LIFE

Bullying Goes Viral

Social life in the twenty-first century has gone digital—for both face-to-face may get lured into the cruel behavior online
good and bad. For students today, bullying often occurs online (Hoffman, 2010). Before it was shut down in early 2017, anon-
and is carried out by classmates who share images and videos ymous messaging app Yik Yak—described as a “Twitter with-
of their victims with untold numbers of people through digital out handles"—was criticized for enabling cyberbullying after
channels. How did this happen? How did such incidents, which a series of high-profile incidents at schools across the coun-
happen behind closed doors, go viral for all to see? Bullying, try involving racist and sexist posts. A number of universities,
once considered the antics of a few “bad apples,” is now under- including the College of Idaho and Illinois College, went so far as
stood to be a more sweeping social problem—one that exempli- to ban the app. More recently, a new location-based network-
fies the core themes of the sociological imagination. ing app, Islands, is billing itself as “Slack for college students”
Countless websites and apps facilitate cyberbullying—the (McKenzie, 2017). While the app does have some anonymous
use of the Internet, smartphones, or other electronic devices to chat spaces, it aims to curb cyberbullying by prompting students
embarrass or hurt another person (Sagan, 2013). A 2017 survey to link to their Facebook, Snapchat, and Instagram accounts.
by the Pew Research Center found that four in ten Internet users While the Internet and smartphones gave rise to cyberbul-
have experienced online harassment. Young Internet users are the lying, there is also the potential through technology to equip
most likely to be harassed online: Roughly two-thirds of Internet today’s youth with new tools for combating bullying. Recent
users between the ages of 18 and 29 have been the target of online attempt at this include STOPit and Stop Bullies, apps which
harassment, with 41 percent having experienced severe harass- allow users to record videos and take photos to send to campus
ment online, including stalking, physical threats, sexual harassment, police or school authorities. And the Internet can also serve as a
or sustained harassment. The study also detected strong gender dif- safe space for marginalized groups: The “It Gets Better” project,
ferences: Young women are much more likely than their male coun- created by columnist Dan Savage and his partner, has inspired
terparts to experience certain forms of online harassment, including more than 60,000 user-created videos that convey a message
sexual harassment (21 percent vs. 9 percent) (Duggan, 2017). of hope to LGBTQ youth facing bullying.
Young adults who identify as LGBTQ are also at particularly high Does the explosion of cyberbullying indicate that today’s
risk of cyberbullying: According to a survey of more than 10,500 youth are cruel and insensitive to others’ vulnerabilities? Or is
LGBTQ students between the ages of 13 and 21, nearly half reported there something about cyberculture that promotes cruelty and
having been cyberbullied in the last year (Kosciw et al., 2017). insensitivity? Revising Mills’s notions of “personal troubles”
The problem is particularly widespread today because and “public issues,” how might you explain cyberbullying?
hate-spewing bullies can hide behind the anonymity of the Do you think anti-bullying apps can be effective, or are larger
Internet; teens who would never dream of bullying a classmate social changes needed?

Students at Lewiston Middle School attend a vigil

for fellow student Anie Graham, who committed
suicide in May 2017. Thirteen-year-old Graham
was bullied both at school and on social media.
 and leads to progress. Adherents of postmodernism counter that there are no longer any
“grand narratives” or metanarratives—overall conceptions of history or society—that make
postmodernism
any sense (Lyotard, 1985). Some go so far as to argue that there is no such thing as history.
The belief that society
The postmodern world is not destined, as Marx had hoped, to be a socialist one.
is no longer governed
by history or progress. Instead, it is one dominated by new media, which “take us out” of our past. Postmodern
Postmodern society is society is highly pluralistic and diverse. In countless films and videos, on TV shows and
highly pluralistic and websites, images circulate around the world. We are exposed to many ideas and values,
diverse, with no “grand but these have little connection with the history of the places where we live or with our
narrative” guiding its
own personal histories. The world is constantly in flux.
development.
One of the important theorists of postmodernism is the French philosopher and
sociologist Jean Baudrillard, who believed that electronic media have destroyed our
microsociology relationship to our past and created a chaotic, empty world. Baudrillard was strongly

The study of human influenced by Marxism in his early years. However, he argued that the spread of electronic
behavior in contexts of communication and the mass media have reversed the Marxist theorem that economic
small-scale face-to-face forces shape society. Rather, social life is influenced above all by signs and images.
interaction.
In a media-dominated age, Baudrillard claimed, meaning is created by a flow of images,
as in TV programs. Much of our world has become a sort of make-believe universe in
which we are responding to media images rather than to real persons or places. Is “reality”
macrosociology
television a portrayal of social “reality,” or does it feature televised people who are per-
The study of large-scale
ceived to be “real”? Do hunters in Louisiana really look and act like the Robertson fam-
groups, organizations, or
social systems. ily on Duck Dynasty, and do the tough guys in Amish Mafia resemble the peaceful Amish
who live and work in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania? Baudrillard would say no and
would describe such images as “the dissolution of life into TV.”
science
The disciplined marshal- Theoretical Thinking in Sociology
ing of empirical data,
We have described four overarching theoretical approaches, which refer to broad orien-
combined with theoretical
approaches and theories tations to the subject matter of sociology. Yet theoretical approaches are distinct from
that illuminate or explain theories. Theories are more narrowly focused and represent attempts to explain particular
those data. social conditions or events. They are usually formed as part of the research process and
in turn suggest problems to be investigated by researchers. An example would be
Durkheim's theory of suicide, referred to earlier in this chapter.
empirical
investigation Sociologists do not share a unified position on whether theories should be specific,
wide ranging, or somewhere in between. Robert K. Merton (1957), for example,
Factual inquiry carried out
in any area of sociological argues forcefully that sociologists should concentrate their attention on what he calls
study. “middle-range theories.” Middle-range theories are specific enough to be tested directly
by empirical research yet sufficiently general to cover a range of different phenomena.
Relative deprivation theory is an example of a middle-range theory. It holds that how
people evaluate their circumstances depends on with whom they compare themselves.
Feelings of deprivation do not necessarily correspond to the absolute level of material
deprivation one experiences. A family living ina small home ina poor area where everyone
is in more or less similar circumstances is likely to feel less deprived than a family living
in a similar house in a neighborhood where the majority of the other homes are much
larger and neighbors are wealthier.
Assessing theories, and especially theoretical approaches, in sociology is a challenging
and formidable task. The fact that there is not a single theoretical approach that dominates the
field of sociology might be viewed as a limitation. But this is not the case at all: The jostling

20 CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

of rival theoretical approaches and theories reveals the vitality of the sociologi
cal enterprise.
This variety rescues us from dogma or narrow-mindedness. Human
behavior is complex,
and no single theoretical perspective could adequately cover all of its aspects.
Diversity
in theoretical thinking provides a rich source of ideas that can be drawn on in research
and stimulates the imaginative capacities so essential to progress in sociological work.

Levels of Analysis: Microsociology and

Macrosociology
One important distinction among the different theoretical perspectives we have dis-
cussed in this chapter involves the level of analysis at which each perspective is directed.
The study of everyday behavior in situations of small-scale face-to-face interaction is usu-
ally called microsociology. Macrosociology, by contrast, is the analysis of large-scale
social systems, like the political system or the economy. It also includes the analysis of
long-term processes of change, such as industrialization. At first glance, it may seem as
CONCEPT CHECKS
though micro and macro perspectives are distinct from each other. In fact, the two are
closely connected (Giddens, 1984; Knorr-Cetina and Cicourel, 1981). What role does theory
Macro analysis is essential if we are to understand the institutional background of LEW alamxelel
lo)(eyed[ore|
research?
daily life. The ways in which people live their everyday lives are shaped by broader institu-
tional frameworks. For example, because of societal-level technological developments, we According to Emile
Durkheim, what makes
have many ways of maintaining friendships today. We may choose to call, send an email
Toledo) (0>4Var- BcvolelT-1
or text message, or communicate via Facebook or Skype, yet we may also choose to fly
science? Why?
thousands of miles to spend the weekend with a friend.
According to Karl Marx,
Micro studies, in turn, are necessary for illuminating broad institutional patterns.
what are the differences
Face-to-face interaction is clearly the main basis of all forms of social organization, no between the classes
matter how large scale. Suppose we are interested in understanding how business corpo- that make up a capitalist
rations function. We could analyze the face-to-face interactions of directors in the board- society?
room, staff working in their offices, or workers on the factory floor. We would not build up What are the differences
a picture of the whole corporation in this way, because some of its business is transacted between symbolic
through printed materials, letters, the telephone, and computers; yet we would certainly Ta Cielalelalcia-lare!
functionalist approaches
gain a good understanding of how the organization works.
to the analysis of society?
In later chapters, we will explore further examples of how interaction in micro
How are macro and
contexts affects larger social processes and how macro systems in turn influence more
micro analyses of
confined settings of social life. society connected?

What Kinds of Questions

Can Sociologists Answer’ <
Can we really study human social life in a scientific way? To answer this question, we must Be able to describe the different
types of questions sociologists
first define the word science.
address in their research.
Science is the use of systematic methods of empirical investigation, the analysis
of data, theoretical thinking, and the logical assessment of arguments to develop a body

What Kinds of Questions Can Sociologists Answer? 21

 of knowledge about a particular subject matter. Sociology is a scientific endeavor, accord-
ing to this definition. It involves empirical investigation, data analysis, and assessment of
factual questions
theories in the light of evidence and logical argument.
Questions that raise issues
High-quality sociological research goes beyond surface-level descriptions of ordinary
concerning matters of fact
(rather than theoretical or
life; rather, it helps us understand our social lives in a new way. Sociologists are inter-
moral issues). ested in the same questions that other people worry about and debate: Why do racism and
sexism exist? How can mass starvation exist in a world that is far wealthier than it has
ever been before? How does the Internet affect our lives? However, sociologists often
comparative
develop answers that run counter to our commonsense beliefs—and that generate further
questions
questions. One major tenet of science that distinguishes it from other idea systems (such
Questions that sociologists
as religion) is the assumption that all scientific ideas are open to criticism and revision.
pose that are concerned
with drawing comparisons Good sociological work also tries to make the questions as precise as possible
among different human and seeks to gather factual evidence before coming to conclusions. Some of the questions
societies. that sociologists ask in their research studies are largely factual, or empirical, questions.
Factual information about one society, of course, will not always tell us whether we
are dealing with an unusual case or a general set of influences. For this reason, sociolo-
developmental
gists often want to ask comparative questions, which relate one social context within
questions
a society to another or contrast examples drawn from different societies. A typical com-
Questions that sociolo-
parative question might be: How much do patterns of criminal behavior and law enforce-
gists pose when looking
at the origins and path ment vary between the United States and Canada? Similarly, developmental questions
of development of social ask whether patterns in a given society have shifted over time: How is the past different
institutions. from the present?
Yet sociologists are interested in more than just answering factual questions, how-
ever important and interesting they may be. To obtain an understanding of human behav-
ior, sociologists also pose broader theoretical questions that encompass a wide array of
specific phenomena (Table 1.2). For example, a factual question may ask: To what extent
do expected earnings affect one’s choice of an occupation? By contrast, a theoretical

TABLE 1.2

A Sociologist’s Line of Questioning

Factual Question What happened? Did the proportion of women in their forties bearing children
for the first time increase, decrease, or stay the same during
the 2010s?

Comparative Question Did this happen everywhere? Was this a global phenomenon, or did it occur just in the
United States or only in a certain region of the United States?

Developmenta! Question Has this happened over time? What have been the patterns of childbearing over time?

Theoretical Question What underlies this phenomenon? Why are more women now waiting until their thirties and
older to bear children? What factors would we look at to
explain this change?
eee
question may ask: To what extent does the maximization of rewards affect human decision
making?
Sociologists do not strive to attain theoretical or factual knowledge simply for its own
sake. Social scientists agree that personal values should not be permitted to bias con- CONCEPT CHECKS
clusions but that, at the same time, research should pose questions that are relevant to
real-world concerns. In this chapter, we further explore such issues by asking whether it Why is sociology
is possible to produce objective knowledge. First, we examine the steps involved in considered a science?

sociological research. We then compare the most widely used research methods as we con- What are the differences
sider some actual investigations. As we shall see, there are often significant differences between comparative
between the way research should ideally be carried out and real-world studies. F
Tate Mo(-aV(-1(0) 9]anl-1ai t=]
questions?

What Are the Steps of the

Research Process? <
The research process begins with the definition of a research question and ends with the Learn the steps of the
dissemination of the study findings (Figure 1.1). Although researchers do not necessarily research process and
be able to complete the
follow all seven steps in the order set forth here, these steps serve as a model for how to
process yourself.
conduct a sociological study. Conducting research is a bit like cooking. New researchers,
like novice cooks, may follow the “recipe” to a tee. Experienced cooks often don't work from
recipes at all, instead relying on the skills and insights they've acquired through years of
hands-on experience. Deviations from the recipe can sometimes be necessary and beneficial.
theoretical
1. Define the Research Problem questions
Questions posed by sociol-
All research starts from a research problem. Often, researchers strive to uncover a fact:
ogists when seeking to
What proportion of the U.S. population attends weekly religious services? How far explain a particular range
does the economic position of women lag behind that of men? Do LGBTQ and straight of observed events. The
teens differ in their levels of self-esteem? asking of theoretical ques-
The best sociological research begins with problems that are also puzzles. A puz- tions is crucial to allowing
us to generalize about the
zle is not just a lack of information but a gap in our understanding. ‘The most intriguing
nature of social life.
and influential sociological research correctly identifies and solves important puzzles.
Rather than simply answering the question “What is happening?” skilled research-
ers contribute to our understanding by asking “Why is this phenomenon happening?”
We might ask, for example, “Why are women underrepresented in science and technology
jobs?” or “What are the characteristics of high schools with high levels of bullying?”
Research does not take place in a vacuum. A sociologist may discover puzzles by
reading the work of other researchers in books and professional journals or by being
aware of emerging trends in society.

2. Review the Evidence

Once a research problem is identified, the next step is to review the available evidence;
it's possible that other researchers have already satisfactorily clarified the problem. If not,
the sociologist will need to sift through whatever related research does exist to see how

What Are the Steps of the Research Process? 23

FIGURE 1.1 useful it is for their purposes. What have others found? If
their findings conflict with one another, what accounts
Steps in the Research Process for the conflict? What aspects of the problem has their
research left unanalyzed? Have they looked only at
DEFINE THE RESEARCH PROBLEM
Select a topic for research.
small segments of the population, such as one age group,
gender, or region? Drawing on others’ ideas helps the
REVIEW THE EVIDENCE sociologist clarify the issues that may be raised and
Familiarize yourself with existing identify the appropriate research methods.
research on the topic.

MAKE THE PROBLEM PRECISE

3. Make the Problem Precise
What do you intend to test? What is the
A third stage involves working out a clear formulation
relationship among the ~
variables? of the research problem. If relevant literature already
exists, the researcher may have a good idea of how to
WORK OUT A DESIGN
approach the problem. Hunches about the nature of
Choose one or more research methods:
experiment, survey, observation, the problem can sometimes be turned into a definite
use of existing sources.
hypothesis—an educated guess about what is going
on—at this stage. A hypothesis must be formulated
CARRY OUT THE RESEARCH
Collect your data; record information. in such a way that the factual material gathered will
provide evidence either supporting or disproving it.
INTERPRET THE RESULTS
Work out the implications of the data
you collect. 4. Work Out a Design
The researcher must then decide how to collect the
REPORT THE FINDINGS research material or data. Many different research meth-
What is their significance? How do they
relate to previous findings? ods exist, and researchers should choose the method
(or methods) that are best suited to their study's over-
all objectives and topic. For some purposes, a survey
(in which questionnaires are normally used) might
be suitable. In other circumstances, interviews or an
observational study may be appropriate.

5. Carry Out the Research

Researchers then proceed to carry out the plan developed in step 4. However, practical
hypothesis
difficulties may arise, forcing the researcher to rethink their initial strategy. Potential
An idea or a guess about
subjects may not agree to answer questionnaires or participate in interviews. A busi-
a given state of affairs,
put forward as a basis for ness firm may not give a researcher access to its records. Yet omitting such persons or
empirical testing. institutions from the study could bias the results, creating an inaccurate or incomplete
picture of social reality. For example, it would be difficult for a researcher to answer
questions about how corporations have complied with affirmative action programs if
data companies that have not complied do not want to be studied.
Factual information used as
a basis for reasoning, discus-
6. Interpret the Results
sion, or calculation. Social
science data often refer to Once the information has been gathered, the researcher’s work is not over—it is just
individuals’ responses to beginning! The data must be analyzed, trends tracked, and hypotheses tested. Most
survey questions. important, researchers must interpret their results in such a way that the results tell a
clear story and directly address the research puzzle outlined in step 1.

24 CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

The research report, usually published as a book or an article ina scholarly journal, provides
an account of the research question, methods, findings, and implications of the findings for
social theory, public policy, or practice. This is a final stage only in terms of addressing the
original research puzzle. In their written reports, most social scientists pose questions that
remain unanswered and suggest new questions that might be explored in future studies.
Each individual study contributes to the larger, collective process of understanding the
human condition.

What Research Methods

Do Sociologists Use’?
Sociologists have a range of methods at their disposal, both qualitative and quantitative.
Qualitative methods can be broadly thought of as approaches that explore the deeper
meaning of a particular setting. Sociologists using qualitative methods may rely on per-
sonal and collective interviews, accounts, or observations of a person or situation. These
observations are strictly subjective, suggesting an interpretive approach to describing
actors and their social contexts. Quantitative methods, by contrast, use data that are

objective and statistical. This type of research often focuses on documenting trends,
comparing subgroups, or exploring correlations. While methods are often classified as
qualitative or quantitative, scholars today are increasingly interested in mixed methods,
which combine the two.

What Research Methods Do Sociologists Use? ine)Ol

 Ethnography
qualitative One widely used qualitative method is ethnography, or firsthand studies of people using
methods observations, in-depth interviews, or both. Here investigators socialize, work, or live with
Approaches to sociological members of a group, organization, or community. In the case of participant observation,
research that often rely on
researchers may participate directly in the activities they are studying. Ethnographers
personal and/or collective
cannot secretly infiltrate the groups they study but must explain and justify their pres-
interviews, accounts, or
observations of a person or ence to group members. Ethnographers must gain the cooperation of the community and
situation. sustain it over a period of time if any worthwhile results are to be achieved. Other
ethnographers, by contrast, may observe at a distance and may not participate directly in
the activities under observation.
quantitative
For a long while, research reports based on participant observation usually omitted
methods
any account of the hazards or problems that the researcher had to overcome, but more
Approaches to sociolog-
recently, the published reminiscences and diaries of fieldworkers have been more honest
ical research that draw
on objective and statisti- and open. The researcher may be frustrated because the members of the group refuse to
cal data and often focus talk frankly about themselves; direct queries may be welcomed in some contexts but met
on documenting trends, with a chilly silence in others. Some types of fieldwork may be emotionally isolating or
comparing subgroups, or even physically dangerous; for instance, a researcher studying a street gang might be seen
exploring correlations.
as a police informer or might become unwittingly embroiled in conflicts with rival gangs.
In traditional works of ethnography, accounts were presented without very much
ethnography information about the observer. It was believed that ethnographers could present “objec-
tive” observations of the things they studied. More recently, ethnographers have been
The firsthand study of
people using obser- willing to talk and write about themselves and the nature of their connection to the
vation, in-depth people under study, even acknowledging possible sources of bias in their observations. For
interviewing, or both. Also example, researchers might discuss how their race, class, gender, or sexual orientation
called “fieldwork.”
affected their work or how the status differences between observer and observed dis-
torted the dialogue between them.

participant
observation ADVANTAGES AND LIMITATIONS OF FIELDWORK
A method of research Where it is successful, ethnography provides rich information on the behavior of people
widely used in sociology in real-world settings. We may develop a better understanding not only of the group but
and anthropology in which of social processes that transcend the situation under study.
the researcher takes part in
But fieldwork also has serious limitations. Only fairly small groups or communities
the activities of the group or
can be studied, and much depends on the skill of the researcher in gaining the confidence
community being studied.
of the individuals involved. Also, researchers may begin to identify so closely with the
group of study that they lose the perspective of an objective observer, or they may reach
survey conclusions that are more about their own effects on the situation than the researcher
A method of sociological or readers ever realize. Finally, interpreting ethnographies usually involves problems
research in which ques- of generalizability, because we cannot be sure that what we find in one context will apply
tionnaires are administered in others or even that two different researchers will draw the same conclusions when
to the population being
studying the same group.
studied.

Surveys
Quantitative methodologists have a range of analytical tools and data resources at their
disposal, but surveys are the most commonly used. When conducting a survey, researchers
ask subjects to provide answers to structured questionnaires, which are administered in

26 CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

 =
2
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2
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person, over the phone, mailed or emailed to a select group of people. Survey results—
especially those based on random samples of the larger population—can often be gener-
alized to the population at large, yet this method provides less in-depth information than
the highly descriptive, nuanced slices of life obtained in fieldwork.

STANDARDIZED AND OPEN-ENDED QUESTIONS

Two types of questions are used in surveys. With “standardized,” or “fixed-choice,” ques-
tions, only a fixed range of responses are possible (for instance, Yes/No/Don't Know or
Very Likely/Likely/Unlikely/Very Unlikely). Such questions have the advantage that
responses are easy to compare and count because only a small number of categories are
involved. However, the information they yield is limited because they do not allow for
subtleties of opinion or verbal expression. For example, in a national survey of high
school and middle school students’ experiences with bullying, study participants
answered Yes/No questions like “Has someone ever sent you a threatening or aggressive
email, instant message, or text message?” This question, however, does not tell researchers
how. severe the threat was or how upset a student was by the event (Lenhart, 2007;
Lenhart et al., 2011).
Open-ended questions, by contrast, typically provide more detailed information
because respondents may express their views in their own words. In fact, responses
to open-ended survey questions are considered qualitative data, as they often convey
thoughts, perceptions, and feelings. Open-ended questions allow researchers to probe
more deeply into what the respondent thinks. For example, the national study of Internet
bullying supplemented its survey with open-ended interviews. These data allowed
researchers to understand more fully what bullying entailed. However, the lack of
standardization means that answers may be difficult to compare across respondents.
In surveys, all the items must be readily understandable to interviewers and interview-
ees alike. Questions are usually asked in a set order. Large national surveys are conducted

What Research Methods Do Sociologists Use?

 TABLE 1.3

Three of the Main Methods Used in Sociological Research

RESEARCH METHOD - STRENGTHS LIMITATIONS

Ethnography Usually generates richer and more in- Can be used to study only relatively small groups or
depth information than other methods. communities.

Provides a broader understanding of Findings might apply only to groups or communities

social processes. studied; they may not be easily generalizable.

Surveys Makes possible the efficient collection of Material gathered may be superficial; if the questionnaire
data on large numbers of individuals. is highly standardized, important differences among
respondents’ viewpoints may be glossed over.
Allows for precise comparisons to be
made among the answers of respondents. Responses may be what people profess to believe
rather than what they actually believe.

Experiments Influences of specific variables can be Many aspects of social life cannot be brought into the
controlled by the investigator. laboratory.

They are usually easier for subsequent Responses of those studied may be affected by the
researchers to repeat. experimental situation.

pilot study
regularly by government agencies and research organizations, with interviews carried
A trial run in survey
out more or less simultaneously across the whole country. Those who conduct the inter-
research.
views and those who analyze the data could not do their work effectively if they constantly
had to be checking with one another about ambiguities in the questions or answers.
sampling Survey researchers take care to ensure that respondents can easily understand
Studying a proportion of both the questions and the response categories posed. For instance, a seemingly
individuals or cases from a simple question like “What is your relationship status?” might baffle some people. It
larger population as repre-
would be more appropriate to ask “Are you single, married, separated, divorced, or
sentative of that population
widowed?” Many survey questions are tried-and-true measures that have been used
as a whole.
successfully in numerous prior studies. Researchers developing new survey questions
often conduct a pilot study to test out new items. A pilot study is a trial run in which
sample a small number of people complete a questionnaire and problematic questions are
A small proportion of a identified and revised.
larger population. Although surveys have been used primarily to obtain information about individ-
uals, in recent years, social scientists have used surveys to learn about members of the
respondents’ social networks and have developed techniques to link the survey reports of
representative
sample one individual to their friends, high school classmates, family members, or spouse. These
complex data allow researchers to understand social networks; sociologists are increas-
A sample from a larger
population that is statistically ingly interested in the ways that aspects of one’s social network, such as how diverse one’s
typical of that population. friends are or how large one’s networks are, shape highly personal attributes, such as one’s
political attitudes or body weight (Christakis and Fowler, 20009).

28 CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

 SAMPLING
Often sociologists are interested in the characteristics of large numbers random sampling
of individuals,
for example, the political attitudes of the American population as
a whole. It would be Sampling method in which
impossible to study all these people directly, so researchers’ solution is to use a sample is chosen so
sampling—
they concentrate on a sample, or small proportion, of the overall group. that every member of the
We can usually
be confident that results from a properly chosen sample can be generalized to population has the same
the total
probability of being included.
population. Studies of only 2,000-3,000 voters, for instance, can give a very
accurate
indication of the attitudes and voting intentions of the entire population. But to achieve
such accuracy, we need a representative sample: The group of individuals studied must experiment
be
typical, or representative, of the population as a whole.
A research method in
The single best method for ensuring that a sample is representative is random which variables can be
sampling, in which a sample is chosen in such a way that every member of the popula- analyzed in a controlled
tion has an equal probability of being included. The most sophisticated way of obtain- and systematic way, either
in an artificial situa-
ing a random sample is to assign each member of the population a number and then use
tion constructed by the
a computer to generate a random numbers list from which the sample is derived—for
researcher or in naturally
instance, by picking every tenth number. Random sampling is often used by research- occurring settings.
ers conducting large population-based surveys aimed at capturing the behaviors or atti-
tudes of the overall U.S. population. For qualitative researchers interested in a particular
population, such as street vendors or gangsters, it simply would not make sense to try to
draw a random sample.

Experiments
An experiment enables a researcher to test a hypothesis under highly controlled conditions
established by the researcher. Experiments are often used in the natural sciences
and psychology, as they are considered the best method for ascertaining “causality,”
or the influence of a particular factor on the study's outcome. In an experimental sit-
uation, the researcher directly controls the circumstances being studied. Because
most experiments occur in laboratories, however, the scope of top-
ics that can be effectively explored is quite restricted. We can bring
only small groups of individuals into a laboratory setting, and in such
experiments, people know they are being studied and may behave unnat-
urally. Experiments also neglect the macrosocial context, such as historical
or political influences. Experiments are generally considered quantitative
studies because researchers often want to measure quantitatively the
effect of the study’s manipulation. For example, a researcher might con-
duct an experiment to answer the question: Do young people commit a
greater number of aggressive acts while playing a video game if they have
just been exposed to a violent film clip as opposed to a peaceful film clip?
Although experiments are much more common in psychology than
they are in sociology, several experimental studies have made import-
In Philip Zimbardo’s make-believe prison, tension °
ant contributions to sociological knowledge. Perhaps the most infamous
between students playing guards and students
example is the Stanford prison experiment carried out by Philip Zimbardo playing prisoners became dangerously real.
(1972), who set up a make-believe prison, randomly assigning some stu-
dent volunteers to the role of prison guards and others to the role of pris- KN
oners. His aim was to see how social role shaped attitudes and behavior.
The results shocked the investigators. Students who portrayed the guards

What Research Methods Do Sociologists Use?

 quickly assumed an authoritarian manner; they displayed genuine hostility toward the pris-
oners, ordering them around and verbally abusing and bullying them. The prisoners, by con-
comparative
research trast, showed a mixture of apathy and rebelliousness—a response often noted among inmates
in real prisons. These effects were so marked and the level of tension so high that the exper-
Research that compares one
set of findings on one society iment had to be called off at an early stage. Zimbardo concluded that behavior in prisons is
with the same types of influenced more by the nature of the prison situation itself than by the individual character-
findings on other societies. istics of those involved.

oral history
Comparative and Historical Research
Comparative research is of central importance in sociology because it enables research-
Interviews with people
about events they witnessed ers to document whether social behavior varies across time and place and according to
earlier in their lives. one’s social group memberships. Most comparative work is quantitative; because research-
ers aim to document whether behaviors and attitudes change over time and place, a
consistent metric is required to make comparisons. For example, divorce rates rose rapidly
triangulation in the United States after World War II, reaching a peak in 1979. Since then, the divorce
The use of multiple rate has dropped by nearly one-quarter, with only 15.7 marriages per 1,000 ending in
research methods as a
divorce in 2018 (Allred, 2019}—a statistic that expresses profound changes taking place
way of producing more
reliable empirical data than
in the area of sexual relations and family life. Do these changes reflect specific features
would be available from of American society? We can find out by comparing divorce rates in the United States
any single method. with those in other countries. Although the U.S. rate is higher than the rate in most other
Western societies, the overall trends are similar.
Like comparative researchers, historical analysts also care about comparing the past
with the present, but they may be less concerned with documented trends and more con-
cerned with delving deeply into particular historical periods to understand how historical
context shapes individual lives. As such, historical researchers frequently focus on one
narrow time period and have deep knowledge about that era; this perspective helps them
Lote],
[od= 2a asOd5|= 04 C=) make sense of the material they collect about a particular social or historical problem.
Sociologists commonly want to investigate past events by interviewing people who
What are the main
advantages and were involved in them. Some periods of recent history can be studied in this way, such
limitations of as the 1960s civil rights movement in the United States. Research in oral history means
ethnography as a interviewing people about events they witnessed at some point earlier in their lives. This
research method? kind of research can stretch back in time at the most only some 60 or 70 years. To study
Contrast the two types much earlier historical periods, sociologists depend on documents and written records,
of questions commonly often held in special collections at libraries or the National Archives.
used In surveys.
Despite the distinctive strengths of ethnography, surveys, experiments, comparative
Discuss the main research, and historical analysis, each method has limitations. Sociologists often combine several
strengths of experiments.
methods in a single piece of research, using each method to supplement and check on the oth-
What are the similarities ers. [his process is known as triangulation. Laud Humphreys's classic Tearoom Trade (1970)
and differences between
study is an example of how researchers may use multiple methods to develop a deep under-
comparative and
standing of social behavior. Tearoom Trade explored the phenomenon within the gay commu-
historical research?
nity involving the pursuit of impersonal sex in public restrooms. This study used surveys and
Why ts it important to
observation to obtain fascinating glimpses into the secret lives of gay men. Yet, as we will see in
use triangulation in
the next section, it also revealed the important ethical challenges sociologists face.
social research?

30 CHAPTER i Sociology: Theory and Method

What Ethical Dilemmas
Do Sociologists Face? <
In his groundbreaking Tearoom Trade study, Humphreys (1970) investigated “tearooms,” or
Recognize the ethical
public restrooms where men would go to have sex with other men—often hiding their problems researchers
“secret” lives from their wives, children, and coworkers. Humphreys’s study cast a new may face, and identify
light on the struggles of men who were forced to keep their sexual proclivities secret. His possible solutions to these
dilemmas.
book led to a deeper understanding of the consequences of the social stigma and legal
persecution associated with gay lifestyles.
Despite the value of Humphreys's work, it is held up as a cautionary example of the
ethical dilemmas that researchers face. The key ethical questions that sociologists must
ask are (1) Does the research pose risks to the subjects that are greater than the risks they
face in their everyday lives? (2) Do the scientific gains or “benefits” of the research balance
out the risks to the subjects? These questions do not have easy answers, as Humphreys’s
work reveals.
Humphreys set out to understand what kinds of men came to the tearooms. To answer
this question, he took on the role of a “lookout’"—a person who loitered in the tearoom and
would let the others know if an intruder, such as a police officer, was nearby. This allowed
him to observe the gay men’s activity. He could not easily ask questions or talk to the
men in the tearoom, however, because of the norm of silence that prevailed. Humphreys
also could not ask personal questions of men who wanted to remain anonymous.
Given his desire to learn more than his observations would allow, Humphreys's
solution was to learn about the men in the tearooms by using survey methods. He wrote
down the license plate numbers of the men who drove into the parking lot and then went
into the restrooms for the purpose of engaging in anonymous sex. Humphreys then gave
those license plate numbers to a friend who worked at the Department of Motor Vehicles
(DMV) to secure the addresses of these men.
Months later, Washington University in St. Louis was conducting a door-to-door
survey of sexual habits. Humphreys asked the principal investigators if he could add the
names of his sample of tearoom participants. Humphreys then disguised himself as one
of the investigators and went to interview these men at their homes, supposedly just to
ask the survey questions but actually to learn more about their social backgrounds and
lives. He found that most of these men were married and led very conventional lives.
Humphreys later acknowledged that he was less than truthful to the men whose
behavior he was studying. He didn't reveal his identity as a sociologist when observing
the tearoom activities. People who came into the tearoom assumed he was there for
the same reasons they were and that his presence could be accepted at face value. While
he did not tell any direct lies while observing the tearoom, he also did not reveal the
real reason for his presence there.
Was his behavior ethical? The study had many benefits and in fact furthered sci-
entific knowledge about gay men during a period when their behaviors were highly
stigmatized. If Humphreys had been completely frank at every stage of the research
process, his study might not have gotten as far as it did. At the same time, the costs to the

What Ethical Dilemmas Do Sociologists Face? 31

 research subjects were potentially high. The observational part of his study posed only
measures of modest risk: Humphreys did not collect identifying information about the participants.
central tendency What he knew about them was similar to what all the other people in the tearoom knew.
Ways of calculating averages. His presence did not expose them to any more risk than they already encountered in their
everyday lives.
The more problematic aspect of Humphreys’s study was that he wrote down the
correlation
coefficient license plate numbers of the people who came into the tearooms, obtained their home
addresses from the DMV, and visited their homes under the guise of conducting a survey
A measure of the degree
of correlation between for Washington University. Even though Humphreys did not reveal to the men’s families
variables. anything about the activities he observed in the tearooms, and even though he took great
pains to keep the data confidential, the knowledge he gained could have been damaging.
Because the activity he was documenting was illegal at the time, police officers might
mean
have demanded that he release information about the men’s identities. A less skilled inves-
A statistical measure of
tigator might have slipped up when interviewing the subjects’ families. Humphreys could
central tendency, or average,
have lost or misplaced his notes, which could then have ended up in the wrong hands.
based on dividing a total by the
number of individual cases. Humphreys was one of the first sociologists to study the lives of gay men. His account
was a humane treatment that went well beyond what little was widely known about
gay men at that time. Although none of his subjects suffered as a result of his book,
mode
Humphreys himself later said that if he were to do the study again, he would not trace
The number that appears license plates or visit people’s homes. Instead, after gathering his data in the public
most often in a dataset.
tearooms, he might try to get to know a subset of the people well enough to inform them
of his goals for the study.
median It is unlikely that Humphreys’s tactics will be repeated in the future. Yet as research

The number that falls half- practices and the technologies researchers use evolve, new questions about research ethics
way in a range of numbers. will arise. For example, in 2014, a team of social scientists published an article explor-
ing whether an individual’s mood is affected by the content in his or her Facebook feed
(Kramer et al., 2014). The researchers aimed to test a theory of “emotional contagion,”
standard
or the idea that a person’s own mood (as conveyed by the emotional tone of his or her
deviation
own Facebook posts) would be affected by the mood conveyed by the posts or news arti-
A way of calculating the
cles from others in the person's feed. To help the researchers test this theory, Facebook
spread of a group of figures.
manipulated the newsfeeds of more than half a million randomly selected users, changing
the number of positive and negative posts they saw in their feeds (Goel, 2014). While
informed consent some critics were concerned about issues of consent, others worried that the manipulated
The process whereby the feeds could pose a risk to depressed or anxious Facebook users.
investigator informs poten- The federal government and both public and private universities maintain a number
tial participants about the
of procedures and policies to ensure that researchers conduct their research in an ethi-
risks and benefits involved
cal fashion. In recent years, the federal government has become increasingly strict with
in the study.
universities that receive grant money for research. The National Science Foundation and
the National Institutes of Health have strict requirements outlining how human subjects
debriefing must be treated. In response to these requirements, American universities now have insti-
Following a study, the process tutional review boards (IRBs) that routinely review all research involving human subjects.
whereby an investigator The results of these review procedures have been both positive and negative. On the
informs participants about
positive side, researchers are more aware of ethical considerations than ever before. On the
the true purpose of the study
negative side, many sociologists are finding it increasingly difficult to get their work done
and reveals any deception that
happened during the study. when IRBs require them to secure informed consent from research subjects before being
able to establish a rapport with them. Informed consent means that study participants are

32 CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

Research in sociology often makes use of statistical tech- distribution of the data—that is, the range of figures covered.
niques in the analysis of findings. Some are highly sophis- The most frequently occurring case in a set of figures is
ticated and complex, but those most often used are easy not necessarily representative of their distribution as a whole
to understand. The most common statistics are measures and thus may not be a useful average. In this case, $40,000 is
of central tendency (ways of calculating averages) and too close to the lower end of the figures.
correlation coefficients (measures of the degree to which one The third measure is the median, which is the middle of
variable relates consistently to another). any set of figures; here this would be the seventh figure, again
There are three methods of calculating averages, each of $40,000. Our example gives an odd number of figures: 13.
which has certain advantages and shortcomings. Take as an If there had been an even number—for instance, 12—the
example the amount of personal wealth (including all assets, median would be calculated by taking the mean of the two
such as houses, cars, bank accounts, and investments) middle cases, iterns 6 and 7. Like the mode, the median gives
owned by 13 individuals. Suppose the 13 own the following no idea of the actual range of the data measured.
amounts: Sometimes a researcher will use more than one measure
of central tendency to avoid giving a deceptive picture of the
1. $0 8. $80,000 average. More often, he or she will calculate the standard

2. $5,000 9. $100,000 deviation for the data in question. This is a way of calculat-
3. $10,000 10. $150,000 ing the degree of dispersal, or the range, of a set of figures—
4. $20,000 11. $200,000 which in this case goes from $0 to $10,000,000.

5. $40,000 12. $400,000 Correlation coefficients offer a useful way of expressing

6. $40,000 13. $10,000,000 how closely connected two (or more) variables are. Where

7. $40,000 two variables correlate completely, we can speak of a per-

fect positive correlation, expressed as 1.0. Where no relation
is found between two variables—they have no consistent
The mean corresponds to the average, arrived at by adding connection at all—the coefficient is O. A perfect negative cor-
together the personal wealth of all 13 people and dividing the relation, expressed as -1.0, exists when two variables are in a
result by 13. The total is $11,085,000; dividing this by 13, we completely inverse relation to each other. Perfect correlations
reach a mean of $852,692.31. The mean is often a useful calcu- are never found in the social sciences. Correlations of the
lation because it is based on the whole range of data provided. order of 0.6 or more, whether positive or negative, are usually

However, it can be misleading when one or a small number of regarded as indicating a strong degree of connection between
cases are very different from the majority. In our example, the whatever variables are being analyzed. Positive correlations
mean is not in fact an appropriate measure of central tendency on this level might be found between, say, social class back-
because the presence of one very large figure, $10,000,000, ground and voting behavior.
skews the picture. One might get the impression when using
the mean to summarize these data that most of the people
own far more than they actually do. In such instances, one of
two other measures may be used.
degree of dispersal
The range or distribution
The mode is the figure that occurs most frequently in a
of a set of figures.
given set of data. In our example, it is $40,000. The problem
with the mode is that it doesn't take into account the overall

What Ethical Dilemmas Do Sociologists Face? Sig

 You will often come across tables when reading sociological sometimes gives you some insight into how reliable the
literature. They sometimes look complex, but they are easy to information is likely to be, while also indicating where to
decipher if you follow a few basic steps, listed here; with prac- find the original data. In our table, the source note makes
tice, these will become automatic. (See Table 1.4 as an exam- clear that the data have been taken from one organization.
ple.) Do not succumb to the temptation to skip over tables; they
contain information in concentrated form, which can be read Read the headings along the top and left-hand side of the
more quickly than would be possible if the same material were table. (Sometimes tables are arranged with “headings” at
expressed in words. By becoming skilled in the interpretation the foot rather than the top.) These tell you what type of
of tables, you will also be able to check whether the conclu- information is contained in each row and column. In read-
sions a writer draws actually seem justified. ing the table, keep each set of headings in mind as you
scan the figures. In our example, the headings on the left
|. Read the title in full. Tables frequently have long titles that give the countries involved, whereas those at the top refer
represent an attempt by the researcher to state accurately to the proportion who hold a “favorable” opinion of the
the nature of the information conveyed. The title of Table 1.4 United States and the years for which data are available.
first reveals the subject of the data. Next, it indicates that
the table provides material for comparison. And finally, it . Identify the units used; the figures in the body of the table
specifies that the data are given only for a limited number may represent cases, percentages, averages, or other
of countries. measures. Sometimes it may be helpful to convert the fig-
ures to a form more useful to you: If percentages are not
2. Look for explanatory comments, or notes, about the provided, for example, it may be worth calculating them.
data. A source note at the foot of Table 1.4 indicates that
the data were obtained from the Pew Research Center, a . Consider the conclusions that might be reached from the
large international survey organization. It also notes that information in the table. Most tables are discussed by the
data were not available for all nations for all years. Notes author, and what they have to say should, of course, be
may say how the material was collected or why it is dis- borne in mind. But you should also ask what further issues
played in a particular way. If the data have not been gath- or questions could be suggested by the data: How might
ered by the researcher but are based on findings originally you explain some of these declines? Or the sudden and
reported elsewhere, a source will be included. The source precipitous drops?

given a broad description of the study — including its risks and benefits — prior to agree-
ing to participate. After receiving this summary, they are free to opt out of the research.
Lote},
[o4 a aod |101€) Another safeguard used to protect subjects is debriefing; after the research study ends,
the investigator discusses any concerns the subjects may have and acknowledges whether
What ethical dilemmas
strategies such as deception were used. Despite these safeguards, there will likely never
did Humphreys’s study
pose?
be easy solutions to vexing problems posed by research ethics, especially in an era when
the Internet and high-tech firms are offering up new and innovative ways to collect and
(@foyaydeetsiall abielm aat=ye!
rolatst=Talar-Taveel-lelal-tilatcn examine data.

34 CHAPTER 1 Sociology: Theory and Method

TABLE 1.4

Opinion of the United States: Comparison of Selected Nations

Several interesting trends can be seen from the data in this table. First, the extent to which people hold favorable attitudes toward
the United States varies considerably across nations. Second, although there are strong national and regional patterns of support for
the United States, we also see considerable historical variation within nations. For example, in China, about one-third of respondents
held favorable views in 2007, yet this proportion has steadily gone upward, reaching 50 percent in 2016. Other nations show a steep
and sudden drop rather than a steady decline. While nearly two-thirds of Mexicans held a favorable view as recently as 2015, this
share had plummeted to 36 percent by 2019.

PERCENTAGE OF PERSONS WHO HOLD A “FAVORABLE” (VS. “UNFAVORABLE”) OPINION OF THE UNITED STATES

COUNTRY
China 34 4) 47 58 44 43 40 50 44 50 = - E

France St, 42 to 73 75 69 64 ffi Ue 63 46 38 48

Germany 30 31 64 63 62 2 53 51 50 Silt 35 30 32

Indonesia 29 37 63 ag 54 = 61 3, 62 = 48 42 42

Japan 61 50 59 66 85 2 69 66 68 (Z of 67 68

Jordan 20 19 ZO ral 13 12 14 12 14 = 15 = >

Kenya 87 = 90 94 83 = 81 80 84 63 54 = 60

Mexico 56 47 69 56 52 56 66 63 66 = 30 ave 36

Pakistan 15 19 16 a VA 12 11 14 22 : = > :

Poland 61 68 67 74 70 69 67 (3 74 74 73 70 79

Russia 4) 46 thes <i 56 OZ 51 2 15 - 4) 26 29

South Korea 58 70 78 ee, = - 78 82 84 = iS 80 (ts

Turkey 9 12 14 17 10 15 2) 19 29 - 18 - 20

51 Jo 69 65 61 60 58 66 65 61 50 50 af
United Kingdom

80 84 88 85 79 80 81 82 83 83 85 79 81
United States

Note: Data not available for all nations for all years.

Source: Pew Research Center, 2019h.

How Does the Sociological

Imagination Affect Your Life? |X
‘ eee oer Understand how adopting .
ion, we are
When we observe the world through the prism of the sociological imaginat a sociological perspective
awareness and under- allows us to develop a
affected in several important ways. First, we develop a greater
r won't eas- richer understanding of
standing of cultural differences. For example, a high school guidance counselo
without being ourselves, our significant
ily gain the confidence of their students who are the targets of bullying
experi- others, and the world.
sensitive to the ways in which gender and sexual orientation shape students’
ences at school.

Does the Sociological Imagination Affect Your Life? 35

How
EMPLOYING What Can You Do with a Sociology Major?
YOUR
CToXel
eo]Mole] (o7.VE What do former first lady Michelle Obama, the late president Ronald Reagan, sex expert

IMAGINATION Dr. Ruth Westheimer, and the late civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. have in com-
mon? If you guessed that they were all sociology majors, you're correct. At first blush,
their careers couldn't be more different. Dr. Ruth raised eyebrows in the 1980s and 1990s
when she discussed in (often frank) detail the sex lives of Americans. Ronald Reagan was
a conservative Republican president who had the backing of the religious right. Martin
Luther King Jr. was a Baptist minister and leading figure in the civil rights movement.
Before she became our first Black first lady, Michelle Obama had successful careers as
a lawyer, college dean, and hospital administrator.
Yet, on closer inspection, each of their careers shows evidence of essential skills
obtained from an education in sociology, including critical thinking skills, a well-developed
sociological imagination, and an understanding of research methods. Throughout this
book, the “Employing Your Sociological Imagination” feature shows how the skills and
knowledge acquired in sociology classes can be applied to far-ranging careers. According
to the American Sociological Association (2015), the most common field employing
sociology majors is social services and counseling, which accounts for roughly one
in five recent graduates. Yet that also means that 80 percent work in other fields,
revealing the remarkable breadth of opportunities that a sociology degree provides.
Consider the career of Dr. Ruth Westheimer. After earning a degree in sociology,
she obtained a doctorate in education and worked at family-planning organizations like
Planned Parenthood before making the leap to television and radio in the 1980s. At that
time, people looking for information about their sex lives couldn't simply turn to Google.

Second, we are better able to assess the results of public policy initiatives. For
instance, while all 50 states have anti-bullying laws, we will not be able to understand
how effective they are unless we systematically obtain data on the levels of bullying
before and after these policies were implemented.
Third, we may become more self-enlightened and may develop wise insights into
our own behaviors. Have you ever bullied or picked on a classmate at school? Have you
ever harassed a classmate online? If yes, why did you pick on that particular student?
Were you encouraged to do so by your classmates? Did the anonymous nature of the
Internet make you feel like you wouldn't get “caught”? Sociology helps us understand
why we act as we do and helps us recognize that social context—such as our peers or
school dynamics—also may shape our behaviors.
Fourth, developing a sociological eye toward social problems and developing
rigorous research skills opens many career doors—as urban planners, social workers, and

36 CHAPTER 1. Sociology: Theory and Method

On her radio program Sexually Speaking and several TV shows, and in the more than
40 books she wrote, Dr. Ruth offered people thoughtful, straightforward, and even
humor
ous advice based in compelling social science and medical research. She also rec ognized
that public policies regarding health must be evidence based. The four-footseven doctor
and dynamo famously held her own in a tense debate on CNN’s Crossfire in 2002, when
she stood up to a passionate advocate for abstinence only education, informing him that
no data supported the efficacy of such programs (CNN, 2002)

Michelle Obama has had several careers working in nonprofits dedicated to children
and health care. It's not surprising, then, that one of her first missions as first lady was
to focus on the high and rising obesity rates among children in the United States. Her
“Let's Move” (2017) program aimed to help children and their families maintain a healthy
weight. The design of this program showed the clear imprint of a sociological imagination.

Rather than viewing high body weight as a product of individual-level factors like lack of
willpower or poor food choices, Obama recognized that child obesity is a public issue
rather than a personal trouble, noting that obesity rates are especially high among Black
and Latino children living in low-income neighborhoods with limited access to full-service
grocery stores, affordable healthy food, and safe places to exercise. Key components of

the program included increasing access to healthy foods in public schools and creat-
|
”
Ri

=. re] 0 23 o <D ga© a: oOo D JQ @‘ LL

D 3
#4) o J a safe playgrounds for children in urban neighborhoods.
These public approaches to the obesity problem stand in stark contrast to solutions telling
Asfirst lady, Michelle Obama, a
individual children and parents simply to “watch what you eat.”
sociology major, focused on
ples of how sociology can shape how we think,
battling the public issue of
ons to social problems. In the chapters that follow,
childhood obesity.
we will show even more ways
J that sociology=>i can prepare you for a diverse range
€ of

personnel managers, among other jobs. An understanding of society also serves those
working in law, journalism, business, and medicine. CONCEPT CHECKS
In sum, sociology is a discipline in which we often set aside our personal views and
biases to explore the influences that shape our lives and the lives of others. Sociology Describe four ways that
sociology can help us in
emerged as an intellectual endeavor along with the development of modern societies,
our lives.
and the study of such societies remains its principal concern. Sociology has major prac-
a sociologist is an exciting What skills and
tical implications for people's lives. Learning to become
perspectives do
academic pursuit! The best way to make sure it is exciting is to approach the subject in
sociologists bring to
an imaginative way and to relate sociological ideas and findings to your own life. their work?

How Does the Sociological Imagination Affect Your Life? 37

CHAPTER1. Learning Objectives

Learn what sociology covers as a field

and how everyday topics like love and
romance are shaped by social and historical
What Is the forces. Recognize that sociology involves
“Sociological developing a sociological imagination and
Imagination’?

The.
a global perspective, and understanding
social change.
oes

Big Picture
What Theories Do
Learn about the development of sociology as
Sociologists Use?
Sociology: a field. Be able to name some of the leading
Theory and Method ptt social theorists and the concepts they
contributed to sociology. Learn the different
theoretical approaches modern sociologists
bring to the field.
What Kinds
of Questions
Can Sociologists
Answer?
Thinking Sociologically Be able to describe the different types
aut of questions sociologists address in their
research.
1. Healthy older Americans often
encounter discriminatory treatment ;
when younger people assume they What Are the
are slow and thus overlook them for Steps of the
jobs they are fully capable of doing. Research Process? Learn the steps of the research
How would each of the theoretical process and be able to complete the
process yourself.
perspectives—symbolic interactionism, p. 23
functionalism, conflict theories and
postmodern theory—explain the
dynamics of prejudice against older
adults? What Research
Familiarize yourself with the methods
Methods Do
; i 2 available to sociological researchers, and
2. Explain in some detail the advantages Sociologists Use’ know the advantages and disadvantages
and disadvantages of doing compara- of each. See how researchers use multiple
fetw45)
tive or historical research. What will it methods in a real study.
yield that will be better than experi-
mentation, surveys, and ethnographic
fieldwork? What are its limitations? What Ethical
Dilemmas Do
3. Let’s suppose the dropout rate in Sociologists Face? Recognize the ethical problems researchers
your high school increased dramati- may face, and identify possible solutions to
these dilemmas.
cally. The school board offers you p. 31
a $500,000 grant to do a study to
explain the sudden increase. Following
the study procedures outlined in your
text, explain how you would go about
doing your research. What might be
some of the hypotheses to test in your
study? How would you prove or
disprove them?
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

sociology * person - How does sociology help us understand the causes of bullying?
. Contrast public issues and personal troubles.
. What is the sociological imagination, according to C. Wright Mills?
- How does the concept of social structure help sociologists better
understand social phenomena?
sociological imagination « structuration « . What is globalization? How might it affect the lives of college students today?
globalization

. What role does theory play in sociological research?

social facts * organic solidarity © social . According to Emile Durkheim, what makes sociology a social science? Why?
constraint * anomie * materialist conception of . According to Karl Marx, what are the differences between the
history * capitalism * symbolic interactionism classes that make up a capitalist society?
symbol ¢ functionalism * manifest functions « - What are the differences between symbolic interactionist and
latent functions * conflict theories * Marxism functionalist approaches to the analysis of society?
power ® ideology * feminism ¢ feminist theory . How are macro and micro analyses of society connected?
postmodernism ® microsociology
macrosociology

. Why is sociology considered a science?

2. What are the differences between comparative and developmental
science * empirical investigation © factual questions?
questions * comparative questions e
developmental questions * theoretical questions

. What are the seven steps of the research process?

. What is a hypothesis?
hypothesis ¢ data

. What are the main advantages and limitations of ethnography as a

qualitative methods ¢ quantitative methods research method?
e ethnography ® participant observation * survey . Contrast the two types of questions commonly used in surveys.
* pilot study * sampling « sample * representative . Discuss the main strengths of experiments.
sample * random sampling * experiment . What are the similarities and differences between comparative and
* comparative research ® oral history historical research?
* triangulation . Why is it important to use triangulation in social research?

measures of central tendency ® correlation _

. What ethical dilemmas did Humphreys’s study pose?

coefficient * mean * mode ® median * standard . Contrast informed consent and debriefing
deviation « informed consent ¢ debriefing
e degree of dispersal * rationalization

ee- ae
ea
: ’ ie rad ome 7
|) JS... 2 eee PaaS :
 During fall 2015, students across the United
States organized demonstrations against racism.
on college campuses. Controversy abounded at
Yale University when a faculty member publicly
questioned the validity of an email that had gone
out from administrators with proposed guidelines
for Halloween costumes.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

What is culture?
Know what culture consists of, and recognize
how it differs from society.

How does human culture develop?

Begin to understand how both biological and
cultural factors influence our behavior. Learn
the ideas of sociobiology and how others have
tried to refute these ideas by emphasizing

: cultural differences.
¢ U ulU fs aq a 6
What happened to premodern
e societies?
time.
Learn how societies have changed over
S O é |é ly
How has industrialization shaped
modern society?
/ owowcwrs ws Recognize the factors that transformed pre-
modern societies, particularly how industri-
alization and colonialism influenced global
development. Know the differences among
industrialized societies, emerging economies,
and developing societies and how these differ-
ences developed.

How does globalization affect

contemporary culture?
Recognize the effect of globalization on your
life and the lives of people around the world.
— - 2902289 _ ae
im '
oF © \ pate Think about the effect of a growing global
culture.
. National Identity —
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YOUR SISTERS SISTERS}> “ YOUR SISTERS JR SISTERS YOUR SISTERS! YOUR SISTERS _
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NOW, HERE. NOW, HERE. NOW, - NOW, HERE, "— -NOWMIERE. NOW, HERBs NOW, HERE
ALWAYS ALWAYS, ALWAYS, 4 | ALWAYS, ALWAYS, ALWAYS,
VERYWHERE VERYWHERE /E /HERE, VERY WHERE, E. EVERYWHERE VERY WHER!

In October 2015, the campus of Yale University broke out in controversy over a
series of emails written by administrators about Halloween. The uproar began
when an initial email went out from an Intercultural Affairs Committee representing
Native American, Black, Jewish, Latino, Asian American, and_ international

students: “The end of October is quickly approaching, and along with the falling leaves and
cooler nights come the Halloween celebrations on our campus and our community,” the memo
began. “These celebrations provide opportunities for students to socialize as well as to make
positive contributions to our community. . . . However, Halloween is also unfortunately a
time when the normal thoughtfulness and sensitivity of most Yale students can sometimes be
forgotten and some poor decisions can be made, including wearing feathered headdresses,
turbans, wearing ‘war paint’ or modifying skin tone or wearing blackface or redface.”
While acknowledging students’ right to free expression, the administrators asked
students to consider how “culturally unaware or insensitive choices” might affect other groups.

Culture and Society 4

 The memo proposed that students ask themselves a series of questions before deciding

on their costumes:

i. Fora funny costume, is the humor based on “making fun” of real people, human traits,
or cultures?

2. For ahistorical costume, does it further historical inaccuracies or misinformation?

3. For acultural costume, does it reduce cultural differences to stereotypes or jokes?

4. For areligious costume, does it mock or belittle someone's deeply held faith tradition?

A few days after the Intercultural Affairs Committee sent out this advice to students,
the deputy director of one of the Yale dormitories wrote a pointed response that questioned
whether it was appropriate for college administrators to police the costumes of young adults.
In an email to the dorm residents, she asked,

Is there no room anymore

for a child or young person to be a little bit
obnoxious, a little bit inappropriate or provocative, or yes, offensive?
American universities were once a safe space not only for maturation but
also for a certain regressive, or even transgressive, experience; increasingly,
it seems, they have become places of censure and prohibition.

This email set in motion a series of protests, with many students calling for the
author's resignation (and that of her husband, who defended her email in his capacity as the
dorm’s director). Many felt that her message, which encouraged those who might take offense
to a person's costume to “look away,” dismissed the power of harmful stereotypes to further
degrade marginalized groups. Although the president of Yale and the Yale College dean came
out in support of the dorm director and his wife keeping their jobs, she ultimately decided to
resign from teaching at the college.
So why were the Yale students so upset? At the heart of this controversy over Halloween
cultural costumes is a concept that sociologists refer to as cultural appropriation, which occurs
appropriation when members of one cultural group borrow elements of another’s culture, such as when a
When members of one non-Indian person dons a sari or a non-Japanese person wears a kimono. Is it always offensive
cultural group borrow to take on elements of a culture to which you don't belong? Even the most well-intentioned
elements of another
and seemingly benign decisions to borrow the cultural style of another group can be under-
group’s culture.
stood quite differently by those who come from that culture. There are no hard-and-fast rules
that can resolve such conflicts. One thing we can do is be aware of what is at stake here.
Sometimes cultural appropriation can reduce an entire way of life to a demeaning stereotype
that exacerbates historically unequal power relations. For this reason, many schools have
banned the use of Native American mascots.
Similarly, it was this sociological insight that led the Intercultural Affairs Committee to urge
students to be particularly thoughtful and sensitive to others’ feelings on Halloween.
As the protests at Yale demonstrate, issues related to cultural appropriation often come
to a head at Halloween and at other campus parties. But culture is more than just how we
dress. In this chapter, we will look at what culture is and its role in encouraging conformity
to shared ways of thinking and acting. We then consider the early development of human
culture, emphasizing features that distinguish human behavior from that of other species. After
assessing the role of biology in shaping human behavior, we examine the aspects of culture

42 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

that are essential for human society. This leads to a discussion of cultural diversity,
examining
cultural variations not only across different societies but also within a single society, such
as the United States.
Cultural variations among human beings are linked to different types of society, and
we will compare and contrast the main forms of society found in history. The point of doing
this is to tie together closely two aspects of human social existence: the different cultural
values and products that human beings have developed and the contrasting types of society
in which such cultural development has occurred. Too often, culture is discussed separately
from society, as though the two were disconnected, whereas in fact, they are closely inter-
twined. Throughout the chapter, we will concentrate on how social change has affected
cultural development. One instance of this is the effect of technology and globalization on
the many cultures of the world.

What Is Culture? <

The sociological study of culture began with Emile Durkheim in the nineteenth cen- Know what culture consists
tury and soon became the basis of anthropology, a social science specifically focused on of, and recognize how it
the study of cultural differences and similarities among the world’s peoples. Early differs from society.

social scientists assumed that “primitive” cultures were inferior, lagging far behind
modern European “civilization.” Sociologists and anthropologists now recognize
that different cultures have their own distinctive characteristics. The task of
social science is to understand this cultural diversity, which is best done by avoiding
value judgments.
When we use the term culture in daily conversation, we often think of “high
culture,” such as fine art, literature, classical music, or ballet. From a sociological perspec-
tive, the concept of culture includes these activities but also many more. Culture con- culture
sists of the values held by members of a particular group, the languages they speak, the The values, norms, and
symbols they revere, the norms they follow, and the material goods they create and that material goods character-
become meaningful for them—bows and arrows, plows, factories and machines, com- istic of a given group. The
notion of culture is widely
puters, books, dwellings. It refers to the ways of life of the individuals or groups within
used in sociology and
a society—their apparel, marriage customs and family life, patterns of work, religious the other social sciences
ceremonies, and leisure pursuits. We should think of culture as a “design for living” or (particularly anthropology).
“tool kit” of practices, knowledge, and symbols acquired—as we shall see later-—through Culture is one of the most

learning rather than by instinct (Kluckhohn, 1949; Swidler, 1986). Some elements of distinctive properties of
human social association.
culture, especially the beliefs and expectations people have about one another and the
world they inhabit, are a component of all social relations.
Sociologists and anthropologists distinguish between two forms of culture: “non-
material” culture, cultural ideas that are not themselves physical objects, and “material”
culture, the physical objects that a society creates.

Defining “Culture”: Nonmaterial Culture

Nonmaterial culture comprises the nonphysical components of culture, including values
and norms, symbols, language, and speech and writing.

What Is Culture? 43
 VALUES AND NORMS
values Values are abstract ideals. For example, monogamy—being faithful to one’s sole romantic
Abstract ideals held by partner—is a prominent value in most Western societies. In other cultures, alternatively,
individuals or groups about a person may be permitted to have several wives or husbands simultaneously. Similarly,
what is desirable, proper, some cultures value individualism highly, whereas others place great emphasis on
good, and bad. What indi-
collectivism. A simple example makes this clear. Most pupils in the United States would
viduals value Is strongly
be outraged to find another student cheating on an examination. In the United States,
influenced by the specific
culture in which they
copying from someone else's paper goes against core values of individual achievement,
happen to live. equality of opportunity, hard work, and respect for the rules. Russian students, how-
ever, might be puzzled by this sense of outrage among their American peers. Helping
one another pass an examination reflects the value Russians place on equality and on
norms collective problem solving in the face of authority.
Rules of conduct that Within a single society or community, values may also conflict: Some groups or indi-
specify appropriate viduals may value traditional religious beliefs, whereas others may favor freedom of expre-
behavior in a given range
ssion, individual rights, and gender-based equality. Some people may prefer material comfort
of social situations. A
norm either prescribes and success, whereas others may favor simplicity and a quiet life. The Yale Halloween
a given type of behavior incident vividly highlights an instance when the competing values of freedom of expres-
or forbids it. All human sion and sensitivity to the feelings of minority group members came into conflict. In our
groups follow definite changing age—filled with the global movement of people, ideas, goods, and information—
norms, which are always
it is not surprising that we encounter instances of conflict among cultural values.
backed by sanctions of one
Norms are widely agreed-upon principles or rules people are expected to observe;
kind or another—varying
from informal disapproval they represent the dos and don'ts of social life. Norms of behavior in marriage include,
to physical punishment. for example, how husbands and wives are supposed to behave toward their in-laws. In
some societies, they are expected to develop a close relationship; in others, they keep
a clear distance. Many of our everyday behaviors and habits are grounded in cultural
norms. Movements, gestures, and expressions are strongly influenced by cultural factors.
A clear example can be seen in the way people smile—particularly in public contexts—
across different cultures. Among the Inuit of Greenland, for example, one does not find
the strong tradition of public smiling that exists in many areas of Western Europe and
North America. This does not mean that the Inuit are cold or unfriendly; it is simply not
their common practice to smile at or exchange pleasantries with strangers.
Norms, like the values they reflect, vary widely both across and within cultures.
Among most Americans, for example, one norm calls for direct eye contact between
persons engaged in conversation; completely averting one's eyes is usually interpreted
as a sign of weakness or rudeness. Yet, among the Navajo, a cultural norm calls for avert-
ing one's eyes as a sign of respect. Direct eye contact, particularly between strangers, is
considered rude because it violates a norm of politeness.
Norms also change over time. For example, beginning in 1964, with the U.S. sur-
geon general's report “Smoking and Health,” which presented definitive medical evidence
linking smoking with a large number of serious health problems, the U.S. government
waged a highly effective campaign to discourage people from smoking. A social norm
favoring smoking—once associated with independence, sex appeal, and glamour—
has given way to an equally strong social norm that depicts smoking as unhealthful,
unattractive, and selfish. In 2018, the proportion of American adults who smoked was
only 13.7 percent, compared to 42 percent in 1964, when the surgeon general's report was
issued (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018a).

44 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

 ATIP FROM A

FORMER
SMOKER

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Terrie, Age 52
North Carolina

Smoking was portrayed as

sophisticated and elegant
in the 1950s. Today,
smokers are vilified for
harming themselves and
no-one shall take it away” their children. What has
How careless memory cam be It can mislay years of happincs
and offer up, instead, one brief moment of enjoymenc
one shall take
But this contributed to these drastic
changes in our perceptions
BE US Departmentof

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Mealth asdWaman Servions
Center SarCoser
Copereh as reversion
of smokers?
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Those who smoke Craven ‘A’ seldom care for other cigarettes #CDCTips

Values and norms work together to shape how members of a culture behave within
their surroundings. Even within a single culture, the norms of conduct differ by age, gender,
and other important social subgroups. Gender norms are particularly powerful; women
are often expected to be more docile, more caring, and even more moral than men.

LANGUAGE
Language demonstrates both the unity and the diversity of human culture because there language
are no cultures without language, yet there are thousands of different languages spoken A system of symbols that
in the world. Anyone who has visited a foreign country armed only with a dictionary represent objects and
knows how difficult it is to understand anything or to be understood. Although languages abstract thoughts; the
primary vehicle of meaning
that have similar origins have words in common with one another—as do, for exam-
and communication in a
ple, German and English—most of the world’s major language groups have no words in society.
common at all.
Language is involved in virtually all our activities. In the form of ordinary talk or
speech, it is the means by which we organize most of what we do. However, language is
involved not just in mundane, everyday activities but also in ceremony, religion, poetry,
and many other spheres. One of the most distinctive features of human language is
that it allows us to vastly extend the scope of our thought and experience. Using
language, we can convey information about events remote in time or space and can
discuss things we have never seen. We can develop abstract concepts, tell stories,
make jokes, and express sarcasm.
Languages—indeed, all symbols—are representations of reality. The symbols we use
may signify things we imagine, such as mathematical formulas or fictitious creatures, or
they may represent (i.e., “re-present,” or make present again in our minds) things we ini-
tially experienced through our senses. Symbols even represent emotions, as the common

What Is Culture? 45
 emoticons of :)(happy) and ;) (good-natured winking) reveal. Human behavior is oriented
toward the symbols we use to represent reality rather than toward the reality itself—
and these symbols are determined within a particular culture. Because symbols are rep-
resentations, their cultural meanings must be interpreted when they are used. When
you see a four-footed furry animal, for example, you must determine which cultural
symbol to attach to it. Do you decide to call it a dog, a wolf, or something else? If you
determine it is a dog, what cultural meaning does that convey? In American culture,
dogs are typically regarded as household pets and lavished with affection. Among the
Akha of northern Thailand, dogs are seen as food and treated accordingly. Because
there are so many diverse cultural meanings attached to the word dog, it takes an act
of interpretation to use the word and to understand what it means in context.
In the 1930s, the anthropological linguist Edward Sapir and his student Benjamin
linguistic Lee Whorf advanced the linguistic relativity hypothesis, or the Sapir-Whorf hypothe-
relativity sis, which argues that the language we use influences our perceptions of the world. This
hypothesis is because we are much more likely to be aware of things in the world if we have words
A hypothesis, based on the for them (Haugen, 1977; Malotki, 1983; Witkowski and Brown, 1982). Expert skiers or
theories of Edward Sapir snowboarders, for example, use terms such as black ice, corn, powder, and packed powder
and Benjamin Lee Whorf,
to describe different snow and ice conditions. Such terms enable them to more readily
that perceptions are
relative to language; also perceive potentially life-threatening situations that would escape the notice of a novice.
referred to as the Sapir- In a sense, then, experienced winter athletes have a different perception of the world—or
Whorf hypothesis. at least, a different perception of the alpine slopes—than novices do.
Language also helps give permanence to a culture and an identity to a people. Language
outlives any particular speaker or writer, affording a sense of history and cultural
continuity, a feeling of “who we are,” to the culture that uses it. One of the central
paradoxes of our time is that, despite the globalization of the English language through
the Internet and other forms of global media, local attachments to language persist,
often out of cultural pride. For example, the French-speaking residents of the Canadian
province of Québec are so passionate about their linguistic heritage that they often
refuse to speak English, the dominant language of Canada, and periodically seek political
independence from the rest of Canada.

SPEECH AND WRITING

All societies use speech as a vehicle of language. However, there are other ways of
“carrying,” or expressing, language—most notably, writing. The invention of writing
marked a major transition in human history. Writing first began as the drawing up of
lists. Marks would be made on wood, clay, or stone to keep records about significant events,
objects, or people. For example, a mark, or sometimes a picture, might be drawn to rep-
resent each tract of land possessed by a particular family or set of families (Gelb, 1952).
Writing began as a means of storing information and as such was closely linked to
the administrative needs of early civilizations. A society that possesses writing can
locate itself in time and space. Documents can be accumulated that record the past, and
information can be gathered about present-day events and activities.
Writing is not just the transfer of speech to paper or some other durable material. It
is a phenomenon of interest in its own right. Written documents or texts have qualities in
some ways quite distinct from the spoken word. The impact of speech is always by defini-
tion limited to the particular contexts in which words are uttered. Ideas and experiences

46 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

can be passed down through generations in cultures without writing, but only if they
are regularly repeated and passed on by word of mouth. Written texts, conversely, can
endure for thousands of years, and through them, people from past ages can in a certain
sense address us, in the present, directly. This is, of course, why documentary research
is sO important to historians.By interpreting the texts that past generations leave
behind, historians can reconstruct what their lives were like.

Defining “Culture”: Material Culture

Material culture consists of the physical objects that individuals in society create. These material culture
objects, in turn, influence how we live. They include the food we eat: the clothes we
The physical objects
wear; the cars we drive to the homes we live in; the tools and technologies we use to that society creates that
make these goods, from sewing machines to computerized factories; and the towns and influence the ways in
cities we build as places in which to live and work. which people live.
While the symbols expressed in speech and writing are the main tools we use to form
and express cultural meanings, they are not the only tools. Material objects can also be
signifier
used to generate meanings. A signifier is any vehicle of meaning—any set of elements
Any vehicle of meaning
used to communicate. The sounds made in speech are signifiers, as are the marks made on
and communication.
paper or other materials in writing. Other signifiers, however, include dress, pictures or
visual signs, modes of eating, forms of building or architecture, and many other material
features of culture (Hawkes, 1977).
Styles of dress, for example, normally help signify differences between the sexes.
Even colors can signify important aspects of culture. In contemporary society, young
girls are typically associated with pink clothes, whereas boys are dressed in blue—but
this wasn't always the case (Paoletti, 2012). In the nineteenth century, both boys and
girls wore frilly white clothing. A June 1918 article in Ladies’ Home Journal stated, “The
generally accepted rule is pink for the boys, and blue for the girls. The reason is that
pink, being a more decided and stronger color, is more suitable for the boy, while blue,
which is more delicate and dainty, is prettier for the girl” (Paoletti, 2012). As we saw
in the case of the Yale Halloween incident, material goods, such as costumes, can com-
municate very powerful social meanings. Although dressing up like a Native American
might be deeply offensive on a college campus, the response might be different at
a Chicago Blackhawks hockey game, where there is no expectation that students will
be in a “safe space.”
But material culture is not simply symbolic; it is also vital for catering to physical
needs—in the form of tools or technology used to acquire food, make weaponry, construct
dwellings, manufacture our clothing, and so forth. We must study both the practical and
the symbolic aspects of material culture to understand it completely.
Today, material culture is rapidly becoming globalized, largely through modern infor-
mation technology, such as the computer and the Internet. Although the United States
has been at the forefront of this technological revolution, most other industrial coun-
tries are catching up. In fact, it no longer makes sense to speak of an exclusively TUS.
technology” any more than it makes sense to speak of a U.S. car. The iPhone, for example,
contains hundreds of components that are sourced from some 200 manufacturers across
the planet, embodying technology developed in Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Europe, and
the United States (Minasians, 2016). Another example of the globalization of material
culture is the way that classrooms and department stores the world over increasingly

What Is Culture? AT
In the photo on the right,
members of a 1970s
commune relax outdoors.
On the left, two Harajuku
girls pose for a photograph
in Tokyo, Japan. Though
their distinctive styles set
them apart from mainstream
society, these people are not
as nonconformist as they
may think they are. Both
subcultures conform to the
norms of their respective
social groups.

>
resemble one another and the fact that McDonald's restaurants are now found on nearly
every continent.

Culture and Society

“Culture” can be distinguished from “society,” but these notions are closely connected. A
society society is a system of interrelationships that connects individuals together. No culture
A system of interrela- could exist without a society; equally, no society could exist without culture. Without
tionships that connects culture, we would not be human at all, in the sense in which we usually understand
individuals together. These that term. We would have no language in which to express ourselves, we would have no
individuals are subject sense of self-consciousness, and our ability to think or reason would be severely limited.
to a common system of
Culture also serves as a society’s glue because culture is an important source of
political authority, and
are aware of having a dis-
conformity, providing its members with ready-made ways of thinking and acting.
tinct identity from other For example, when you say that you subscribe to a particular value, such as formal
groups. Some societies, learning, you are probably voicing beliefs that conform to those of your family mem-
like hunting-and-gathering bers, friends, teachers, or others who are significant in your life. Cultures differ, however,
societies, are small,
in how much they value conformity. Research based on surveys of more than 100,000
numbering no more than a
adults in over 60 countries shows that Japanese culture lies at one extreme in terms
few dozen people. Others
are large, numbering of valuing conformity (Hofstede, 1997), while at the other extreme lies American
millions—modern Chinese culture, one of the least conformist, ranking among the world’s highest in cherishing
society, for instance, has a individualism (Hamamura, 2012).
population of more than a
American high school and college students often see themselves as especially non-
billion people.
conformist. The hipsters of today, like the hippies of the 1960s and the punks of the 1980s,
sport distinctive clothing styles, haircuts, and other forms of bodily adornment. Yet
how individualistic are they? Are young people with piercings or tattoos really act-
ing independently? Or are their styles perhaps as much the “uniforms” of their group as
navy blue suits are among middle-aged businesspeople? There is an aspect of conformity
to their behavior—conformity to their own group.
Since some degree of conformity to norms is necessary for any society to exist, one
of the key challenges for all cultures is to instill in people a willingness to conform. This
is accomplished in two ways (Parsons, 1964). First, individuals learn the norms of their

48 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

 culture. While this occurs throughout a person's life, the
most crucial learning occurs
during childhood, and parents play a key role. When learnin
g is successful, the norms are
so thoroughly internalized that they become unquestioned ways
of thinking and acting:
they come to appear “normal.” (Note that norm and normal share
a common root.)
When a person fails to learn and adequately conform to
a culture's norms, a second
way of instilling cultural conformity comes into play: social
control. Social control often
involves punishing individuals for breaking the rules. Adminis
tration of punishment
can include such informal behavior as rebuking friends for minor
breaches of etiquette,
gossiping behind their backs, or ostracizing them from the group. Official,
formal forms
of discipline might range from parking tickets to imprisonment (Foucaul
t, 1979).
Durkheim, one of the founders of sociology, argued that punishment serves
not only
to help guarantee conformity among those who would violate a culture's norms
and
values but also to vividly remind others what the norms and values are.
CONCEPT CHECKS
Is it possible to describe an “American” culture? Although the United States is cultur-
ally diverse, we can identify several characteristics of a uniquely American culture. First, Describe two examples
it reflects a particular range of values shared by many, if not all, Americans, such as the of nonmaterial culture
and two examples of
belief in the merits of individual achievement and in equality of opportunity. Second, these
material culture.
values are connected to specific norms: For example, it is usually expected that people
What is the linguistic
will work hard to achieve occupational success (Bellah et al., 1985; Parsons, 1964). Third, it
relativity hypothesis?
involves the use of material artifacts created mostly through modern industrial technol-
What role does culture
ogy, such as cars, mass-produced food, and clothing.
play in society?

How Does Human

Culture Develop? .
Human culture and human biology are closely intertwined. Understanding how culture Begin to understand how
is related to the physical evolution of the human species can help us better understand both biological and cultural
the central role that culture plays in shaping our lives. factors influence our
behavior. Learn the ideas
of sociobiology and how
Early Human Culture: Adaptation others have tried to refute
to Physical Environment these ideas by emphasizing
cultural differences.
Scientists believe that the first humans evolved from apelike creatures on the African
continent some 4 million years ago. Their conclusion is based on archaeological evidence
and knowledge of the close similarities in blood chemistry and genetics between chimpan-
zees and humans. The first evidence of humanlike culture dates back only 2 million years.
In these early cultures, humans fashioned stone tools, derived sustenance by hunting
animals and gathering nuts and berries, harnessed the use of fire, and established a
highly cooperative way of life. Because early humans planned their hunts, they must also
have had some capacity for abstract thought.
Culture enabled early humans to compensate for their physical limitations, such as
their lack of claws, sharp teeth, and running speed, relative to other animals (Deacon, 1998).

How Does Human Culture Develop? 49

As these pictures of
members of a north pole
community (left) and a
desert community (right)
demonstrate, culture is
powerfully influenced by
geographic and climate
conditions.

Culture freed humans from dependence on instinctual, genetically determined ways

of responding to the environment—a dependence that characterizes other species. The
larger, more complex human brain permitted a greater degree of adaptive learning in
dealing with major environmental changes, such as the Ice Age. For example, humans
figured out how to build fires and sew clothing for warmth. Through greater flexibility,
humans were able to survive unpredictable challenges in their surroundings and shape
the world with their ideas and tools.
Yet early humans were closely tied to their physical environment because they
still lacked the technology to modify their immediate surroundings significantly (Bennett,
1976; Harris, 1975, 1978, 1980). Their ability to secure food and make clothing and shelter
depended largely on the physical resources that were close at hand. Cultures in differ-
ent environments varied widely as people adapted their cultures to be suitable to specific
geographic and climatic conditions. For example, the cultures developed by desert
dwellers, where water and food were scarce, differed significantly from the cultures that
developed in rain forests, where such natural resources abounded. Human inventiveness
spawned a rich tapestry of cultures around the world. As you will see at the conclusion
of this chapter, modern technology and other forces of globalization pose both challenges
and opportunities for future global cultural diversity.

Nature or Nurture?
Because humans evolved as a part of the world of nature, it would seem logical to
assume that human thinking and behavior are the result of biology and evolution. In fact,
one of the oldest and most enduring controversies in the social sciences is the “nature/
nurture” debate: Are we shaped by our biology, or are we products of learning through
life's experiences, that is, of nurture? Biologists and some psychologists emphasize
biological factors in explaining human thinking and behavior. Sociologists, not surpris-
ingly, stress the role of learning and culture. They are also likely to argue that, because
human beings are capable of making conscious choices, neither biology nor culture
wholly determines human behavior.
The “nature/nurture” debate has raged for more than a century. In the 1930s and
1940s, many social scientists focused on biological factors, with some researchers seeking

50 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

(unsuccessfully), for example, to prove that a person's physique determined his or
her
personality. In the 1960s and 1970s, scholars in different fields emphasized culture. For
example, social psychologists argued that even the most severe forms of mental illness were
the result of the labels that society attaches to unusual behavior rather than the result of
biochemical processes (Scheff, 1966). Today, partly because of new understandings
of genetics and brain neurophysiology, the pendulum is again swinging toward the side
of biology.
The resurgence of biological explanations for human behavior began in the 1970s,
when the evolutionary biologist Edward O. Wilson published Sociobiology: The New Synthesis
(1975). The term sociobiology refers to the application of biological principles to explain the sociobiology
social activities of animals, including human beings. Using studies of insects and other An approach that attempts
social creatures, Wilson argued that genes influence not only physical traits but behavior to explain the behavior of
as well. In most species, for example, males are larger and more aggressive than females both animals and human
beings in terms of
and tend to dominate the “weaker sex.” Some suggest that genetic factors explain why, in all
biological principles.
human societies that we know of, men tend to hold positions of greater authority than women.
One way in which sociobiologists have tried to illuminate the relations between the
sexes is through the idea of “reproductive strategy.” A reproductive strategy is a pattern
of behavior, arrived at through evolutionary selection, that favors the chances of survival
of offspring. The female body has a larger investment in its reproductive cells than the
male body does—a fertilized egg takes nine months to develop. Thus, according to socio-
biologists, women will not squander that investment and are not driven to have sexual
relations with many partners; their overriding aim is the care and protection of children.
Men, on the other hand, tend toward promiscuity. Their wish to have sex with many
partners is sound strategy from the point of view of the species; to carry out their mis-
sion, which is to maximize the possibility of impregnation, they move from one partner to
the next. In this way, it has been suggested, we can explain differences in sexual behavior
and attitudes between men and women.
Sociobiologists do not argue that our genes determine 100 percent of our behavior.
For example, they note that depending on the circumstances, men can choose to act in
nonaggressive ways. Even though this argument would seem to open up the field of
sociobiology to culture as an additional explanatory factor in describing human behavior,
instincts
social scientists have roundly condemned sociobiology for claiming that a propensity for
Fixed patterns of behavior
particular behaviors, such as violence, is somehow “genetically programmed” into our
that have genetic origins
brains (Seville Statement on Violence, 1990).
and that appear in all
normal animals within a
How Nature and Nurture Interact given species.

Most sociologists today would acknowledge a role for nature in determining attitudes
and behavior, but with strong qualifications. For example, babies are born with the abil- biological
ity to recognize faces: Babies a few minutes old turn their heads in response to patterns determinism
that resemble human faces but not in response to other patterns (Cosmides and Tooby, The belief that differences
1997; Johnson and Morton, 1991). But it is a large leap to conclude that, because babies we observe between
are born with basic reflexes, the behavior of adults is governed by instincts: inborn, biolog- groups of people, such
ically fixed patterns of action found in all individuals, no matter their culture. Sociologists as men and women,
are explained wholly by
tend to argue strongly against biological determinism, or the belief that differences
biological causes.
we observe between groups of people, such as men and women, are explained wholly
by biological (rather than social) causes.

How Does Human Culture Develop? 51

Sociologists argue that
our preferences for
particular body types are
not biologically ingrained
but rather shaped by the
cultural norms of beauty
communicated through
magazine ads, commercials,
and movies. Tee ing 2014 Sip obs,Fo2Wta 70/1/2014
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Sociologists no longer pose the question as one of nature or nurture. Instead, they
ask how nature and nurture interact to produce human behavior. Recent studies explor-
ing the relationship between genetics and social influences have generally concluded
that, although genetics is important, how genes affect behavior depends largely on the
social context (Bearman, 2008). For example, a study of obesity among adolescents found
that social and behavioral factors, such as a family’s lifestyle (for example, how much
time a family spends watching TV or how often a family skips meals), have a significant
effect on the likelihood that children will end up overweight, even when both parents
are heavy (Martin, 2008). Similarly, an international study of gender differences in
mathematical ability found that such differences varied widely across countries, with
variations in performance reflecting the country’s level of gender inequality rather than
purely biological factors (Penner, 2008). Even alcoholism is strongly affected by social
context: Although a specific gene has been identified as increasing one’s propensity for
alcohol dependence, a strong family support system can greatly reduce that risk
(Pescosolido et al., 2008).
Sociologists’ main concern, therefore, is with how our different ways of thinking
and acting are learned through interactions with family, friends, schools, television, and
every other facet of the social environment. For example, sociologists argue that it's not an
inborn biological disposition that makes American heterosexual males feel romantically
attracted to a particular type of woman. Rather, it is the exposure they've had through-
out their lives to tens of thousands of magazine ads, TV commercials, and film stars
that emphasize specific cultural standards of female beauty.
Early child rearing is especially relevant to this kind of learning. Human babies
have a large brain and so are born relatively early in their fetal development, before their
heads have grown too large to pass through the birth canal. As a result, human babies
are totally unequipped for survival on their own, compared with the young of other
species, and must spend a number of years in the care of adults. This need, in turn, fosters
a lengthy period of learning, during which children are taught their society's culture.
Because humans think and act in so many different ways, sociologists do not believe
that “biology is destiny.” If biology were all-important, we would expect all cultures to
be highly similar, if not identical. Yet this is hardly the case. This is not to say that human
cultures have nothing in common. Surveys of thousands of different cultures have

52 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

concluded that all known human cultures have such common characteristics as
language,
forms of emotional expression,
rules that tell adults how to raise children or engage
in sexual behavior, and even standards of beauty (Brown, 1991). But there
is enormous
variety in exactly how these common characteristics play themselves out.
All cultures provide for childhood socialization, but what and how children are taught
varies greatly from culture to culture. An American child learns multiplication tables
from a classroom teacher, while a child born in the forests of Borneo learns to hunt with
older members of the tribe. All cultures have standards of beauty and ornamentation,
but what is regarded as beautiful in one culture may be seen as ugly in another (Elias,
1987; Elias and Dunning, 1987; Foucault, 1988). However, some feminist scholars have
argued that with global access to Western images of beauty on the Internet, cultural
definitions of beauty
throughout the world are growing narrower and increasingly
emphasize the slender physique that is so cherished in many Western cultures (Sepulveda
and Calado, 2012).

Cultural Diversity
subcultures
The study of cultural differences highlights the importance of cultural learning as an
, ; : ; g Cultural groups within a
influence on our behavior. Human behavior and practices—as well as beliefs—vary Pree fae ee hold
AN)
widely from culture to culture and often contrast radically with what people from valuee and.worins dietines
Western societies consider normal. In the West, we eat oysters, but we do not eat kittens from those of the majority.
or puppies, both of which are regarded as delicacies in some parts of the world. Westerners
regard kissing as a normal part of sexual behavior, but in other cultures the practice
is either unknown or regarded as disgusting.
All these different kinds of behavior are aspects
of broad cultural differences that distinguish
societies from one another.

SUBCULTURES
Small societies tend to be culturally uniform, but
industrialized societies are themselves cultur-
ally diverse or multicultural, involving numerous
subcultures. As you will discover in the discus-
sion of global migration in Chapter 10, practices
and social processes like slavery, colonialism, war,
migration, and contemporary globalization have
driven populations to disperse across borders and
settle in new areas. This, in turn, has led to the
emergence of societies that are cultural composites,
The tension between subgroup values and national values came to a head
meaning that the population is made up of groups
in France in 2011 when the government banned Muslim women from
from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds.
wearing full-face veils in public. French policymakers believed that the niqab .
In modern. cities, many subcultural communities oppressed women and violated the nation’s values of liberty and equality.
live side by side. Some experts have estimated
that as many as 800 different languages are regu- N
larly spoken by residents of New York City and its
surrounding boroughs (Roberts, 2010).

How Does Human Culture Develop? oS

 Most major European cities have become increasingly diverse in recent decades, as
large numbers of persons from North Africa have arrived. As transnational migration
has increased, many European societies have struggled with how to integrate persons
who bring with them distinct cultural and religious backgrounds. For example, in 2011,
the French government made it a punishable offense for Muslim women to wear full-face
veils in public spaces (except for houses of worship and private cars). France is a coun-
try based on the values of “liberty and equality” for all, and the niqab, a veil that covers a
woman's hair and face, leaving only the eyes clearly visible, is viewed as a cultural prac-
tice that oppresses women and deprives them of their freedoms (Erlanger, 2011). This
controversy over Muslim women’s veils vividly portrays the challenges when different
subcultural communities live side by side.
Subculture does not refer only to people from different cultural backgrounds or
who speak different languages within a larger society. It can also refer to any segment of
the population that is distinguishable from the rest of society by its cultural patterns.
Examples might include goths, computer hackers, hipsters, Rastafarians, and fans of
hip-hop. Some people might identify themselves clearly with a particular subculture,
whereas others may move fluidly among a number of different ones.
Culture plays an important role in perpetuating the values and norms of a society,
yet it also offers important opportunities for creativity and change. Subcultures and
countercultures countercultures—¢roups that largely reject the prevailing values and norms of society—
Cultural groups within a can promote views that represent alternatives to the dominant culture. Social move-
wider society that largely ments or groups of people sharing common lifestyles are powerful forces of change within
reject the values and societies. In this way, subcultures give people the freedom to express and act on their
norms of the majority.
opinions, hopes, and beliefs. For example, throughout most of the twentieth century,
gay men and lesbians formed a distinct counterculture in opposition to dominant cul-

assimilation tural norms. In a few cities, such as San Francisco, New York, and Chicago, gay men and
lesbians lived in distinct enclaves and even developed political power bases. Over time,
The acceptance of a
minority group by a majority
their political claims and sexual orientation became more and more acceptable to main-
population, in which the stream Americans, so much so that same-sex marriage was legalized nationwide in
new group takes on the 2015. Today, gay men and lesbians are no longer a counterculture. As the wider society
values and norms of the has increasingly embraced their demand to be included in the institution of marriage,
dominant culture.
they have embraced one of the most significant institutions of mainstream society.
U.S. schoolchildren are frequently taught that the United States is a vast melting

multiculturalism pot into which various subcultures are assimilated. Assimilation is the process by which
different cultures are absorbed into a single, mainstream culture. Although it is true
The viewpoint according to
which ethnic groups can that virtually all peoples living in the United States take on common cultural charac-
exist separately and share teristics, many groups strive to retain some subcultural identity. In fact, identification
equally in economic and based on race or country of origin in the United States persists today and is particularly
political life. strong among African Americans and ethnically Asian and Latin American communities
(Totti, 1987).
Given the immense diversity and number of subcultures in the United States, a more
appropriate metaphor than the assimilationist “melting pot” might be the culturally diverse
“salad bowl,” in which all the various ingredients, though mixed together, retain some
of their original flavor and integrity, contributing to the richness of the salad as a whole.
This viewpoint, termed multiculturalism, calls for respecting cultural diversity and
promoting equality of different cultures. Adherents to multiculturalism acknowledge that

54 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

‘DIGITAL LIFE

The Secret Power of Cultural Norms and Values

Norms are widely agreed-upon principles or rules that people and weed.” This postcard reveals the violations of several
are expected to observe; they represent the dos and don'ts of important norms and values (and laws): that we should not
social life. One way to illustrate the power of a social norm is to steal (especially from children), that we should not do drugs,
examine reactions to norm violations. Those who violate norms and that poverty is a stigmatized status—one that people are
are often subject to the overt or subtle disapproval of others. often ashamed of.
Common reactions might include being scolded or mocked by A simple scroll through the postcards on the PostSecret
friends for minor breaches of etiquette, being gossiped about, website reveals the many social norms at play in our culture
or being ostracized from the social group. Yet norms are so and the deep shame or fear of reprisal that comes from vio-
powerful that violators often feel shame or self-criticism even in lating these behavioral expectations. Yet the fact that people
the absence of others’ words or actions. throughout the world are willing to anonymously share their
A vivid display of the power of norms is PostSecret, an ongo- transgressions with others shows just how common norm vio-
ing community art project where people mail in their secrets lations are. It also shows just how powerful and even oppres-
anonymously on one side of a homemade postcard. The post- sive norms can be, given how many seek refuge by silently and
cards are then posted online for others to view or comment on. anonymously “confessing” their wrongs on PostSecret.
What does it tell us about social norms when a young woman A quick look at the site also reveals that the vast majority
confesses, “He found my vomit in the sink. . . . | said | was fine. | of participants are women. As we noted earlier in the chapter,
LIED”? In American society, eating disorders like bulimia violate some scholars have argued that norms regarding women’s
a social norm that says we shouldn't hurt ourselves. Yet it also behavior are more rigid than those guiding men’s behavior.
subtly conveys another norm: Young women are expected to be Can you think of secrets that men may post and how they
thin to live up to cultural ideals of “beauty.” Using means other might differ from those posted by women? How might sites
than the socially approved strategies of healthy diet and exercise like PostSecret reinforce or challenge social norms, espe-
to do so, however, is a source of shame. cially gender norms? Do you think a forum like PostSecret
Other postcards make claims like, “I've been stealing $$$ would work in a venue other than the anonymous world
from the piggy banks of the kids | babysit to buy groceries of the Internet?

Our secrets powerfully reveal the social norms

that govern our behavior. Postcards submitted to
PostSecret, an ongoing community art project,
highlight how certain behaviors, such as theft,
eating disorders, and infidelity, are stigmatized
Here, secrets originally posted online are on
display in a California art gallery
 certain central cultural values are shared by most people in a society but also maintain
that certain important differences deserve to be preserved (Anzaldua, 1990).

CULTURAL IDENTITY AND ETHNOCENTRISM

Every culture displays its own unique patterns of behavior, and these may seem alien
to people from other cultural backgrounds. If you have traveled abroad, you are proba-
bly familiar with the sensation that can result when you find yourself in a new culture.
Everyday habits, customs, and behaviors that you take for granted in your own culture
may not be part of everyday life in other parts of the world—even in countries that share
the same language. The expression culture shock is an apt one! Often people feel disoriented
when they become immersed in a new culture. This is because they have lost the famil-
iar reference points that help them understand the world around them and have not yet
learned how to navigate the new culture.
A culture must be studied in terms of its own meanings and values—a key presup-
ethnocentrism position of sociology. Sociologists endeavor as far as possible to avoid ethnocentrism, or
The tendency to look at judging other cultures in terms of the standards of one’s own culture. Because human
other cultures through the cultures vary so widely, it is not surprising that people belonging to one culture frequently
eyes of one’s own culture find it difficult to understand the ideas or behavior of people from a different culture.
and thereby misrepresent
In studying and practicing sociology, we must remove our own cultural blinders to see
them.
the ways of life of different peoples in an unbiased light. The practice of judging a society
by its own standards is called cultural relativism.
cultural Applying cultural relativism—that is, suspending your own deeply held cultural
relativism beliefs and examining a situation according to the standards of another culture—can
The practice of judging be fraught with uncertainty and challenge. Not only can it be hard to see things from a
a society by its own completely different point of view but cultural relativism sometimes raises troubling
standards. issues. Consider, for example, the ritual of female genital cutting, or what opponents of
the practice have called “genital mutilation.” This is a painful ritual in which the clitoris
and sometimes all or part of the vaginal labia of young girls are removed with a knife
or a sharpened stone. The two sides of the vulva are then partly sewn together as a means
of controlling the young woman's sexual activity and increasing the sexual pleasure of
her male partner.
In cultures where clitoridectomies have been practiced for generations, they are
regarded as a normal, even expected practice. A study of 2,000 men and women in
two Nigerian communities found that nine out of ten women interviewed had under-
gone clitoridectomies in childhood and that the large majority favored the procedure for
their own daughters, primarily for cultural reasons; they would be viewed as social
outcasts if they did not have the procedure. Yet a significant minority believed that
the practice should be stopped (Ebomoyi, 1987). Clitoridectomies are regarded with
abhorrence by most people from other cultures and by a growing number of women
in the cultures in which they are practiced (El Dareer, 1982; Johnson-Odim, 1991;
Lightfoot-Klein, 1989).
These differences in views can result in a clash of cultural values, especially when
people from cultures where clitoridectomies are common migrate to countries where
the practice is actually illegal. In France, many mothers in the North African immigrant
community arrange for traditional clitoridectomies to be performed on their daughters.
Some of these women have been tried and convicted under French law for mutilating

56 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

their daughters. These African mothers have argued that they were only engaging in the
same cultural practice that their own mothers had performed on them, that their grand-
mothers had performed on their mothers, and so on. They complain that the French
are ethnocentric, judging traditional African rituals by French customs. Feminists
from Africa and the Middle East, while themselves strongly opposed to clitoridecto-
mies, have been critical of Europeans and Americans who sensationalize the practice
by calling it backward or primitive without seeking any understanding of the cultural
and economic circumstances that sustain it (Wade, 2011; Knop et al., 2012). In this instance,
globalization has led to a fundamental clash of cultural norms and values that has forced cultural
2
universals
members of both cultures to confront some of their most deeply held beliefs. The role
of the sociologist is to avoid knee-jerk responses and to examine complex questions Vaiios OF imodes ot Datei
- app shared by all human
carefully from as many different angles as possible. :
cultures.

Cultural Universals marriage

;
Amid the diversity of human behavior, several cultural universals prevail. For exam- A socially approved sexual
ple, there is no known culture without a grammatically complex language. All cultures relationship between
possess some recognizable form of family system, in which there are values and norms two individuals. Marriage
associated with the care of children. The institution of marriage is a cultural universal, normally forms the basis
Tt ‘ of a family of procreation;
as are religious rituals and property rights. All cultures currently practice some form Te
i Sons ke ; ; ; that is, it is expected that
of incest prohibition—the banning of sexual relations between close relatives, such as the married couple will
father and daughter, mother and son, and brother and sister. A variety of other cultural produce and raise children.
universals have been identified by anthropologists, including art, dancing, bodily
adornment, games, gift giving, jok
ing, and rules of hygiene. Among the
cultural characteristics shared by all
societies, two stand out in particu-
lar. All cultures incorporate ways of
communicating and expressing mean-
ing. All cultures also depend on material
objects in daily life.
Yet there are variations within
each category. Consider, for example,
the prohibition against incest. Incest
is typically defined as sexual relations
between members of the immediate
family, but in some cultures, “the fam-
ily” has been expanded to include cous-
ins and others bearing the same family
name. There have also been societies in
e f th = on caet
WARE pod h,PERBOT HOM 95 2 BAB While wedding ceremonies may differ from culture to culture, marriage is
ulation has been permitted to engage a value shared by all human cultures.
in incestuous practices. Within the rul-
ing class of ancient Egypt, for instance,
brothers and sisters were permitted to
“N
have sex with each other.

How Does Human Culture Develop? Sif

 Culture and Social Development
Cultural traits are closely related to overall patterns in the development of society. The
level of material culture reached in a given society influences, although by no means com-
pletely determines, other aspects of cultural development. This is easy to see, for example,
in terms of technology. Many aspects of culture characteristic of our lives today—cars,
smartphones, laptops and tablets, Wi-Fi, running water, electric light—depend on techno-
logical innovations that have been made only very recently in human history.
The same has been true at earlier phases of social development. Before the invention of
the smelting of metal, for example, goods had to be made of organic or naturally occurring
materials like wood or stone—a basic limitation on the artifacts that could be constructed.
Variations in material culture provide the main means of distinguishing different forms
CONCEPT CHECKS of human society, but other factors are also influential. Writing is an example. As has been
mentioned, not all human cultures have possessed writing—in fact, for most of human his-
Explain the “nature/ tory, writing was unknown. The development of writing altered the scope of human cultural
nurture” debate.
potentialities, making possible different forms of social organization than those that had
Way varete) sociologists previously existed. Yet writing continues to evolve even today. Think about the language
disagree with the claim
you use when you send texts to your friends. If you sent your grandparents a text with
that biology is destiny? -
acronyms like FOMO, YOLO, and SMH, would they understand what you were saying?
Give examples of We now turn to analyzing the main types of society that existed in the past and that
subcultures that.are typical
are still found in the world. In the present day, we are accustomed to societies that contain
of American society.
millions of people, many of them living crowded together in urban areas. But for most of
What is the difference
human history, the earth was much less densely populated than it is now, and it is only over
between ethnocentrism
and cultural relativism?
the past hundred years or so that any societies have existed in which the majority of the
population were city dwellers. To understand the forms of society that existed before modern
What are two examples
industrialism, we have to call on the historical dimension of the sociological imagination.
of cultural universals?

What Happened to
> Premodern Societies?
Learn how societies have Premodern societies can actually be grouped into three main categories: hunters and
changed over time. gatherers, larger agrarian or pastoral societies (involving agriculture or the tending of
domesticated animals), and nonindustrial civilizations or traditional states. We shall look
at the main characteristics of these societies in turn.

The Earliest Societies: Hunters and Gatherers

For all but a tiny part of our existence on this planet, human beings have lived in hunt-
ing and gathering societies, small groups or tribes often numbering no more than 30 or
40 people. Hunters and gatherers gain their livelihood from hunting, fishing, and gather-
ing edible plants growing in the wild. Hunting and gathering cultures continue to exist
in some parts of the world, such as in a few arid parts of Africa and in the jungles of
Brazil and New Guinea. Most such cultures, however, have been destroyed or absorbed

Je CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

by the spread of Western culture, and those that remain are unlikely to stay intact for
much longer. Currently fewer than a quarter of a million people in the world support them-
selves through hunting and gathering—only 0.004 percent of the world’s population.
Compared with larger societies—particularly modern societies, such as the United
States—inost ancestral hunting and gathering groups were egalitarian. Thus, there was little
difference among members of the society in the number or kinds of material possessions;
there were no divisions of rich and poor. The material goods they needed were limited to
weapons for hunting, tools for digging and building, traps, and cooking utensils. Differences
of position or rank tended to be limited to age and gender; men were almost always
the hunters, while women gathered wild crops, cooked, and brought up the children.
Hunters and gatherers moved about a good deal, but not in a completely erratic way.
They had fixed territories, around which they migrated regularly from year to year. Because
they were without animal or mechanical means of transport, they could only take a
few goods or possessions with them. Many hunting and gathering communities did pastoral societies
not have a stable membership; people often moved among different camps, or groups split Societies whose subsis-
up and joined others within the same overall territory. tence derives from the
rearing of domesticated
Hunters and gatherers had little interest in developing material wealth beyond ful-
animals.
filling their basic needs. Their main concerns were with religious values and ritual activi-
ties. Members participated regularly in elaborate ceremonials and often spent a great deal
of time preparing the dress, masks, paintings, or other sacred objects used in such rituals. agrarian societies
Present-day hunters and gatherers are not merely primitive peoples whose ways of Societies whose means
life no longer hold any interest for us. Studying their cultures allows us to see more clearly of subsistence are based
that some of our institutions are far from being natural features of human life. While we on agricultural production
shouldn't idealize the circumstances in which hunters and gatherers lived, the lack of major (crop growing).

inequalities of wealth and power and the emphasis on cooperation rather than competition
are instructive reminders that the world created by modern industrial civilization is not
necessarily to be equated with progress.

Pastoral and Agrarian

Societies
About 15,000 years ago, some hunting and gath-
ering groups turned to the raising of domesticated
animals and the cultivation of fixed plots of land as
their means of livelihood. Pastoral societies relied
mainly on domesticated livestock, while agrarian
societies grew crops (practiced agriculture). Some
societies had mixed pastoral and agrarian economies.
Depending on the environment in which they
lived, pastoralists reared animals, such as cattle,
Pastoral societies still exist in certain areas of Africa, the Middle East, and ,
sheep, goats, camels, or horses. Some pastoral soci- Central Asia. Tibetan nomads have wandered China’s Tibetan Plateau,
eties still exist in the modern world, concentrated herding yaks, for thousands of years.
especially in areas of Africa, the Middle East, and
Central Asia. They are usually found in regions of KN

dense grasslands or in desert or mountainous areas

too poor in arable land for agriculture to be profitable.

What Happened to Premodern Societies? og

 At some point, hunting and gathering groups began to sow their own crops rather
than simply collecting those growing in the wild. This practice first developed as what
is usually called horticulture, in which small gardens were cultivated by the use of
simple hoes or digging instruments. Like pastoralism, horticulture provided for a more
industrialization
reliable supply of food than hunting and gathering could provide and therefore could
The emergence of machine
support larger communities. Because they were not on the move, people whose liveli-
production, based on the
use of inanimate power hood was horticulture could develop larger stocks of material possessions than people in
resources (such as steam either hunting and gathering or pastoral communities. Some peoples in the world still
or electricity). rely primarily on horticulture for their livelihood.

Traditional Societies or Civilizations

From about 6000 B.c.£. onward, we find evidence of societies larger than any that existed
before and that contrast in distinct ways with earlier types. These societies were based on
the development of cities, led to pronounced inequalities of wealth and power, and were
ruled by kings or emperors. Because writing was used and science and art flourished, these
societies are often called civilizations. The earliest civilizations developed in the Middle
East, usually in fertile river areas. The Chinese Empire originated in about 1800 B.C.,
at which time powerful states also existed in what are now India and Pakistan.
CONCEPT CHECKS Most traditional (premodern) civilizations were also empires: They achieved their size
through the conquest and incorporation of other peoples (Kautsky, 1982). This was true, for
Compare the three main
instance, of traditional Rome and China. At its height, in the first century C.E., the Roman
types of premodern
societies. Empire stretched from Britain in northwest Europe to beyond the Middle East. The Chinese
Empire, which lasted for more than 2,000 years, up to the threshold of the twentieth cen-
Contrast pastoral and
agrarian societies.
tury, covered most of the massive region of eastern Asia now occupied by modern China.

How Has Industrialization

> Shaped Modern Society?
Recognize the factors that
What happened to destroy the forms of society that dominated the whole of history up to
transformed premodern
societies, particularly two centuries ago? The answer, ina word, is industrialization—the emergence of machine
how industrialization and production, based on the use of inanimate power resources (such as steam or electricity).
colonialism influenced The industrialized, or modern, societies differ in several key respects from any previous
global development. Know
type of social order, and their development has had consequences stretching far beyond
the differences among
their European origins.
industrialized societies,
emerging economies, and
developing societies and
The Industrialized Societies
how these differences Industrialization originated in eighteenth-century Britain as a result of the Industrial
developed. Revolution, a complex set of technological changes that affected the means by which peo-
ple gained their livelihood. These changes included the invention of new machines (such as
the spinning jenny for weaving yarn), the harnessing of power resources (especially water
and steam) for production, and the use of science to improve production methods. Because
discoveries and inventions in one field lead to more in others, the pace of technological

60 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

 hm . += paces! Pr
United States and China.
eR

innovation in industrialized societies is extremely rapid compared with that of tradi-

tional social systems.
In even the most advanced of traditional civilizations, the majority of people were
engaged in working on the land. The relatively low level of technological development
Highly developed nation-
did not permit more than a small minority to be freed from the chores of agricultural
states in which the
production. By contrast, a prime feature of industrialized societies today is that the large
majority of the population
majority of the employed population works in factories, offices, or shops rather than works in factories or
in agriculture. And slightly more than half of all people (55 percent) live and work in offices rather than in agri-
urban areas (United Nations, 2018d). Today’s largest cities are vastly greater in size than culture and in which most
people live in urban areas.
the urban settlements found in traditional civilizations. In cities, social life becomes
more impersonal and anonymous than before, and many of our day-to-day encoun-
ters are with strangers. Large-scale organizations, such as business corporations or
government agencies, come to influence the lives of virtually everyone.
A further feature of modern societies concerns their political systems, which are
more developed and intensive than forms of government in traditional states. In tradi-
tional civilizations, the political authorities (monarchs and emperors) had little direct
influence on the customs and habits of most of their subjects, who lived in fairly self-
contained villages. With industrialization, transportation and communication became
much more rapid, making for more integrated “national” communities.
The industrialized societies were the first nation-states to come into existence.
Nation-states are political communities with clearly delimited borders dividing them from Particular types of
one another, rather than the vague frontier areas that used to separate traditional states. states, characteristic
Nation-state governments have extensive powers over many aspects of citizens’ lives, of the modern world, in
which governments have
framing laws that apply to all those living within their borders. The United States is a
sovereign power within
nation-state, as are virtually all other societies in the world today.
a defined territorial area
The application of industrial technology has been by no means limited to peaceful and the populations are
processes of economic development. From the earliest phases of industrialization, mod- composed of citizens who
ern production processes have been put to military use. This has radically altered ways of know themselves to be

waging war, creating weaponry and modes of military organization much more advanced part of a single nation.

than those of nonindustrial cultures. Together, superior economic strength, political

How Has Industrialization Shaped Modern Society?

 cohesion, and military superiority account for the seemingly irresistible spread of Western
ways of life across the world over the past two centuries.
Sociology first emerged as a discipline as industrial societies developed in Europe and
North America, and it was strongly influenced by the changes taking place at that time. As
we saw in Chapter 1, the major nineteenth-century sociological theorists (Durkheim, Marx,
and Weber) all sought to explain these sweeping changes. Although they differed in their
understanding and their predictions about the future, all shared a belief that industrial soci-
ety was here to stay and that, as a result, the future would in many ways resemble the past.

Global Development
From the seventeenth century to the early twentieth century, the Western countries
established colonies in numerous areas previously occupied by traditional societies.
colonialism Although virtually all these colonies have now attained their independence, colonialism
The process whereby was central to shaping the social map of the globe as we know it today. In some regions,
Western nations estab- such as North America, Australia, and New Zealand, which were only thinly populated
lished their rule in parts of by hunting and gathering or pastoral communities, Europeans became the majority pop-
the world away from their
ulation through a constant expansion of the settler population. In other areas, including
home territories.
much of Asia, Africa, and South America, the local populations remained in the majority.
Societies of the first of these two types, including the United States, have become
developing world industrialized. Those in the second category are mostly at a much lower level of industrial

The less-developed soci- development and are often referred to as less-developed societies, or the developing world.
eties, in which industrial Such societies include India, most African countries (such as Nigeria, Ghana, and Algeria),
production is either and those in South America (such as Brazil, Peru, and Venezuela). Because many of these
virtually nonexistent or societies are situated south of the United States and Europe, they are sometimes referred to
only developed to a limited
collectively as the Global South and contrasted to the wealthier, industrialized Global North.
degree. The majority of the
world’s population lives in
THE GLOBAL SOUTH
less-developed countries.
The majority of countries in the Global South are in areas that underwent colonial rule. A
few colonized areas gained independence early, such as Haiti, which became the first auton-
omous Black republic in January 1804. The Spanish colonies in South America acquired
their freedom in 1810; Brazil broke away from Portuguese rule in 1822.
Some countries that were never ruled from Europe were nonetheless strongly influ-
enced by colonial relationships. China, for example, was compelled from the seventeenth
century on to enter into trading agreements with European powers, which assumed gov-
ernment control over certain areas, including major seaports. Hong Kong was the last of
these. Most nations in the Global South have become independent states only since World
War Il—often following bloody anti-colonial struggles. Examples include India, which,
shortly after achieving self-rule, split into India and Pakistan; a range of other Asian coun-
tries (such as Myanmar, Malaysia, and Singapore); and countries in Africa (such as Kenya,
Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Tanzania, and Algeria).
Although they may include peoples living in traditional fashion, developing coun-
tries are very different from earlier forms of traditional society. Their political systems are
modeled on systems first established in the societies of the West—that is to say, they are
nation-states. Most of the population still lives in rural areas, but many of these societies
are experiencing a rapid process of city development. Although agriculture remains the
main economic activity, crops are now often produced for sale in world markets rather

62 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

than for local consumption. Developing countries are not merely societies that have
“lagged behind” the more industrialized areas. They have in large part been created by the
Western world in order to prop up and feed the industrialization happening in Western
emerging
economies
nations, which has undermined the earlier, more traditional systems that were in place.
Developing countries that,
over the past two or three
THE EMERGING ECONOMIES
decades, have begun to
Although the majority of countries in the Global South lag well behind societies of the develop a strong industrial
West in terms of economic development, some have now successfully embarked on a base, such as Singapore
and Hong Kong.
process of industrialization. Referred to as the emerging economies, they include
Brazil, Mexico, Hong Kong, South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan. Emerging economies are
characterized by a great deal of industry and/or international trade. The rates of economic
growth of the most successful emerging economies, such as those in East Asia, are several
times those of the Western industrial economies.
CONCEPT CHECKS
The emerging economies of East Asia have shown the most sustained levels of eco-
nomic prosperity. They are investing abroad as well as promoting growth at home. China What does the concept
is investing in mines and factories in Africa, elsewhere in East Asia, and in Latin America. of industrialization
South Korea's production of steel has increased by more than 30 percent in the last decade, mean?

and its shipbuilding and electronics industries are among the world’s leaders (World Steel How has industrialization
Association, 2017). Singapore is becoming the major financial and commercial center hurt traditional social

of Southeast Asia. Taiwan is an important player in the manufacturing and electronics systems?

industries. All these changes have directly affected the United States, whose share of global Why are many African
steel production, for example, has dropped significantly since the 1970s. In fact, the “rise of and South American
societies classified
the rest” (Zakaria, 2008) is arguably the most important aspect of global economic change
as part of the Global
in the world today.
Soldat

How Does Globalization

Affect Contemporary
Culture’ <
Recognize the effect of
In Chapter 1 we noted that the chief focus of sociology historically has been the study globalization on your life
of industrialized societies. As sociologists, can we thus safely ignore the Global South, and the lives of people
leaving this as the domain of anthropology? We certainly cannot. The industrialized soci- around the world. Think
about the effect of a
eties of the Global North and the developing societies of the Global South have devel-
growing global culture.
oped in interconnection with one another and are today more closely related than ever
before. Those of us living in industrialized societies depend on many raw materials
and manufactured products coming from countries in the Global South to sustain our
lives. Conversely, the economies of most states in the Global South depend on trading
networks that bind them to industrialized countries. We can fully understand the indus-
trialized order only against the backdrop of societies in the Global South—in which,
in fact, by far the greater proportion of the world’s population lives.

How Does Globalization Affect Contemporary Culture? 63

 As the world rapidly moves toward a single, unified economy, businesses and people
are moving about the globe in increasing numbers in search of new markets and economic
opportunities. As a result, the cultural map of the world is changing: Networks of peoples
span national borders and even continents, providing cultural connections between their
birthplaces and their adoptive countries (Appadurai, 1986). A handful of languages have
come to dominate, and in some cases replace, the thousands of different languages that
were once spoken on the planet.
It is increasingly impossible for cultures to exist as islands. Few, if any, places on
earth are so remote as to escape radio, television, air travel (and the throngs of tourists
this technology brings), or computers. A generation ago, there were still tribes whose
ways of life were completely untouched by the rest of the world. Today, these peoples
use machetes and other tools made in the United States or Japan, wear T-shirts and
shorts manufactured in garment factories in the Dominican Republic or Guatemala, and
take medicine manufactured in Germany or Switzerland to combat diseases contracted
through contact with outsiders. These people also have their stories broadcast to people
around the world through satellite television and the Internet. Within a generation, or
two at the most, all of the world’s once-isolated cultures will be touched and transformed
Transnational corporations by global culture, despite their persistent efforts to preserve their age-old ways of life.
<M OfoYor=FelOo) f== 1kMo)at= (0)ex) The forces that produce a global culture are discussed throughout this book:
contributing to the creation
of a global culture. m = Television, which brings U.S. culture (through networks such as MTV and syndi-
cated shows such as The Big Bang Theory) into homes throughout the world daily
m ‘The emergence of a unified global economy, with businesses whose factories,
“N
management structures, and markets often span continents and countries

a “Global citizens,” such as managers of large corporations, who may spend as

much time crisscrossing the globe as they do at home, identifying with a global,
cosmopolitan culture rather than with their own nation’s culture

a A host of international organizations, including agencies of the United Nations,

regional trade and mutual defense associations, multinational banks and other
global financial institutions, international labor and health organizations, and
global tariff and trade agreements, that are creating a global political, legal, and
military framework
mg Electronic communications (via cell phone, Zoom, email, text message, Facebook,
Twitter, and other communications on the Internet), which make instantaneous
communication with almost any part of the planet an integral part of daily life

The world has become a single social system as a result of the growing interdependence,
both social and economic, that now affects virtually everyone. But it would be a mistake to
think of this increasing interdependence, or globalization, of the world’s societies simply as
the growth of world unity. The globalizing of social relations should be understood primar-
ily as the reordering of time and distance in social life. Our lives, in other words, are increas-
ingly and quickly influenced by events happening far away from our everyday activities.

Does the Internet Promote a Global Culture?

Many believe that the rapid worldwide growth of the Internet is hastening the spread of
a global culture—one resembling the cultures of Europe and North America. Although
the Internet is a truly global space, several languages prevail among Internet users. For

64 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

 National Identity
Views on what constitutes national identity—or what it means to be an “American” or “Canadian,” for example—
differ widely across countries. The percentages below represent the proportion of the population in a country
who
believe speaking the language, sharing national customs and traditions, and having been born in the country are
very important for being a true national.

Language Culture - : Birthplace

Netherlands 84% : 37% | 16%

81% 68% 52%

S3 ==]|6 o ™|<<

France 77% 45% 25%

Japan

S”

Poland

” o3 66% 26% oe 8%

0 :a.i
=rig

Canada : 59% — 5A% 21%

Source: Stokes, 2017.

EMPLOYING _— International Student Adviser
YOUR
SOc ](0)Hey} lCAL U.S. colleges and universities are vibrant and diverse institutions, with many campuses
IMAGINATION attracting students from every corner of the world. International students made up
5.5 percent of the total U.S. higher education student population in 2019, with their ranks
topping 1 million students (Institute of International Education, 2019). At some large urban
universities like Boston University and New York University, more than 20 percent of all
students hail from outside the United States (U.S. News and World Report, 2020). China
is the largest source of international students, with India, South Korea, Saudi Arabia, and
Canada rounding out the top five, with Bangladesh, Brazil, Nigeria, and Pakistan close
behind (IIE, 2019).
Making the transition to college life is difficult for everyone. First-year college students
must learn their way around campus, adapt to living with roommates who may be very
different from themselves, keep up with course work and activities, hold a part-time job,
make friends, and carve out a social life while at the same time staying safe from threats
like binge drinking and date rape. That's a lot for any 18-year-old, but can be particu-
larly challenging for students who grew up in cultures that are different from the United
States and who experience what some call “culture shock” or “cultural shock.” Some
international students find many things about their new campus unfamiliar, including the
weather, the food served in cafeterias, the casual style of dress, and public displays of
affection among dating couples on campus. Some may find that their classmates’ values
diverge from their own, or may be surprised by a cultural emphasis on individualism
rather than collectivism.
Most colleges employ international student advisers, a position that requires a deep
understanding of culture and globalization. The tasks carried out by these advisers are
varied but include things like providing academic and immigration advising services,
career counseling, and new student orientation to prepare students for what their college
life will be like. Advisers may help students with things like making sure they take the
correct courses to fulfill their major requirements, help them with intercultural adjust-
ment, and ensure that they seek appropriate help should they have physical or mental
health concerns. These employees also need a deep understanding of immigration and

example, 26 percent of Internet users speak English as their main language, compared
with 20 percent who speak Chinese and 8 percent who speak Spanish. In fact, 10 lan-
guages alone account for more than three-quarters (77 percent) of all Internet users
(Internet World Stats, 2017). Given the dominance of the English language and Western
culture on the Internet, belief in such values as equality between men and women, the
right to speak freely, democratic participation in government, and the pursuit of plea-
sure through consumption may be readily diffused throughout the world. Moreover,
Internet technology itself—characterized by global communication, seemingly unlim-
ited (and uncensored) information and instant gratification— would seem to foster
such values.

66 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

 International student advisers
support and provide guidance to
international students, who may
experience “culture shock” as
they navigate college life in the
United States.

immigration policy, to help ensure that students have the proper visas so that they can
live, study, and work in the United States. International student advisers must be well
versed in the concerns of particular students, including those who are refugees, or who
cannot easily return to their home countries to see their parents. An understanding of
mental health, stress, and coping also may be important, given that international students
are more likely than native-born students to report feeling isolated, depressed, anxious,
and prone to acculturative stress, or the strains associated with adopting to a new culture
(Brunsting, Zachry, and Takeuchi, 2018).
Many of the themes discussed in this chapter provide critical lessons for those hoping
to work as an international student advisers. Some international students may find that
their classmates or professors hold ethnocentric views, and thus may not appreciate the
value of the cultural vantage point some international students bring to the classroom.
Unfortunately, some students may also find that some college pranks and traditions,
like Halloween costumes portraying caricatures of other cultures, are insulting and
demeaning. Culture is not something that exists only in a textbook, but permeates all
aspects of student life and requires knowledgeable professionals to help international
students adjust to their campuses, while at the same time ensuring that the campus is
welcoming and inclusive.

Yet it may be premature to conclude that the Internet will sweep aside traditional cul-
tures. Cyberspace is becoming increasingly global, and evidence shows that the Internet
is, in many ways, compatible with traditional cultural values, perhaps even a means of
strengthening them. This is especially likely to be true in countries that seek to control
the Internet, censoring or blocking unwanted content and punishing those whose posts
violate traditional values. One example is Saudi Arabia, a monarchy that officially enforces
a highly conservative form of traditional Islam. The Saudi government not only routinely
filters or blocks web content but also uses the Internet to disseminate official propaganda.
Content deemed “harmful,” “anti-Islamic,” or “offensive” is blocked, including any criticism
of the royal family, and messaging apps like Telegram and WhatsApp are restricted. To

How Does Globalization Affect Contemporary Culture? 67

 sell its iPhone in the country, Apple had to remove the device's built-in FaceTime app.
Social media is heavily monitored, and cyberdissidents—for example, those who defend
women’s or minority rights or criticize traditional religious beliefs—are likely to receive
steep fines and severe punishment. In 2016, a Saudi individual was sentenced to ten years
in prison and 2,000 lashes for “spreading atheism” on Twitter (Freedom House, 2016).
Yet at the same time, even under such repressive conditions, the Internet provides
a space for self-expression and discussion, albeit within limits. Saudis are some of the
most active social media users in the world and are the largest adopters of Twitter in the
Arab world. Women, for example, who represent more than half of all Internet users
in Saudi Arabia, are able to engage in Internet discussions that would be forbidden in
public, such as those about women’s health issues.
The Internet has sometimes been described as an echo chamber, in which people seek
out like-minded others whose postings reinforce their own beliefs (Manjoo, 2008; Sunstein,
2012). For example, one study of an ultra-Orthodox Jewish group found that the Internet
helped to strengthen the community, providing a forum for communication and for sharing
ideas (Barzilai-Nahon and Barzilai, 2005). In this sense, the Internet may be splitting soci-
ety into what can be thought of as digitally linked tribes with their own unique cultural
beliefs and values—sometimes even in conflict with the dominant culture. Examples from
youth subcultures in recent years would include hippies, punks, skinheads, goths, gamers,
rappers, and hipsters. Such subcultures sometimes emerge when ethnic minority youth
seek to create a unique cultural identity within the dominant culture, often through music,
dress, hairstyle, and bodily adornment, such as tattoos and piercings. They are often hybrids
of existing cultures: For example, dancehall, like reggae, which originated as part of a
youth culture in Jamaica's poor neighborhoods, today has spread to the United States, Europe,
and anywhere there has been a large Caribbean migration (Niahh, 2010).
Finally, of course, the Internet can be used to build a community around ideas
that directly threaten the dominant culture. Al Qaeda, ISIS, and other radical Islamist
jihadists rely on the Internet to spread their ideas, attract new recruits, and organize acts
of violence. Suicide bombers routinely make videos celebrating their imminent deaths, vid-
eos that are posted on jihadist websites (and occasionally even on YouTube) to reach a wider
audience of current and potential believers. Extremist groups from all faiths (Christian,
Jewish, Muslim) have found the Internet to be a useful tool (Juergensmeyer, 2000).

Globalization and Local Cultures

The influence of a growing global culture has provoked numerous reactions at the local
level. Many local cultures remain strong or are experiencing rejuvenation, partly as a
response to the diffusion of global culture. Such a response grows out of the concern
that a global culture, dominated by North American and European cultural values, will
corrupt the local culture. For example, the Taliban, an Islamic fundamentalist move-
ment that controlled most of Afghanistan until 2001, historically has sought to impose
traditional, tribal values throughout the country. Through its governmental Ministry
for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice, the Taliban banned music,
closed movie theaters, prohibited the consumption of alcohol, and required men to
grow full beards. Women were ordered to cover their entire bodies with burkas, tent-
like garments with a woven screen over the eyes; they were forbidden to work outside
their homes or even to be seen in public with men who were not their spouses or

68 CHAPTER 2 Culture and Society

relations. Violations of these rules resulted in severe punishment, sometimes death.
The rise of the Taliban, and, more recently, of ISIS, can be understood at least partly
as a rejection of the spread of Western culture—what Osama bin Laden referred to as
“Westoxification” (Juergensmeyer, 2003).
The resurgence of local cultures is sometimes seen throughout the world in the rise of
nationalism, a sense of identification with one's country that is expressed through a com- nationalism
mon set of strongly held beliefs. Nationalism can be overtly political, involving attempts
A set of beliefs and
to assert the power of a nation based on a shared ethnic or racial identity over people of symbols expressing iden-
a different ethnicity or race. The world of the twenty-first century has already witnessed tification with a national
responses to globalization that celebrate ethnocentric nationalist beliefs, promoting community.

intolerance and hatred rather than celebrating diversity.

New nationalisms, cultural identities, and religious practices are constantly being
forged throughout the world. When you socialize with students from the same cultural
background or celebrate traditional holidays with your friends and family, you are sustain-
ing your culture. The very technology that helps foster globalization also supports local CONCEPT CHECKS
cultures: The Internet enables you to communicate with others who share your cultural
identity, even when they are dispersed around the world. What are three
Although sociologists do not yet fully understand these processes, they often con- examples of forces
that produce a global
clude that despite the powerful forces of globalization operating in the world today, local
culture?
cultures remain strong and, indeed, flourish. Yet local cultural and social movements can
How can the Internet
thrive and flourish only if they are allowed to do so. Given the rapid social changes in
be used to perpetuate
recent decades, it is still too soon to tell whether and how globalization will transform our traditional cultural
world—whether it will result in the homogenization of the world’s diverse cultures, the values?
flourishing of many individual cultures, or both. What is nationalism?

How Does Globalization Affect Contemporary Culture?

CHAPTER 2 Learning Objectives

The 333).
Big Picture
Know what culture consists of, and
recognize how it differs from society.
What Is Culture?

p. 43
Culture and Society

Begin to understand how both biological

How Does and cultural factors influence our behavior.
Human Culture Learn the ideas of sociobiology and how
Develop? others have tried to refute these ideas by
emphasizing cultural differences.
p. 49
Thinking Sociologically

1. Mention at least two cultural traits What Happened

that you would claim are universals; to Premodern ce ie
Societies? | Learn how societies have changed over time. oe
mention two others you would claim
are culturally specific traits. Locate
p. 58
and use case study materials from
different societies you are familiar
with to show the differences between
universal and specific cultural traits. Recognize the factors that transformed
How Has
Are the cultural universals you have premodern societies, particularly how
Industrialization
discussed derivatives of human industrialization and colonialism influenced
Shaped Modern
instincts? Explain your answer fully. global development. Knaw the differences
Society?
among industrialized societies, emerging

2. What does it mean to be ethnocentric? economies, and developing societies and

how these differences developed
How is ethnocentrism dangerous
in conducting social research?
How is ethnocentrism problematic
among nonresearchers in their
everyday lives?

3. Think about a favorite article of

clothing of yours. What values does
it convey, and what messages
about you or your subculture does
it communicate to others?
 |
Terms to Know Concept Checks

1. Describe two examples of nonmaterial culture and two examples

of material culture
2. What is the linguistic relativity hypothesis?
culture ¢ values * norms « language * linguistic 3. What role does culture play in society?
relativity hypothesis ¢ material culture

ss ai mp

1. Explain the “nature/nurture” debate.

sociobiology * instinct * biological determinism ¢ 2. Why do sociologists disagree with the claim that biology is destiny?
subcultures * countercultures * assimilation 3. Give examples of subcultures that are typical of American society.
multiculturalism * ethnocentrism ¢ cultural 4. What is the difference between ethnocentrism and cultural relativism?
relativism * cultural universals * marriage 5. What are two examples of cultural universals?

pastoral societies * agrarian societies 1. Compare the two main types of premodern societies.
2. Contrast pastoral and agrarian societies.

industrialization * indus
state « nia
nation
emerging econc r
 Transgender student Coy Mathis and her parents
sued their school district to guarantee Coy the
right to use the girls’ bathroom. Although social
institutions such as schools often encourage
conformity to norms of behavior, they can
change over time.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

How are children socialized?

Learn about socialization (including gender
socialization), and know the most important
agents of socialization.

Socialization eco
| fi : is What are the five major stages of the

[ijaiemmeamaiae
a ? Learn the five major stages of the life course,

the Life Course,

and see the similarities and differences among

How do people age?

S | Understand that aging is a combination of
qd a e AN a biological, psychological, and social processes.
Consider key theories of aging, particularly
those that focus on how society shapes the
social roles of older people and that emphasize
aspects of age stratification.

What are the challenges of aging in

the United States?
Evaluate the experience of growing old in
the contemporary United States. Identify the
physical, emotional, and financial challenges
—— older adults face.

Life Course Transitions IN

293

Graying of the World

p. 97
 In July 2015, at the annual ESPY awards, the Arthur Ashe Courage Award was
presented to Caitlyn Jenner in recognition of the former Olympic athlete's bravery
in coming out as transgender. Caitlyn, now a transgender woman, was born Bruce
Jenner in 1949 and attracted international glory when he won the gold medal for
the grueling decathlon at the 1976 Summer Olympics in Montréal. The Arthur Ashe award—
which counts Muhammad Ali, Billie Jean King, and Nelson Mandela as past winners—honors
individuals who demonstrate “strength in the face of adversity, courage in the face of peril
and the willingness to stand up for their beliefs no matter what the cost.” In her acceptance
speech, Jenner vowed “to do whatever | can to reshape the landscape of how transgender
people are viewed and treated” (ESPN, 2015).
Nearly three years earlier, 6-year-old Coy Mathis and her family were fighting their own
courageous battle for transgender rights and respect. Coy, a transgender girl, was told that she
could not use the girls’ bathroom at her Colorado elementary school. Although she was allowed

Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging (8

 to use the gender-neutral restrooms in the nurse's office and teachers’ lounge, the school

ruled the main girls’ bathroom off-limits to Coy. She and her parents, Kathryn and Jeremy,
successfully sued the school district, marking a major legal victory for transgender persons.
Coy’s parents said that they wanted their daughter to enjoy the same rights as any of her
classmates and that relegating her to a special bathroom would make Coy vulnerable to bullying
and stigmatizing (Banda and Ricciardi, 2013).
Coy’s battle sparked heated debates among parents, teachers, media pundits, and blog-
gers. Some questioned whether a young child could really have a gender identity. Others
scoffed that Coy’s preference for “girly” clothes and toys was just a phase. Others challenged
the very existence of transgender identities. Jeff Johnston, a self-described “gender issues
analyst” with the conservative organization Focus on the Family, baldly asserted that “male
and female are categories of existence,” denying the existence of any other gender identities
(Erdely, 2013).
While Kathryn and Jeremy initially thought that Coy would grow out of her predilection
for all things girly; it soon became obvious to them that this was something much more than
a phase. Born male—one of a triplet—Coy had rebelled against “boy” clothing and haircuts
ever since she was a toddler. Refusing to wear firefighter or knight costumes, Coy instead
gravitated toward princess dresses and demanded that her meals be served on pink decora-
tive plates. Coy would cry when other children referred to her as a boy and tearfully asked
socialization her mother when they would be going to the doctor so that Coy could get her “girl parts.”
The social process through Coy’s parents reached out to doctors, psychologists, and other parents of children who seemed
which we develop an uncomfortable in their own bodies. Fearful Coy would end up a statistic—a staggering 25 to
awareness of social norms 4O percent of transgender children and teens attempt suicide—Kathryn and Jeremy decided
and values and achieve a
to raise Coy as a girl (Toomey, Syvertsen, and Shramko, 2018). They had already seen signs
distinct sense of self.
of depression in young Coy; even at 3 years old, she would become listless and sullen, refus-
ing to put on boy’s clothes and begging not to have to play outside. Coy showed sparks of

social happiness and joy only when she was allowed truly to be herself—a little girl (Erderly, 2013).
reproduction The experiences of Caitlyn Jenner and Coy Mathis—and the public response (whether
The process whereby supportive or critical) from observers worldwide—illustrate the importance and complexities
societies have structural of socialization to everyday life. Sociologists are interested in the processes through which
continuity over time. a young child such as Coy learns to become a member of society, complying with (or reject-
Social reproduction is an
ing) society's ever-evolving expectations for how one should act, think, feel, and even dress.
important pathway through
Social institutions—such as schools in Coy’s case or sports in Jenner's case—and social actors
which parents transmit or
produce values, norms, encourage conformity to contemporary social norms through praise and discourage noncon-
and social practices among formity through punishment and disapproval. Yet social institutions change over time, and
their children. the forces that socialize children shift accordingly. Try to imagine how Jenner’s classmates
and parents might have reacted if she had identified and dressed as a girl when she
was a young child in the early 1950s. Contrast this with the support that Coy received from
resocialization
her parents and most of her classmates in the 2010s. The study of socialization embodies a
The process of learning
core theme of the “sociological imagination,” that our lives are a product of both individual
new norms, values, and
biographies and sociohistorical context (Mills, 1959).
behaviors when one joins
a new group or takes on Socialization is the process whereby infants become self-aware, knowledgeable
a new social role or when persons, skilled in the ways of their culture and historical time period. The socialization of
one’s life circumstances young persons contributes to the phenomenon of social reproduction—the process whereby
change dramatically. societies have structural continuity over time. During socialization, especially in the early years,
children learn the ways of their parents and ancestors, thereby carrying on their values, norms,

74 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

and social practices across the generations. All societies have characteristics that
endure
over long stretches of time, even though their members change. But at the same time, some
old norms and customs die out as members of the older generation pass away, replaced
with new “rules” to live by. For instance, while older generations of parents might have
reprimanded their boys for being timid or playing with dolls, newer generations of parents
like Kathryn and Jeremy Mathis may encourage their children to “just be themselves.”
Socialization is not limited to childhood. Throughout the life course, individuals may
experience resocialization and desocialization when their life circumstances and social roles
change. Resocialization involves learning new skills and norms appropriate to one’s new roles
and contexts, whereas desocialization entails unlearning those skills and norms that may no
longer be relevant. For example, upon retirement, one must learn to take on a new social
role that is different from the role of worker, and upon release from prison, ex-convicts must
relearn how to be members of mainstream society. Or in the case of 66-year-old Caitlyn
Jenner, she had to relearn how to walk, dress, and interact with others in her new role as
a woman. Although gender is often thought of as “natural,” we will soon learn (both here Caitlyn Jenner went through
and in Chapter 9) that how we dress, how we speak, and even the career and family choices a process of resocialization
we make are a product of lifelong socialization. when transitioning into her
new role as a woman.
Socialization connects the different generations to one another (Turnbull, 1983). The birth
of a child alters the lives of the people who are responsible for that child’s upbringing—who
themselves undergo new learning experiences. Parenting usually ties the activities of adults “N
to children for the remainder of their lives. Older people who have had children still remain
parents when they become grandparents, thus forging another set of relationships that bond
the generations. Although the process of cultural learning is much more intense in infancy and
early childhood than in later life, learning and adjustment go on through the whole life course.
desocialization
In the sections that follow, we continue the theme of “nature interacting with nurture”
The process whereby
introduced in the previous chapter. We first describe the process of human development from
people unlearn rules and
infancy to early childhood. We compare different theoretical interpretations of how and why
norms upon exiting a par-
children develop as they do and how gender identities develop. We then move on to discuss ticular social world.
the main groups and social contexts that influence socialization throughout the life course.
Finally, we focus on one distinctive stage of the life course: old age. We discuss the problems
persons 65 years old and older face, who now make up the most rapidly growing age group
in the United States and the developed world.

How Are Children

Socialized’? <
Learn about socialization
One of the most distinctive features of human beings, compared with other animals, (including gender
is self-awareness—the awareness that one has an identity distinct and separate from socialization), and know
others. During the first months of life, an infant possesses little or no understanding of the most important agents
of socialization.
differences between human beings and material objects in the environment and has no
awareness of self. Children begin to use concepts such as “I,” “me,” and “you” at around
nb

2 years of age or after. They gradually come to understand that others have distinct identi-
ties, consciousness, and needs separate from their own.

How Are Children Socialized? 1

 Theories of Child Development
The processes through which the self emerges and develops are much debated, in part
because the most prominent theories about child development emphasize different aspects
cognition
of socialization. The American philosopher and sociologist George Herbert Mead gave
Human thought processes
attention mainly to how children learn to use the concepts of “I” and “me.” Charles Horton
involving perception, rea-
Cooley demonstrated the importance of other individuals for shaping a child's sense of
soning, and remembering.
self. Jean Piaget, the Swiss student of child behavior, focused on cognition—the ways
in which children learn to think about themselves and their environment.
social self
According to the theory of GEORGE HERBERT MEAD AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF SELF
George Herbert Mead, the Mead’s ideas form the basis of a general tradition of theoretical thinking—symbolic inter-
identity conferred upon an
actionism—and have had a broad impact in sociology. Symbolic interactionism emphasizes
individual by the reactions
that interaction between human beings takes place through symbols and the interpreta-
of others. A person achieves
self-consciousness by tion of meanings(see Chapter 1). Mead’s work also provides an account of the main phases
becoming aware of this of child development, giving particular attention to the emergence of a sense of self.
social identity. According to Mead, infants and young children develop as social beings by imitating
the actions of those around them. Play is one way in which this takes place: Young children
often imitate what adults do. A toddler may make mud pies, having seen an adult cook-
self-consciousness
ing, or may dig in the dirt with a spoon, having observed someone gardening. Children’s
Awareness of one’s
play evolves from simple imitation to more complicated games in which, at age 4 or 5, they
distinct social identity
as a person separate
will act out an adult role. Mead called this “taking the role of the other-~—learning what
from others. Human it is like to be in the shoes of another person. At this stage, children acquire a developed
beings are not born with sense of self; that is, they develop an understanding of themselves as separate agents—
self-consciousness but as a “me”—by seeing themselves through the eyes of others. We achieve self-awareness,
acquire an awareness of
according to Mead, when we learn to distinguish the “me” from the “I.” The “I” is the
self as a result of early
unsocialized infant, a bundle of spontaneous wants and desires. The “me,” as Mead used
socialization.
the term, is the social self. Individuals develop self-consciousness, Mead argued, by
coming to see themselves as others see them.
generalized other A further stage of child development, according to Mead, occurs when the child is
A concept in the theory about 8 or g years old. This is the age at which children tend to take part in organized
of George Herbert Mead, games rather than unsystematic play, and it is at this period that children begin to under-
according to which the stand the overall values and morality that guide human behavior. To learn organized
individual takes over the
games, children must understand the rules of play and notions of fairness and equal
general values and moral
participation. Children at this stage learn to grasp what Mead termed the generalized
rules of a given group or
society during the social- other—the general values and moral rules of the culture in which they are developing.
ization process.
CHARLES HORTON COOLEY AND THE LOOKING-GLASS SELF

looking-glass self Charles Horton Cooley was an early-twentieth-century sociologist who studied self-concept,
or the ways we view and think about ourselves. How do we come to view ourselves as humor-
A theory developed by
Charles Horton Cooley that ous or cranky? Intelligent? Kind-hearted? Cooley argued that the notions we develop about
proposes that the reac- ourselves reflect our interpretations of how others see us. His theory of the looking-glass
tions we elicit in social self proposes that the reactions we elicit in social situations create a mirror in which we see
situations create a mirror ourselves. For example, if others regularly laugh at our jokes, we may perceive that they view
in which we see ourselves.
us as funny and, in turn, view ourselves as such. Likewise, if our classmates and teachers
praise us for our intelligent remarks in class, we may in turn start to view ourselves as smart.

76 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

 Over time, mixed empirical evidence has led to reformulations of Cooley's classic
theory. One refinement suggests that individuals act in certain ways to bring others
around to their own views of themselves, rather than passively accepting what others
think of them. For example, a student who sees herself as very intelligent may regularly
answer questions in class in an effort to ensure that her classmates also view her as very
intelligent (Yeung and Martin, 2003). In this way, youth are not merely passive recipients
but rather active agents in shaping others’ perceptions. Despite critiques and refinements
of looking-glass-self theory, this perspective exemplifies core themes of symbolic inter- sensorimotor
actionism and sets the groundwork for other theories that underscore the importance stage
of perceptions and negotiations in shaping human behaviors and identities (for example, According to Jean Piaget,
see the labeling theory of deviance in Chapter 6). the first stage of human
cognitive development, in
JEAN PIAGET AND THE STAGES OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT which a child’s awareness
of their environment is
Piaget emphasized the child’s active capacity to make sense of the world. Children do not dominated by perception
passively soak up information but instead select and interpret what they see, hear, and and touch.
feel in the world around them. Piaget described several distinct stages of cognitive devel-
opment during which children learn to think about themselves and their environment.
preoperational
Each stage involves the acquisition of new skills and depends on the successful completion
stage
of the preceding one.
According to Jean Piaget,
Piaget called the first stage, which lasts from birth up to about age 2, the sensori-
the second stage of human
motor stage because infants learn mainly by touching objects, manipulating them, and cognitive development,
physically exploring their environment. Until around the age of 4 months, infants can- in which a child has
not differentiate themselves from their environment. Infants gradually learn to distin- advanced sufficiently to
guish people from objects, coming to see that both have an existence independent of the ' master basic modes of
logical thought.
infants’ immediate perceptions. By the end of the sensorimotor stage, children understand
that their environment has distinct and stable properties.
The next phase, called the preoperational stage, is the one to which Piaget devoted egocentric
the bulk of his research. In this stage, which lasts from ages 2 to 7, children acquire a
According to Jean Piaget,
mastery of language and an ability to use words to represent objects and images in a the characteristic quality
symbolic fashion. A 4-year-old might use a sweeping hand, for example, to represent the of a child during the early
concept “airplane.” Piaget termed the stage “preoperational” because children are not yet years of life. Egocentric
thinking involves under-
able to use their developing mental capabilities systematically. Children in this stage are
standing objects and
egocentric. As Piaget used it, this term does not refer to selfishness but to the tendency
events in the environment
of children to interpret the world exclusively in terms of their own position. For example, solely in terms of the
children at the preoperational stage cannot hold connected conversations with others. In child's own position.
egocentric speech, what the child says is more or less unrelated to what the other speaker
said. Children talk together but not to one another in the same sense that adults do.
A third period, the concrete operational stage, lasts from age 7 to 11. During this
concrete
operational stage
phase, children can master logical but not abstract notions. They are able to handle ideas
The stage of human
such as causality without much difficulty. They become capable of carrying out the math-
cognitive development,
ematical operations of multiplication, division, and subtraction. Children by this stage as formulated by Jean
are much less egocentric. In the preoperational stage, if a girl is asked “How many sis- Piaget, in which the child’s
ters do you have?” she may correctly answer “one.” But if asked “How many sisters does thinking is based primarily
your sister have?” she will probably answer “none” because she cannot see herself from on physical perception of
the world.
the point of view of her sister. The concrete operational child is able to answer such a
question with ease.

How Are Children Socialized? ie

 The years from 11 to 15 cover what Piaget called the formal operational stage.
During adolescence, the developing child becomes able to grasp highly abstract and hypo-
formal
operational stage thetical ideas. When faced with a problem, children at this stage are able to review many
possible ways of solving it and go through them theoretically to reach a solution. According
According to Jean Piaget,
the stage of human cogni- to Piaget, the first three stages of development are universal, but not all adults reach
tive development at which the formal operational stage. The development of formal operational thought depends in
the growing child becomes part on one’s education, which may foster abstract reasoning.
capable of handling
abstract concepts and
Agents of Socialization
hypothetical situations.
Agents of socialization are groups or social contexts in which significant processes of
socialization occur. Primary socialization occurs in infancy and childhood and is the
agents of most intense period of cultural learning in a person's life. It is the time when children
socialization learn language and basic behavioral patterns that form the foundation for later learning.
Groups or social contexts The family is the main agent of socialization during this phase. Secondary socialization
within which processes of
takes place later in childhood and into maturity. In this phase, schools, peer groups, social
socialization take place.
organizations (such as sports teams), the media, the workplace, religious organizations,
and even the government become socializing forces for individuals. Social interactions
in these contexts help people learn (and unlearn) the values, norms, and beliefs that make
up the patterns of their culture.

FAMILIES
Because family systems vary worldwide, the range of family contacts that an infant
experiences also varies widely across cultures. The mother tends to be the most important
individual in a child’s early life, but the nature of the relationships established between
mothers and their children is influenced by the form and regularity of their contact.
In modern societies, most early socialization occurs within a small-scale or nuclear
family context. Most American children spend their early years within a domestic unit
comprising one or two parents and perhaps one or two other children, although the
proportion of children growing up in two-parent households is lower now than it has been
in prior decades (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2015j). In many other cultures, by contrast,
aunts, uncles, and grandparents are often part of a single household and may also serve as
caretakers for very young infants. Even within U.S. society, family contexts vary widely.
Some children are brought up in single-parent households; some are cared for by one
biological and one nonbiological parent (for example, a divorced parent and a stepparent
or parents in a same-sex relationship). The majority of mothers are now employed outside
the home and return to their paid work shortly after the births of their children. Despite
Families are a key site these variations, families typically remain the major agent of socialization from infancy
of social reproduction. to adolescence and beyond.
Children model the behavior The centrality of family as an agent of socialization has changed throughout history.
of their parents. In this In most traditional societies, the family into which a person was born largely determined
way, values and behaviors
the individual's social class position for the rest of their life. In modern societies, the
are reproduced across
social class or region into which an individual is born affect patterns of socialization, but
generations.
they are less deterministic and may be counterbalanced by social relations outside
one’s family. Children pick up ways of behaving from their parents but also from others in
“N their neighborhood or community. Patterns of child rearing and discipline, together with
contrasting values and expectations, are found in different sectors of large-scale societies.

78 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

For instance, sociologist Annette Lareau (2011) observed parents and children in their
own homes and found that working-class parents emphasize “natural growth” in their
children, encouraging them to play on their own, while upper-middle-class parents nuclear family
engage in “concerted cultivation,” actively fostering their kids’ talents by enrolling them in A family group consist-
ing of an adult or adult
a range of structured educational and extracurricular activities and closely monitoring
couple and their dependent
their development. This latter approach provides children with the opportunities and
children.
skills necessary not only to succeed in school and, later, in the workforce but also to
maintain the social class position into which they were born and raised.
Although socialization happens largely in the family, few, if any, school-age children
simply adopt the beliefs and behaviors of their parents unquestioningly. This is especially
true in the modern world, in which change is so pervasive. Moreover, the wide range
of socializing agents in modern societies leads to many divergences between the outlooks
of children, adolescents, and the parental generation. For example, while Coy Mathis’s
parents supported her desire to dress, play, and identify however she wished, some of
her classmates’ parents and media pundits held very different views that emphasized
conformity to traditional gender norms rather than freedom of expression.

SCHOOLS
Schools are another important socializing agent. Schooling is a formal process: Students
pursue a clearly defined curriculum of subjects. Yet schools are agents of socialization in
more subtle respects. Students must be punctual, stay quiet in class, obey their teachers,
and observe rules of discipline. How teachers react to their students, in turn, affects the
students’ views and expectations of themselves. These expectations also become linked to
later job experiences when students leave school. Peer groups are often formed at school,
and the system of keeping children in classes according to age reinforces their impact.
Another key mechanism through which schools socialize children is the hidden hidden
curriculum, which refers to the subtle ways in which teachers expose students with curriculum
different social identities—boys, girls, and those with fluid gender identities; middle class Traits of behavior or
versus working class; and Black versus White—to different messages and curricular mate- attitudes that are learned
at school but not included
rials. In Chapter 12, we delve more fully into the ways that schools socialize children,
in the formal curricu-
often unwittingly perpetuating race, class, and gender inequalities.
lum; for example, gender
differences.
PEER RELATIONSHIPS
Another socializing agency is the peer group. Peer groups consist of individuals of a
peer group
similar age. The family's importance in socialization is obvious because the experience of
A group composed of indi-
the infant and young child is shaped more or less exclusively within it. It is less appar-
viduals of similar age and
ent, especially to those of us living in Western societies, how significant peer groups are.
social status.
Children over age 4 or 5 usually spend a great deal of time in the company of friends
the same age. Given the high proportion of working parents whose young children play
together in day-care centers and preschool, peer relations are more important than ever
before (Corsaro, 1997; Harris, 1998).
Peer relations are likely to have a significant effect beyond childhood and adolescence.
Informal groups of people of similar ages, at work and in other situations, are usually
of enduring importance in shaping individuals’ attitudes and behavior. Peer groups also
play an important role in changing norms, with contemporary peer groups upholding
or promoting behaviors that might not have been supported in earlier generations.

How Are Children Socialized?

 While Bruce Jenner's classmates in the 1950s no doubt promoted gender conformity,
Coy Mathis and her young friends may grow up to hold, and encourage in one another,
much more open-minded views about gender identity.

THE MASS MEDIA

Newspapers and periodicals flourished in the West from the early 1800s onward, but
they were confined to a fairly small readership. It was not until a century later that such
printed materials became part of the daily experience of millions of people, influencing
their attitudes and opinions. The spread of mass media involving printed documents
was soon accompanied by electronic communication—radio, television, records, and
videos. Americans spend a large portion of their leisure time consuming media. According
to the American Time Use Survey, Americans watch an average of nearly three hours of
television per day, representing more than half of their total leisure time (U.S. Bureau
of Labor Statistics, 2018a).
However, in recent years Internet use has surpassed television viewing, especially
for young people. It is a rare American who goes a day (or even an hour) without reading
an article, watching a video, or listening to a podcast online. Fully 70 percent of all
Americans and 86 percent of young adults (ages 18 to 29) use social media, with Facebook
YouTube and reality
being the most widely used platform (Pew Research Center, 2017d). Young adults are also
television personality,
tethered to their smartphones. Nearly all adults (94 percent) between the ages of 18 and
author, and LGBTQ rights
activist Jazz Jennings 24 own a smartphone, and they check their phones an average of 86 times a day. By
uses the media to share contrast, among the overall U.S. population aged 18 to 75, individuals check just 47 times
her own experiences as a a day (Deloitte, 2018). In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020, when many
transgender teenager. Americans were told to remain in their homes, the Internet became the primary way

/‘N that people worked, attended classes, and participated in virtual cultural events (New
York Times, 2020).
Media, in all its forms, has a powerful impact on our lives, and it is particularly
influential in shaping the beliefs, behaviors, social interactions, and relationships of
children, teens, and young adults. For instance, children and adolescents often model the
gender roles and practices that they see on their favorite television shows. Fashion mag-
azines, music videos, and more recently, social media’s fashion influencers are also cited
as powerful influences on girls’ body image or their beliefs about an “ideal” body weight
and physique (Fardouly and Vartanian, 2016; Grabe, Ward, and Hyde, 2008). Yet media
can also teach children about topics with which their parents may be less familiar or
comfortable and can provide information and even a sense of solace for children who
may be lacking support in their communities. I Am Jazz, a U.S. reality show about the daily
life of transgender teenager Jazz Jennings, was praised for providing a role model for
young children who may be conflicted about their own gender identity (TIME, 2014).
Trans youth also may use social media like Instagram to bolster and support fellow trans
youth as they choose how to present themselves (Rutten, 2018).
Over the past two decades, researchers have documented the ways that video games
(especially violent video games) affect children. Nearly three-quarters (72 percent) of
teenagers play video games on their phones, computers, or consoles such as PlayStation,
XBox, or Wii, including 84 percent of teenage boys and 59 percent of teenage girls (Lenhart,
2015). Researchers are finding that violent video games may affect youth in similar ways
as violent television images. For instance, rapid-action games with very violent

80 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

imagery may desensitize players to violence (Engelhardt et al., 2011). Yet emerging research
also shows that some video games can have positive effects on children and their fami-
lies. Roughly 55 percent of parents believe that playing video games helps families spend
more time together (Entertainment Software Association, 2014). Research carried out
by an association of manufacturers of video games may be biased, so researchers have
also carried out independent studies. Emerging research shows that some video games
like Wii Fit can strengthen intergenerational relations, especially if grandchildren and
grandparents play these games together (Costa and Veloso, 2016). And recent work
by neuroscientists and psychologists finds that some types of fast-paced video games
dubbed “brain games” boost children’s brain stimulation, cognitive development, spatial
abilities, problem-solving skills, and even self-esteem (Granic, Lobel, and Engels, 2014).
As new technologies evolve, researchers will be particularly interested in docu-
menting how they help and hurt. In the past decade or two, for instance, social scientists
have documented the benefits and problems linked to excessive smartphone use.
Many benefits have been documented: Smartphones help people to stay in touch with
friends and family far away, provide an easily accessible source of information and job
opportunities, and help users track their own health and fitness (Silver et al., 2019).
However, other evidence suggests that smartphones prevent people from separating
their personal and work lives; perpetuate a culture of round-the-clock work and respon-
siveness to work-related demands; and diminish writing, emotional expression, and
communication skills as smartphone users increasingly interact via terse text and
instant messaging (Wagner, 2015).

WORK
Across all cultures, work is an important setting within which socialization processes
operate, although it is only in industrial societies that large numbers of people go to
places of work separate from the home. In traditional communities, many people farm
the land close to where they live or have workshops in their dwellings. “Work” in such
communities is not as clearly distinct from other activities as it is for most members of
the workforce in the modern West. In industrialized countries, joining the workforce
ordinarily marks a much greater transition in an individual's life than beginning work
in traditional societies does. Over the past two decades, however, rising numbers of
workers have begun to carry out their jobs at home, fueled in part by email and the
Internet, although the overall numbers are still modest. About 5 percent of U.S. workers,
numbering more than 8 million, worked exclusively at home in 2017—a steep increase
over the 3 percent rate in 2000 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019h). As many as one in
four do at least some paid work at home, with the option of working at home more com-
mon among professional and managerial workers (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2016).
The work environment often poses unfamiliar demands, perhaps calling for major
adjustments in a person's outlook or behavior. In addition to mastering the specific tasks
of their job and internalizing company policies and practices, many workers also need
to learn how to “feel” on the job. Sociologist Arlie Hochschild (1983) has documented
the ways that workers, especially women workers,
learn to feel and then display
socially acceptable emotions at work. For instance, flight attendants learn to keep a
calm and cool demeanor, even when dealing with a surly passenger or flying through
extreme turbulence. Health care workers, morticians, firefighters, and soldiers must also

How Are Children Socialized? 81

 learn how to manage feelings such as fear, sadness, and disgust to do their jobs
(e.g., Underman and Hirshfield, 2016). Schoolteachers and principals must remain
calm and supportive, even when the children they work with act out (Maxwell
and Riley, 2017). In these ways, individuals are socialized into the varied and
complex skills required to be successful in the workplace.

Social Roles
Through socialization, individuals learn about social roles—socially defined
expectations for a person in a given social position. The social role of doctor, for
example, encompasses a set of behaviors that should be enacted by all individ-
ual doctors, regardless of their personal opinions or outlooks. Because all doctors
share this role, it is possible to speak in general terms about the professional behav-
ior of doctors, regardless of the specific individuals who occupy that position.
Some sociologists, particularly those associated with the functionalist school,
regard social roles as fixed and relatively unchanging parts of a society's cul-
ture. According to this view, individuals learn the expectations associated with
social positions in their particular culture and perform those roles largely as they
have been defined. Social roles do not involve negotiation or creativity. Rather,
they prescribe, contain, and direct an individual's behavior. Through socialization,
People often exhibit multiple social
individuals internalize social roles and learn how to carry them out.
identities simultaneously—sometimes
This view, however, is mistaken. It suggests that individuals simply take
seemingly conflicting ones.
on roles rather than creating or negotiating them. Socialization is a process in
which humans can exercise agency; we are not simply passive subjects waiting to
aN be instructed or programmed. Individuals come to understand and assume social
roles through an ongoing process of social interaction.

Identity
The cultural settings in which we are born and mature to adulthood influence our behav-
ior, but that does not mean that humans lack individuality or the freedom to make choices.
Some sociologists do tend to write about socialization as though this were the case.
But such a view is fundamentally flawed—socialization is also at the origin of every
social roles
person's individuality and freedom. In the course of socialization, each of us develops a
Socially defined expecta-
sense of identity and the capacity for independent thought and action.
tions of an individual in a
given status or occupying Identity is a multifaceted concept—tt relates to the understandings people hold about
a particular social position. who they are and what is meaningful to them. Some of the main sources of identity include
In every society, individu- gender, sexual orientation, nationality or ethnicity, and social class. Sociologists typi-
als play a number of social
cally speak of two types of identity: social identity and self-identity (or personal identity).
roles, such as teenager,
Social identity refers to the characteristics that other people attribute to an individ-
parent, worker, or political
ual. These can be seen as markers that indicate who the individual is. At the same time,
leader.
they place that individual in relation to other individuals who share the same attributes.
Examples of social identities include student, parent, lawyer, Catholic, Asian, dyslexic, and
social identity married. Nearly all individuals have more than one social identity, reflecting the many
The characteristics that dimensions of humans’ lives. A person could simultaneously be a parent, an engineer,
other people attribute to an a Muslim, and a city council member. Although this plurality of social identities can be
individual. a potential source of conflict, most individuals organize meaning and experience in
their lives around a primary identity that is fairly continuous across time and place.

82 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

 If social identities mark ways in which individuals are the same as others,
self-
identity (or personal identity) sets us apart as distinct individuals, Self-identity
refers to the
process of self-development through which we formulate a unique sense self-identity
of ourselves
and our relationship to the world around us, The notion of self-identity draws The ongoing process of
heavily on
the work of symbolic interactionists. The individual's constant negotiation with self-development and
the definition of our personal
outside world helps create and shape a personal sense of self. Though cultural and
social identity through which
environments are factors in shaping self-identity, individual agency and choice are
key. we formulate a unique
If at one time people's identities were largely informed by their membership in sense of ourselves and our
broad social groups bound by social class or ethnicity, they are now more multifaceted relationship to the world
and less stable. Individuals have become more socially and geographically mobile due to around us.

processes such as urban growth and industrialization. This has freed people from the
tightly knit, relatively homogeneous communities of the past in which patterns were
passed down in a fixed way across generations. It has created the space for other sources
of personal meaning, such as gender identity, sexual orientation, or political beliefs, to play
a greater role in people's sense of identity.
Today we have unprecedented opportunities to create our own identities. We are
our own best resources in defining who we are, where we come from, and where we are
going. Now that the traditional signposts of identity have become less essential, the social
world confronts us with a dizzying array of choices about who to be, how to live, and
what to do, without offering much guidance about which selections to make. The decisions
we make in our everyday lives—about what to wear, how to behave, and how to spend
our time—help make us who we are. Through our capacity as self-conscious, self-aware
human beings, we constantly create and re-create our identities, patterns exemplified
by the gender transitions of Caitlyn Jenner and Coy Mathis.

Gender Socialization
As we learned in the case of Coy Mathis, gender influences every aspect of daily life. How
children dress and speak, the toys they play with, the activities in which they engage,
and how others view children are all powerfully shaped by gender. Yet, the norms and
expectations about how one “should” behave as a boy or girl must be, in part, learned.
Agents of socialization play an important role in how children learn gender roles. Let's
now turn to the study of gender socialization: the learning of gender roles through gender
social factors such as the family and the media. socialization
The learning of gender
REACTIONS OF PARENTS AND ADULTS roles through social fac-
Sociologists have conducted many studies on the degree to which gender differences tors such as schooling, the ©
media, and family.
are the result of social influences. Classic studies of mother-infant interaction show
differences in the treatment of boys and girls even when parents believe their reactions to
both are the same. Adults asked to assess the personality of a baby give different answers
according to whether they believe the child to be a girl or a boy. In one experiment,
five young mothers were observed while interacting with a 6-month-old named Beth.
They tended to smile at her often and offer her dolls to play with. She was seen as “sweet”
with a “soft cry.” The reaction of a second group of mothers to a child the same age, named
Adam, was noticeably different. The baby was likely to be offered a train or other “male”
toys to play with. Beth and Adam were actually the same child, dressed in different clothes
(Will, Self, and Datan, 1976).

How Are Children Socialized? 83

 The case of baby Storm Stocker-Witterick vividly reveals just how deeply entrenched
gender and gender socialization are, even in the twenty-first century. Storm's parents,
Kathy Witterick and David Stocker, decided to keep their baby’s sex a secret, informing
only their midwives and two older sons. They dressed Storm in gender-neutral clothing
and refused to use gender-specific pronouns like he or she when describing their baby.
They wanted to make sure that others did not treat their child in stereotypically gendered
ways, such as those experienced by babies Beth and Adam (Will, Self, and Datan, 1976).
When announcing Storm's birth, Kathy and David sent out an announcement proclaim-
ing, “We decided not to share Storm's sex for now—a tribute to freedom and choice in
place of limitation, a standup to what the world could become in Storm’s lifetime.” This
simple act was met by a firestorm of angry reactions from bloggers, media commenta-
tors, and even family and friends (Davis and James, 2011). When journalists followed up
with Storm five years later, she was a happy kindergarten student who identified as “she.”
Her older sibling Kio, 7, identified as nonbinary and used the pronoun “they”, while their
oldest sibling Jazz, 10, identified as a transgender girl, preferring the pronouns “she”
and “her.” The Stocker-Witterick family vividly reveals the complexity and fluidity of
gender in contemporary societies (Botelho-Urbanski, 2016).

GENDER LEARNING
Gender learning by infants is almost certainly unconscious. Before a child can accu-
rately label itself as either a boy or a girl, it receives a range of preverbal cues. For instance,
male and female adults usually handle infants differently. The cosmetics women use
contain scents different from those the baby might learn to associate with males.
Systematic differences in dress, hairstyle, and so on provide visual cues for the infant
in the learning process. By age 2, children have a partial understanding of what gender
is. They know whether they are boys or girls, and they can usually categorize others
accurately. Not until age 5 or 6, however, does a child know that everyone has gender
and that sex differences between girls and boys are anatomically based.
Parents play a pivotal role in gender learning, often unintentionally. Children’s ear-
liest exposure to what it means to be male or female comes from their parents. From the
time their children are newborns, parents interact with their daughters and sons differ-
ently. They may dress their sons in blue and daughters in pink or speak to girls in softer
and gentler tones than they do with boys. One classic study found that parents have
different expectations for their sons and daughters as early as one day after they are born,
where infant girls are described as “soft” and “pretty” and boys as “energetic” and “strong”
(Rubin et al., 1974). It’s not surprising, then, that as children become toddlers, parents
(especially fathers) engage in more rough-and-tumble play with boys and hold more
give-and-take conversations with girls (Lytton and Romney, 1991). Even parents who
are sensitive to gender-equity issues and who challenge the notion of the male/female
dichotomy may send subtle messages related to gender—messages that the developing
child internalizes. Sex-role stereotypes and subtle messages about appropriate gendered
behavior are so powerful that even when children are exposed to diverse attitudes
and experiences, they may revert to stereotyped choices—especially in sociocultural
and historical contexts that adhere to gendered social roles and expectations (Haslett
et al., 1992).

84 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

DIGITAL LIFE

New Apps Challenge Kids—and the Gender Binary

The “pink is for girls, blue is for boys” mantra is still surprisingly and grow (or shave off) a beard or mustache. The hair salon
common among toy makers today. Stroll down any aisle at a clientele are a hodgepodge of men and women, boys and girls,
major toy store (or type “toys for girls” and “toys for boys” into and clients whose gender is ambiguous. As Mathilda Engman,
an Amazon search), and it's clear that girls’ toys are still fifty the head of consumer products at Toca Boca, explained, hair
shades of fuchsia, while boys’ toys typically come in more “mas- salons are traditionally thought of as “very targeted toward girls,
culine” colors like blue, gray, or black. But some app developers glamour, looks, and beauty. Ours is the opposite—it’s about the
are working hard to fight this gender divide with fun activities creativity of cutting hair and styling hair. ... Characters have that
that eschew and even challenge the gender binary. quirkiness so that they're inviting for everyone” (Miller, 2016).
Take, for example, the app Robot Factory, which you might Other apps are designed to show boys and girls that they can
have played with when you were younger. This game allows choose whatever career they like rather than sticking with gen-
children to make their own robots by dragging different parts and dered options. For instance, the app Little Farmers shows both
limbs onto a body; imaginative users can build insects, animals, male and female characters using big machinery and farm equip-
extraterrestrials, or humans. Robot Factory is extremely popular, ment, while the Cool Careers Dress Up app allows users to choose
but that wasn't always the case. The first iteration of the app was outfits for women doctors, astronauts, scientists, and computer pro-
very different from the final product. The original design included grammers rather than just fashion models (Gudmundsen, 2017).
only body parts for “traditional”-looking robots (similar to Star Experts believe that children’s apps present a unique oppor-
Wars droids). When the designers tested the app with children, tunity to challenge the gender binary in ways that other toys can-
they were surprised to learn that both boys and girls referred to not. The “packaging” of computer-based games—the tablet or
the robots as “he.” Troubled by this, the designers went back to the smartphone—is gender neutral, unlike the pink and blue boxes
drawing board and gave the children myriad new options to make that line the shelves of brick-and-mortar toy stores, says Jess
robots of all shapes, sizes, genders, and breeds and expanded the Day of Let Toys Be Toys, a British-based initiative aimed at pro-
color palette from gray to all the hues of the rainbow. moting gender fluidity in children's toys and technologies. Others
Their reinvention was a hit with boys and girls alike. According to believe the key to having apps that appeal to boys and girls alike,
Raul Gutierrez, CEO of Tinybop, the company behind Robot Factory, and that promote gender inclusiveness, is having more apps
when children played with the redesigned app, they made robots designed by women and nonbinary persons. According to a 2017
that looked like boys, girls, and children of ambiguous gender. survey of game developers, fully 74 percent identify as men and
Another app designed to appeal to both boys and girls—and to 21 percent as women; 5 percent identify as transgender, androg-
challenge the gender binary in the process—is Toca Hair Salon. ynous, or nonbinary or do not specify (Gough, 2019). Initiatives
The app is set in a multicolored hair salon, and children have the like Girls Who Code aim to encourage more girls to become
opportunity to cut and style customers’ hair however they like. interested in computer programming and app design. As app
They can shave it off, straighten curls, give a perm or an updo, designers become more diverse, so too will the apps themselves.

Toys today are still typically packaged and

marketed along strict gender lines. Some
developers, however, are attempting to blur this
binary and create apps that appeal to all kids
regardless of gender.
 Children’s toys, picture books, and television programs
also tend to follow stereotypical patterns. Both online and brick-
and-mortar stores usually categorize their products by gender,
whether toys or shoes or umbrellas. Even toys that seem neutral
in terms of gender are not always so in practice. For example,
toy kittens and rabbits might be thought of as appropriate for
girls, whereas lions and tigers are seen as more appropriate
for boys. Similarly, boys are typically expected to dress up like
ninjas or superheroes for Halloween, whereas girls are expected
to dress up like princesses or other highly “feminine” characters.
But these stark gender divides are historically bound.
Cultural analyses have found that the “blue is for boys, pink
is for girls” divide is a twentieth-century social construction.
In the nineteenth century and early decades of the twenti-
eth century, boys and girls wore similar colors, mostly white
(Paoletti, 2012). However, in the postwar era in the United
States, the pink-blue gender divide emerged, and it persisted
on and off throughout the late twentieth century. Yet the
trend appears to be coming full circle, with retailers and shop-
pers alike abandoning this convention. For example, in 2015,
Target, the nation’s largest retailer, stopped dividing their toy
sections into “boy” and “girl” sections and also discontinued
In her “Pink & Blue” project, photographer JeongMee
Yoon records girls’ obsession with the color pink. What are
the pink- and blue-colored walls previously used to draw
the implications of the gender-typed packaging and color : attention to gender-typed toys. Recognizing that nearly every
coding that we see in children’s toys and clothing? product for children is gender typed, Target management also
stopped dividing up other departments by gender, such as

“N bedding. Boys and girls might be equally likely to want a Star

Wars or a Dora the Explorer comforter (Luckerson, 2015). The
notion that gender-neutral toys are healthy for all children is
rapidly spreading, with more and more manufacturers abandoning gender-typed colors
and designs of their toys.
Similarly, children’s books and television shows teach important, though subtle, les-
sons about gender. Scholarly analyses of children’s books and TV shows find that girls are
highly underrepresented. More recent research suggests a slight change but notes that
the bulk of children’s literature remains the same (McCabe et al., 2011). Children’s books
feature many more men and boys as lead characters than women and girls. Even when
characters are animals, they tend to be male (McCabe et al., 2011).
Although there are exceptions, analyses of children’s television programs and video
games match the findings about children’s books. In the most popular cartoons and games,
most leading figures are male, and males dominate the active pursuits (Leaper and Bigler,
2018). Similar images appear in commercials advertising children's foods and toys. For
instance, researchers recently examined the ways that boys and girls are portrayed in chil-
dren's programming on three networks: Disney Channel, Cartoon Network, and Nickelodeon
(Hentges and Case, 2013). Boy characters outnumbered girls three to two, and there was
some evidence that characters were depicted behaving in stereotypical ways, where boys
were more likely to be aggressive “rescuers” and girls were more likely to show affection.

86 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

Race Socialization
Scholars have long recognized the ways that we learn to be
male or female, but how did you learn about your racial or
ethnic background? Did your parents ever teach you what it
means to be White, Black, Asian, or Latinx? Sociologists have
examined the process of race socialization, which refers to
the specific verbal and nonverbal messages that older gener-
ations transmit to younger generations regarding the mean-
ing and significance of race, racial stratification, intergroup
relations, and personal identity (Lesane-Brown, 2006).
The research team of sociologist Tony Brown and psy-
chologist Chase Lesane-Brown examined the messages that
parents teach and the effects of this socialization on chil-
dren's lives. Their work rests on the assumption that while
ethnic-minority parents (especially Black parents) must
socialize their children to be productive members of society, _ Sociologists are interested in how children learn what it means
to be a member of a particular racial group, especially one that
just as White parents do, they also face an additional task: :
is devalued.
raising children with the skills to survive and prosper in a
society that often devalues Blackness. As part of race social-
ization, Black parents also may prepare their children to “N
understand their heritage, their culture, and what it means
to belong to a racial group that has historically occupied an
oppressed status in the United States (Lesane-Brown 2006).
What exactly do Black parents teach their children about race, race stratification, and
race relations? Lesane-Brown, Brown, and colleagues (2005) developed a detailed index
CONCEPT CHECKS
capturing the specific messages and lessons that parents pass down to their children,
noting of course that families may vary in what they say and how they say it. Among What is social
the messages encompassed in race socialization are color blindness (e.g., “race doesn't ig-yol moleleea diolavan) dat-\ar-la-
matter”), individual pride (e.g., “I can achieve anything”), group pride (e.g., “I’m proud to some specific ways that
be Black”), distrust of other racial or ethnic groups (e.g., “don’t trust White people”), and the four main agents of
socialization contribute
deference to other racial or ethnic groups (e.g., “Whites are better than Blacks”). The les-
to social reproduction?
sons that Black adolescents and college students found to be the most useful, however,
PNovore)
ce[avomn com (-t-(0 Male)7
were those that emphasized pride and color blindness, such as “race doesn't matter” and
(o(ol-somr- Meany(oe(-).-1
(0) ol
“with hard work, you can achieve anything regardless of race” (Lesane-Brown et al., 2005).
social self?
Understanding race socialization will become more and more important for future
What are the four stages
cohorts of young people. In our increasingly global society, children and young people
of cognitive development
will need to develop the skills and capacities to negotiate multicultural contexts in their according to Piaget?
everyday lives (Priest et al., 2014). Parents, teachers, and other agents of socialization
How does the media
must also promote positive racial attitudes, counter negative attitudes, and enable effec- foroalim|
oleh(om(omc-ale(-ls
tive responses to racism when it occurs. Although race socialization has historically Solel i-]Ip4-)elelanta
focused on raising Black children to fit in and get ahead in a racist world, the Black Lives What are the main
Matter protests heightened recognition that White children, too, must be socialized to components of race
recognize and fight racism when they see it unfold (Harvey, 2018). Solel t-lipéelilelana

How Are Children Socialized?

 What Are the Five Major
>
Stages of the Life Course’
Learn the five major
The transitions that individuals pass through during their lives may be biologically fixed—
stages of the life course,
and see the similarities from childhood to adulthood and eventually to death. But the stages of the human life
and differences among course are social as well as biological. They are influenced by culture and by the mate-
different cultures and rial circumstances of people's lives. For example, in most o ontemporary wealthy Western
historical periods. nations, death is usually thought of in relation to old age because most people enjoy a life

ages than survived to old age.

Childhood
In modern societies, childhood is a clear and distinct stage of life between infancy and ado-
lescence. Yet the concept of childhood, like so many other aspects of social life today, has
come into being only over the past two or three centuries. In earlier societies, young people
moved directly from a lengthy infancy into working roles within the community. French
historian Philippe Ariés (1965) argued that “childhood,” conceived of as a separate phase of
development, did not exist in medieval times. In the paintings of medieval Europe, children
are portrayed as little adults, with mature faces and the same style of dress as their elders.
Until the early twentieth century, in the United States and most other Western coun-
tries, children were put to work at what now seems a very young age. There are countries
in the world today, in fact, where young children are engaged in full-time work, some-
times in physically demanding circumstances (for example, in coal mines). According to
the International Labor Organization, more than 152 million child laborers—one in every
ten children globally—are working today (U.S. Department of Labor, 2018). The ideas
that children have distinctive rights and that child labor is morally wrong are quite recent
developments that have not yet been achieved worldwide.
Because of the prolonged period of childhood that we recognize today, modern soci-
eties are in some respects more child centered than traditional ones. Parents are viewed
as the sole protectors of their children, and parents who behave in ways that may be con-
sidered hurtful to their children are judged harshly. For instance, not all the parents at
Eagleside Elementary were supportive of Kathryn and Jeffrey Mathis’s decision to allow
Coy to identify as a girl.
This Madonna and Child,
It seems possible that, as a result of changes currently occurring in modern societies,
painted in the thirteenth
century by Duccio di the separate character of childhood is diminishing. Some observers have suggested that
Buoninsegna, depicts the children now grow up too fast. Even small children may watch the same television pro-
infant Jesus with a mature grams and use the same apps as adults, thereby becoming much more familiar early on
face. Until recently, children with the adult world than preceding generations did.
in Western society were
viewed as little adults.
The Teenager
The idea of the teenager also didn't exist until the early twentieth century, when compul-
“N sory education and child labor laws were enacted in Western countries. Prior to that time,
teenagers were not required to attend school, so adolescence was a time for working in

88 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

fields and factories and for marrying and bearing children. Today, by contrast,
adolescence
is considered a time to learn, grow, and make choices about the kind of adult one
wants
to someday become. race socialization
The biological changes involved in puberty (the point at which a person becomes The specific verbal and
nonverbal messages that
capable of adult sexual activity and reproduction) are universal. Yet in many cultures,
older generations transmit
these physical changes do not produce the degree of emotional turmoil and uncertaint
y to younger generations ~
often found among teens in modern societies. In cultures that celebrate rites of passage, or regarding the meaning and
distinct ceremonies that signal a person's transition to adulthood, the process of psycho- significance of race.
sexual development generally seems easier to negotiate. Adolescents in such societies
have less to “unlearn” because the pace of change is slower. There is a time when
children in Western societies are required to be children no longer: to put away their
life course
toys and break with childish pursuits. In traditional cultures, where children are already The various transitions and
stages people experience
working alongside adults, this process of unlearning is normally much less jarring.
during their lives.
In Western societies, teenagers are betwixt and between, navigating the often-
complicated space between childhood and adulthood: They often try to act like adults,
but they are treated by law as children. Pop culture promotes sexy clothing among teens
yet frowns upon teenage sexual activity. Teens may wish to go to work and earn money
as adults do, but they are required to stay in school.

Young Adulthood
Young adulthood, also referred to as “emerging adulthood,” is typically defined as roughly
ages 20 to 30 (Arnett, 2000). This period is considered a transition between the carefree
years of childhood and adolescence and the responsibilities of marriage, parenthood, and
home ownership that often accompany mid-adulthood. Part of the reason for the emergence
of this distinctive life course stage is that scholars have observed a “delayed transition to
adulthood” among young people in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
Particularly among more affluent groups, people in their early twenties take the time to
travel; go to college or graduate school; explore sexual, political, and religious affiliations; try
out different careers; and date and live with several romantic partners. The importance of
this postponement of the responsibilities of full adulthood is likely to increase, given the
extended period of education and career exploration many people now undergo.
Although it is difficult to pinpoint precisely when one makes the “transition to adult-
hood,” one team of researchers identified five benchmarks of adulthood: leaving one's
parents’ home, finishing school, getting married, having a child, and achieving financial
independence. In 1960, fully 65 percent of men and 77 percent of women had achieved all
five benchmarks by age 30. By contrast, only 25 percent of men and 39 percent of women
had done so in 2010 (Furstenberg and Kennedy, 2013; Furstenberg et al., 2004). These
statistics clearly show that today the transition to adulthood is delayed and that some
benchmarks historically considered signifiers of adulthood, such as becoming a parent,
may now be less central to one’s identity as an adult (Figure 3.1).

Midlife or “Middle Age”

Most young adults in the wealthy industrialized world can look forward to a life stretch-
ing right through to old age. In premodern times, few could anticipate such a future
with much confidence. Death through sickness or injury was much more frequent among

What Are the Five Major Stages of the Life Course? 89

FIGURE 3.1 all age groups than it is today, and women
Th rty-Year-Olds: 1975 VS. 201 5 faced a high rate of mortality in childbirth.
Given these advances in life expectancy, a
“new” life course stage has been recognized
BB 1975 MH 2015
a6" in the twentieth century: midlife, or middle
100 ->———
age (Cohen, 2012).
Midlife, the stage between young
adulthood and old age, is generally believed
to fall between ages 45 and 65. However,
midlife is distinct from other life course
stages in that there is not an “official” or
PERCENTAGE legal age of entry. For example, American
youth become legal adults at age 18, whereas
age 65 is generally believed to signify the
transition to old age. One's entry to mid-
Living on Ever Living with In the Owns a life, by contrast, tends to be signified by
their own married a child labor force home the social roles one adopts (or relinquishes).
While some scholars believe that meno-
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2016b.
pause, or the loss of reproductive potential,
signals women's transition to midlife, others
believe that for both men and women, midlife is marked by transitions such as the “empty
nest” stage.
Midlife is also a psychological turning point where men and women may assess
their past choices and accomplishments and make new choices that prepare them for the
second half of life. Keeping a forward-looking outlook in middle age has taken on par-
ticular importance in modern societies. Most people do not expect to be doing the same
thing their whole lives, as was the case for the majority in traditional cultures. For example,
midlife persons today are more likely than ever to divorce, a phenomenon that has been
called “gray divorce.” One of the reasons why some people in their fifties and sixties end
their marriages is that they recognize that they have many years of life ahead, and they
choose to leave behind unsatisfying marriages in favor of singlehood or new romantic
partnerships (Brown and Lin, 2012).

Later Life
Old age has been reinvented in recent decades, as older adults have come to comprise
an increasingly large share of the population both in the United States and worldwide.
In 1900, just 4 percent of the U.S. population was age 65 or older. By 2018, that pro-
portion exceeded 15 percent (Carr, 2019). The same trend is found in all industrially
advanced countries. Alongside these population shifts, the social roles of older adults
have shifted as well.
Surviving until the life course stage of “elder” in a traditional culture often marked
the pinnacle of an individual's status. Older people were normally accorded a great deal of
respect and had a say over matters of importance to the community. Within families, the
authority of both men and women typically increased with age. In industrialized societ-
ies, by contrast, older people tend to lack authority within both the family and the wider
community.

90 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

 No longer living with their children and often having retired from paid work, some older
people find it difficult to make the final period of their life rewarding. It used to be thought
CONCEPT CHECKS
that those who successfully cope with old age do so by turning to their inner resources,
What is meant by the
becoming less interested in material rewards. Although this may often be true, it seems term life course?
likely that in a society in which many are physically healthy in old age, an outward-looking
What are the five stages .
view will become more prevalent. With advances in medical technologies, older adults are of the life course, and
living longer and are healthier than ever before. These extensions in life span have been what are some defining
accompanied by expanded opportunities for lifelong learning, with many older adults learn- features of each stage?
ing new skills and pursuing new leisure activities. Those in retirement might find renewal in How is midlife different
what has been called the “third age,” in which a new phase of education begins. from the life course stages
fo}Metal] (o|aleloe M-laleM C-l(-1m (ig

How Do People Age? <

Of all the life course stages that sociologists study, older adults are the group of great- Understand that aging

est interest to policy makers. Why? Older adults, or individuals age 65 or older, are the is a combination of
biological, psychological,
most rapidly growing segment of the U.S. population (Figure 3.2); as such, they will create
and social processes.
new challenges for American society. In 2018, older adults represented 15 percent of the Consider key theories of
U.S. population; the older population is projected to double by 2060, at which point nearly aging, particularly those
one in four Americans will be an older adult (Administration on Aging, 2018). Growing that focus on how society
old can be a fulfilling and rewarding experience, or it can be filled with physical distress shapes the social roles
of older people and that
and social isolation. For most older Americans, the experience of aging lies somewhere
emphasize aspects of age
in between. In this section, we delve into the meaning of being old and look at the ways stratification.
in which people adapt to growing old, at least in the eyes of sociologists.

The Meanings of “Age”

What does it mean to age? Aging can be defined as the combination of biological, psycho- aging
logical, and social processes that affect people as they grow older (Abeles and Riley, 1987; The combination of
Atchley, 2000; Riley et al., 1988). These three processes suggest the metaphor of three dif- biological, psychological,
and social processes that
ferent, although interrelated, developmental “clocks”: (1) a biological one, which refers to
affect people as they
the physical body; (2) a psychological one, which refers to the mind and mental capabilities;
grow older.
and (3) a social one, which refers to cultural norms, values, and role expectations having
to do with age. Our notions about the meaning of age are rapidly changing, both because
recent research is dispelling many myths about aging and because advances in nutrition
and health have enabled many people to live longer, healthier lives than ever before.

Growing Old: Trends and Competing social

gerontologists
Sociological Explanations Social scientists who
Social gerontologists, or social scientists who study aging, have offered a number study older adults and life
course influences on aging
of theories regarding the nature of aging in U.S. society. Some of the earliest theories
processes.
emphasized individual adaptation to changing social roles as a person grows older. Later
theories focused on how society shapes the social roles of older adults, often in inequitable

How Do People Age? 91

FIGURE 3.2

Growth of the Older Population in the United States

by Age Group, 1900-2050
MB 85+ Mi 75-84 Mi 65-74 «eam =% 65+
90 ee

80 +
\o

20ne =
70 =
34 Ss
=)
a 60 3
Y del Oames
:
250"
= =
= Ww

z 40} -
| pas
= 30 Ww

<
z =
z
lu
AQ SS a mal bal Iie a
Ww
a
10 = =

0 i Be
1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050
I,

Sources: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2011a; Vespa, Armstrong, and Medina, 2018. projected

ways. The most recent theories have been more multifaceted, focusing on the ways in
which older persons actively create their lives within specific institutional contexts
(Bengtson and Settersten, 2016).

THE FIRST GENERATION OF THEORIES: FUNCTIONALISM

The earliest theories of aging reflected the functionalist approach that was dominant
in sociology during the 1950s and 1960s. They emphasized how individuals adjusted to
changing social roles as they aged and how those roles were useful to society. The earliest
theories often assumed that aging brings with it physical and psychological decline and
that changing social roles have to take this decline into account (Hendricks, 1992).
Talcott Parsons, one of the most influential functionalist theorists of the 1950s,
argued that U.S. society needs to find roles for older persons consistent with advanced
disengagement age. He expressed concern that the United States, with its emphasis on youth and its avoid-
theory ance of death, had failed to provide roles that adequately drew on the potential wisdom
A functionalist theory of and maturity of its older citizens. Moreover, given the graying of U.S. society that
aging tat MES ist Ws was evident even in Parsons’s time, he believed that this failure could well lead to older
functional for society to feu rater atari Pe aie ed ae 5 T, hi *
Pe Cetnie trom thelr poe ing discouraged and alienated from society. To achieve a “healthy matu-
traditional roles when they rity,’ Parsons (1960) argued, older adults need to adjust psychologically to their changed
become elderly, thereby circumstances, while society needs to redefine the social roles of older persons.
freeing up those roles for Parsonss ideas set the foundation for disengagement theory, the notion that it is func-
others. tional for society to remove people from their traditional roles when they become older,
thereby freeing up those roles for other, younger persons (Cumming and Henry, 1961; Estes,

92 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

 Life Course Transitions

Individuals pass through a number of key transitions during the course of their lives. The transition to adulthood, often
indicated by benchmarks such as getting married and having children, is being delayed today, especially in high-income
countries. In many northern and western European nations, young adults have their first child before marriage while in
cohabitating relationships. ;

C) Mean age at first marriage* ~ Mean age at first birth* as Life expectancy at birth**

20 25 30 35 70 75 80 85
22.5 71.6 | |

Uzbekistan

27.4 (2018) 278.

26.4 (2015) eyAe) |

United States ait

Israel

30.3 (2018

Greece

Netherlands

Iceland

34.0 (2018)

| Sweden

Yo) 25 30 35
Years

*Mean age of women, 2017 data Source: UNDP, 2019a.

in 2018
**Life expectancy at birth is for both sexes
 Binney, and Culbertson, 1992). According to this perspective,
given the increasing frailty, illness, and dependency of older
people, it becomes increasingly dysfunctional for them to
occupy traditional social roles that they are no longer capable
of adequately fulfilling. Older adults, therefore, should retire
from their jobs, pull back from civic life, and eventually
withdraw from other activities as well. Disengagement is
assumed to be functional for the larger society because it
opens up roles for younger people, who presumably will carry
them out with fresh energy and new skills. Disengagement
is also assumed to be functional for older persons because
it enables them to take on less taxing roles consistent with
Rewarding activities, such as volunteer work, can enhance
health and well-being in later life. their advancing age and declining health.
Although there is some intuitive appeal to disengage-
™ ment theory, the idea that older people should completely
disengage from the larger society is based on the outdated
stereotype that old age involves frailty and dependence. As
a result, no sooner did the theory appear than these very assumptions were challenged,
often by some of the theory’s original proponents (Cumming, 1963, 1975; Hendricks, 1992;
Henry, 1965; Hochschild, 1975; Maddox, 1965, 1970). These challenges gave rise to two dis-
tinct yet related functionalist theories of aging, which drew conclusions quite opposite to
those of disengagement theory: activity and continuity theories.
activity theory According to activity theory, people who are busy leading fulfilling and productive
A functionalist theory of lives can be functional for society. The guiding assumption is that an active individual
aging that maintains that is much more likely to remain healthy, alert, and socially useful. In this view, people
busy, engaged people are should remain engaged in their work and other social roles as long as they are capable
more likely to lead fulfilling
Fees," of doing so. If a time comes when a particular role becomes too difficult or taxing, then
and productive lives.
other roles can be sought—for example, volunteer work in the community.
Activity theory finds support in research showing that continued activity well into
continuity theory old age—whether volunteer work, paid employment, hobbies, or visits with friends
Theoretical perspective and family—is associated with good mental and physical health (Birren and Bengtson,
on aging that specifies 1988; Rowe and Kahn, 1987; Schaie, 1983). Yet critics observe that not all activities are
that older adults fare best equally valuable, giving rise to continuity theory. This theory specifies that older
when they participate in adults fare best when they participate in activities that are consistent with their per-
activities consistent
sonalities, preferences, and activities from earlier in life (Atchley, 1989). For instance, a
with their personalities,
preferences, and activities
retired teacher may find volunteering at a local elementary school to be much more
from earlier in life. satisfying than playing bingo at a local community center.
Critics of functionalist theories of aging argue that these theories emphasize the
need for older adults to adapt to existing conditions, either by disengaging from socially
useful roles or by actively pursuing them, but they do not question whether the
circumstances older adults face are just. In response to this critique, another group of
theorists arose—those growing out of the social conflict tradition (Hendricks, 1992).

THE SECOND GENERATION OF THEORIES: SOCIAL CONFLICT

Unlike their predecessors, who emphasized the ways in which older adults could be inte-
grated into the larger society, the second generation of theorists focused on sources of

94 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

social conflict between older persons and society (Hendricks, 1992). Like other theorists
who studied social conflict in U.S. society during the 1970s and early 1980s, these theorists
stressed the ways in which the larger social structure helped shape the opportunities avail- conflict theories
of aging
able to older persons; unequal opportunities were seen as creating the potential for conflict.
Arguments that empha-
According to this view, many of the problems of aging—such as poverty, poor health,
size the ways in which
and inadequate health care—are systematically produced by the routine operation of social
the larger social structure
institutions. A capitalist society, the reasoning goes, favors those who are most econom- helps to shape the oppor-
ically powerful. Although certainly some older adults have “made it” and are set for life, tunities available to older
many have not—and these people must fight to get even a meager share of society's scarce adults. Unequal opportu-
nities are seen as creating
resources. Among persons age 65 and older, those who fare worst tend to include women,
the potential for conflict.
low-income people, and ethnic minorities (Atchley, 2000; Estes, 1986, 1991; Hendricks,
1992; Hendricks and Hendricks, 1986). For example, though overall poverty rates among
older adults have plummeted over the past 60 years, with roughly 9 percent of older adults
living in poverty today as compared with 35 percent in 1959, (the poverty rate is as high
as 40 percent among unmarried Black and Hispanic older women (Semega, Fontenot,
and Kollar, 2017; Carr, 2010).

THE THIRD GENERATION OF THEORIES: LIFE COURSE PERSPECTIVES CONCEPT CHECKS

Life course theorists reject what they regard as the one-sided emphases of both func-
What factors or
tionalist and conflict theories, where older adults are viewed either as merely adapting to
processes should we
the larger society (functionalism) or as victims of stratification systems (social conflict). keep in mind when
Rather, life course perspectives both maintain that older persons play an active role studying aging or the
in determining their own physical and mental well-being and recognize the constraints meaning of being old?
imposed on older persons’ lives by social structural factors. Summarize the three
According to this theory, the aging process is shaped by historical time and place; theoretical frameworks

factors such as wars, economic shifts, and the development of new technologies shape used to describe the nature
of aging in U.S. society.
how people age. Yet this perspective also emphasizes agency, where individuals make
choices that reflect both the opportunities and the constraints facing them. The most What are the main
criticisms of
important theme of the life course perspective is that aging is a lifelong process:
liViavead(olar-liciaam-lare
Relationships, events, and experiences of early life have consequences for later life.
conflict theory?

What Are the Challenges of

Aging in the United States’ <
Evaluate the experience
Older individuals make up a highly diverse category about whom few broad generaliza- of growing old in the
tions can be made. For one thing, the aged population reflects the diversity of U.S. society contemporary United
that we've noted elsewhere in this textbook: They are rich, poor, and in between; they States. Identify the physical,
emotional, and financial
belong to all racial and ethnic groups; they live alone and in families of various sorts; they
challenges older adults face.
vary in their political values; and they are LGBTQ as well as heterosexual. Furthermore,
like other Americans, they are diverse with respect to health: Although some suffer from
mental and physical disabilities, most lead active, independent lives.

What Are the Challenges of Aging in the United States? SIs;

 Race has a powerful influence on the lives of older persons. White people, on average,
live nearly four years longer than African Americans, largely because Black persons have
much greater odds of dying in infancy, childhood, and young adulthood. Black Americans
also have much higher rates of poverty and, therefore, are more likely to suffer from inade-
quate health care compared with White Americans. As a result, a much higher percentage
of White people have survived past age 65 compared with other racial groups. The com-
bined effect of race and sex is substantial. In 2015, the life expectancy for a White woman
was 81, compared to 72 for a Black man (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 20174).
Currently about 14 percent of the older population in the United States is foreign born
(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2018a). In California, New York, Hawaii, and other states that
receive large numbers of immigrants, as many as one-fifth of all older people were born
outside the United States (Federal Interagency Forum on Aging-Related Statistics, 2013).
Integrating older immigrants into U.S. society poses special challenges: Most either do
not speak English well or do not speak it at all. Some are highly educated, but most are not.
Most lack a retirement income, so they must depend on their families or public assistance.
Finally, as people live to increasingly older ages, they are diverse in terms of age
itself. It is useful to distinguish among different age categories of the 65+ population, such
young old as the young old (ages 65 to 74), the old old (ages 75 to 84), and the oldest old (ages 85 and
Sociological term for older). The young old are most likely to be economically independent, healthy, and active;
persons between the ages the oldest old—the fastest-growing segment of the age 65+ population—are most likely to
of 65 and 74. encounter difficulties such as poor health, financial insecurity, and isolation (U.S. Bureau of
the Census, 2011a). Not only are these differences due to the effects of aging but they also
reflect cohort differences. The oldest old came of age during the post-World War II period
old old
of strong economic growth and benefited as a result: They are more likely to be educated;
Sociological term for per-
to have acquired wealth in the form of a home, savings, or investments; and to have had
sons between the ages of
75 and 84.
many years of stable employment. These advantages are much less likely to be enjoyed by
the young old, partly because their education and careers began at a time when economic
conditions were not so favorable (Alwin, 2008; Idler, 1993; Manton et al., 2008).
oldest old What is the experience of growing old in the United States? Although older
Sociological term for per- persons do face some special challenges, most older people lead relatively healthy, satis-
sons ages 85 and older. fying lives. Still, one national survey found a substantial discrepancy between what most
Americans under age 65 thought life would be like as older adults and what life was actu-
ally like for those over 65. We next examine some of the common problems that older
adults confront and identify the factors that put older persons at risk for these problems.

Health Problems
The prevalence of chronic disabilities among the older population has declined in recent
years, and most older adults rate their health as reasonably good and free of major disabilities
(Federal Interagency Forum on Aging-Related Statistics, 2016). Still, older people suffer from
more health problems than most younger people, and health difficulties often increase with
advancing age. In 2015, nearly one-third of all people age 65 and older who live independently
reported suffering from arthritis, 29 percent had heart disease, and 27 percent had diabetes
(Administration on Aging [AOA], 2018). The percentage of people needing help with daily
activities increases with age: Only 4 percent of adults between the ages of 65 and 74 report
needing help with personal care, yet this figure rises to 9 percent for people between
75 and 84 and to 20 percent for people over 85 (AOA, 2018).

96 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

 Graying of the World

The world population is aging rapidly, or “graying.” In 2019, nearly 9 percent of the global population was over 65;
that proportion is expected to rise to 12 percent by 2030. Graying is the result of two long-term trends: people having
fewer children and living longer.

Older population by country

(proportion 65+)

Wi 2019 im 2030 © Median age*

pennants ee Se an 40%
-———-.

20%

fo)

Japan Italy Sweden ce Ck Bosnia & Chile

ce eee Herzegovina

Le eS —_— 20%

Tunisia India Kenya Afghanistan

China
drafted in 2019.
*Median age of population 2020 (estimate) report

Older population in the United States

By Race
; By Age
Ahir
Hi White 77-4%
65-74 58%
® Black 9.2%
W 75-84 29%
' Asian 4.3%
85+ 13%
gs Hispanic 8.1%

Department of Economic and Social Affairs,

Affairs, Population Division; 20192; United Nations,
Source: UN Department of Economic and Social
Population Division, 2019b.
 Paradoxically, there is some evidence that the fastest-growing group of the elderly pop-
ulation, the oldest old (those 85 and older), tend to enjoy relative robustness, which partially
accounts for their having reached their advanced age. This is possibly one of the reasons why
health care costs for a person who dies at 90 are about one-third of those for a person who dies
at 70 (Angier, 1995). Unlike many other Americans, persons age 65 and older are fortunate in
having access to public health insurance (Medicare) and, therefore, medical services.
Nearly all (93 percent) of older Americans are covered to some extent by Medicare
(AOA, 2018). But because this program covers about half of the total health care expenses of
individuals age 65 and older, 62 percent of older people supplement Medicare with another
type of insurance (Barnett and Berchick, 2017). The rising costs of private insurance have
unfortunately made this option impossible for a growing number of older adults. On aver-
age, older Americans paid $5,994 out of pocket for health care in 2016—an increase of
38 percent since 2006. Despite Medicare, health care costs still compose 13.1 percent
of older adults’ total expenses (Administration for Community Living, 2018).
When older adults become physically unable to care for themselves, they may move
into assisted-living facilities, long-term care facilities, or nursing homes. Only about 4 per-
cent of people age 65 to 74 live in institutional settings such as nursing homes, a figure that
rises to 3 percent among people 75 to 84 and to g percent for those over 85 (AOA, 2018).
Because the median cost of a private room in a nursing home is now over $102,200 a year
(Genworth, 2019), the nonpoor older people who require such institutionalization may
find their lifetime savings quickly depleted.
Even if the problems of social isolation, prejudice, physical abuse, and declining health
affect only a relatively small proportion of all older persons, the raw numbers of people
facing these challenges will increase as the large baby boom cohort enters old age. The baby
boom cohort refers to the 75 million people born between 1946 and 1964 in the United
States; the oldest boomers turned sixty-five in 2011. This large population will present
unforeseen challenges for government-funded programs, such as Social Security and
Medicare, while reinventing the very meaning of old age. The baby boom cohort is more
educated than any generation that has come before it; American society will no doubt
benefit by incorporating rather than isolating future cohorts of older adults and drawing
on their considerable reserves of experience and talent.

Elder Abuse
Mistreatment and abuse of older adults may take many forms, including physical, sexual,
emotional, or financial abuse; neglect; or abandonment. Elder mistreatment is very dif-
ficult to measure and document. Older adults who are embarrassed, ashamed, or fearful
of retaliation by their abusers may be reluctant to report such experiences. As a result,
official prevalence rates are low. Worldwide, it is estimated that 157 percent of older adults
experience some form of abuse in a community setting (Yon et al., 2017; WHO, 2018).
One national survey of older adults (2008) found that 9 percent of older adults reported
verbal mistreatment, 3.5 percent reported financial mistreatment, and less than 1 percent
reported physical mistreatment by a family member. Women and persons with physical
disabilities were most likely to report abuse.
It is widely believed that abuse results from the anger and resentment that adult
children feel when confronted with the need to care for their infirm parents (King, 1984;
Steinmetz, 1983). Most studies have found this to be a false stereotype, however. Most
mistreatment is perpetrated by someone other than a member of the elder’s immediate

98 CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

family. National studies have found that of those who reported verbal mistreatme
nt,
26 percent named their spouse or romantic partner as the perpetrator, 15 percent named
their child, and 57 percent named someone other than a spouse, parent, or child. Similarly,
56 percent of older adults who reported financial mistreatment said that someone
other than a family member was responsible; of family members, though, children were
mentioned most often, while spouses were rarely named (Laumann et al., 2008),

Social Isolation
One common stereotype about older adults is that they are socially isolated. This is not true
of the majority of older people: Four out of five older persons have living children, and the
vast majority can rely on their children for support, if necessary (Federal Interagency Forum
on Aging-Related Statistics, 2013). More than nine out of ten adult children say that main-
taining parental contact is important to them, including the provision of financial support if
it is needed (Suitor et al., 2011). The reverse is also true: Many studies have found that older
parents continue to provide support for their adult children, particularly during times of
difficulty, such as divorce. Most older adults have regular contact with their children and live
near them; about 85 percent of older persons live within an hour of one of their children.
However, relatively few live with their children. Most older adults prefer to remain indepen-
dent and reside in their own homes. They want “intimacy at a distance” (Gans and Silverstein,
2006). However, social isolation was an especially acute problem during the 2020 pandemic.
Despite its subjective nature, loneliness is a serious problem for many older adults; it is
linked to sleep problems, poor cardiovascular health, and elevated blood pressure, each of
which carries long-term consequences for mortality risk (Cacioppo et al., 2002). Loneliness
also may be a particularly serious social problem for older adults in future generations.
Smaller families and increased rates of divorce and childlessness among future cohorts
of older adults may create a context where older persons maintain objectively fewer
relationships (Manning and Brown, 2011). More important, however, some have argued
that current cohorts of midlife adults have unrealistically high expectations for what
their social relationships should provide (e.g., one’s partner should be one’s “soul mate”);
if these lofty expectations go unfulfilled, then older adults may report higher levels of
emotional loneliness as well (Carr and Moorman, 2011).
In 2018, 34 percent of older women and 21 percent of men lived alone (Administration
for Community Living, 2018). Women are more likely than men to live alone, in part
because they are more likely to outlive their spouses; in 2018, 32 percent of older women
and only 11 percent of older men were widowed. Women are also less likely than men to
remarry following widowhood or divorce. So, while 70 percent of older men are married,
the same can be said of only 46 percent of older women (Administration for Community
Living, 2018). Part of the reason why older women are less likely than men to remarry
is the highly skewed sex ratio among older adults. In 2018, there were 125 older women
for every 100 older men; for those 85 or older, this ratio increases to 189 women for
every 100 men (Administration for Community Living, 2018). The fact that women outlive
men means that older women are more likely to experience problems of isolation.
The mere presence of social relationships does not ward off loneliness. An estimated
29 percent of older married persons report some symptoms of loneliness; this pattern
is particularly common among persons whose spouses are ill, who have a dissatisfy-
ing (or nonexistent) sexual relationship, or who have infrequent or conflicted conversa-
tions (AARP, 2012; de Jong Gierveld et al., 2009). As de Jong Gierveld and Havens (2004)

What Are the Challenges of Aging in the United States? 99

Vimeo ante Activities Director at a Nursing Home
WZelt]
Toledo)Mole] (oyVE People are living longer than ever before in the United States and worldwide. By the

IMAGINATION year 2030, one in five Americans will be age 65 or older. As a result, nearly every
profession—from medicine to marketing—will need at least a basic knowledge of aging.
For some professions, such as geriatric medicine or nursing, it’s crucial for workers
to understand the biology of aging. Other professions, such as geriatric social worker,
nursing home administrator, activities director at a senior center, or even personnel

officers charged with hiring older workers, require a strong grasp of the challenges
facing many older adults, such as ageism and social isolation, both of which intensified
dramatically during the COVID-19 pandemic.
The activities director at a nursing home or long-term care facility may find the themes
and concepts of life course sociology especially relevant to their work. There are currently
more than 30,000 long-term care facilities in the United States which are home to more
than 1 million residents (Federal Interagency Forum on Aging-Related Statistics, 2016).
These residents, many of whom moved in after living in their own homes for decades,
may find their move difficult. The facilities staff to ease the transition and make life as
fulfilling as possible for its older residents by providing them a schedule of age-appropriate
activities. These activities might include lectures from local college professors, outings
to local museums and concerts, and book clubs for older adults with good physical and
cognitive health. In periods when infectious diseases are ranging, activities directors also
develop innovative ways to deliver activities virtually, such as Zoom lectures of book
discussions. Yet in dementia-care wings or for patients who are starting to experience
steep physical or cognitive declines, the activities may be more basic, such as chair-
based fitness classes or movie screenings. The nursing home activity director plans this
full slate of live and virtual activities to keep residents engaged and entertained.

noted, loneliness depends on one’s “standards as to what constitutes an optimal network

of relationships.” That is, it’s getting less support than we want rather than the objective
number of social ties that matters when it comes to loneliness.

Prejudice
ageism Discrimination on the basis of age, or ageism, is now against federal law. The Age
Discrimination or Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 (ADEA) protects job applicants and employees
prejudice against a person 4o years of age and older from discrimination on the basis of age in hiring, firing, promo-
on the basis of age. tion, and pay. Nonetheless, prejudices based on false stereotypes are common. Older adults
are frequently seen as perpetually lonely, sad, infirm, forgetful, dependent, senile, old-
fashioned, inflexible, and embittered (Palmore, 2015).
There are a number of reasons for such prejudice. The American obsession with
youthfulness, reflected in popular entertainment and advertising, leads many younger
people to disparage their elders, frequently dismissing them as irrelevant. The new infor-
mation technology culture undoubtedly reinforces these prejudices because youthful-
ness and computer abilities seem to go hand in hand. In the fast-paced world of Twitter
and Snapchat, young people may come to view older adults as anachronistic. These stereo-
types are harmful, especially if they translate into discriminatory or ageist treatment.

CHAPTER 3 Socialization, the Life Course, and Aging

 Think about the theories you've learned in this chapter, and the research findings
you've read about; these lessons are very helpful to activity directors. Sociological stud-
ies tell us that data do not support the claims of disengagement theory, so few activity
directors would insist that their oldest residents simply sit quietly all day, waiting to die.
Rather, a knowledge of continuity theories help activities directors to plan recreation and
enrichment programs that match their residents’ preferences. For instance, if the activi-
ties director notices that many residents are retired schoolteachers, he or she may try to
arrange regular tutoring activities at a local school or Zoom tutoring sessions. A knowl-
edge of continuity theory also helps her to advise family members as they move their loved
one into their new room at the facility. She may suggest ways to set up the furniture or
decorations in the room so that it resembles the place the older adult called home prior to
their relocation
Yet activities directors’ jobs are not all fun and games. Another key task is supervising
staff. A knowledge of sociology is especially helpful when devising programs and proce-
dures to ensure that direct care staff, such as nursing assistants and doctors, do not behave
in an ageist manner toward residents. As we learned in this chapter, ageism refers to dis-
criminatory or unkind treatment on the basis of one’s age. It often takes subtle forms, such The U.S. population is rapidly

as health care providers tendency to use “elderspeak” or the infantilizing language and tone graying, creating a demand for

that people may use when speaking to older adults. A sing-song voice, unnecessarily loud workers who can effectively

or slow explanations, overly simplistic language, and seemingly benign greetings like “how work with and care for older
adults. An activities director at
are you today, young lady?” are viewed as condescending and disingenuous by older adults
a long-term care facility would
and gerontologists alike (Leland, 2008). Sociological studies further show that when older
benefit from an understanding
adults are treated like children, their mental and even physical health may decline. Sociology
of sociological theories of aging.
makes us sensitive to the fact that even seemingly harmless microagressions can compro-
mise the well-being of older adults. In these many ways, sociology provides an important
knowledge base that will be critical in helping to meet the needs of the large and rapidly
growing population of older adults in the United States and worldwide.

The actions of the aging baby boom cohort may help chip away at outdated and
inaccurate notions of what old age is. Older adults are becoming an increasingly large
presence online. In 2018, two-thirds of Americans 65 and older used the Internet, and
more than one-third (37 percent) used social networking sites such as Facebook
(Pew Research Center, 2018a). Experts agree that baby boomers may play a critical role in
further helping to dissolve stereotypes of the frail, senile older adult.
CONCEPT CHECKS
In many ways, older adults face some of the same problems experienced by Coy Mathis
and Caitlyn Jenner, whom we met at the beginning of this chapter. Young boys are expected to Contrast young old, old
be strong and tough—not “sissies.” Girls, but not boys, are believed to like pink, wear skirts, fo)( Aat-ae Me)(0(-s-1 We)(eM|=)8-10)aoe
and behave in a “feminine” way. Likewise, older adults are stereotyped as being old-fashioned Describe at least three
and out of tough. Even thougch these two examples are very different—one involving the common problems that
youngest stage of the life course, the other involving the oldest—they both reveal the power older Americans often
(orelalinelaie
of social expectations. However, social expectations can change over time, and as older gener-
ations die out and are replaced with younger generations holding more contemporary beliefs, Define ageism and
fe}me)A(e(-Mo)ar-M-).40)t-lal-ldle)a)
we might expect that stereotypes—whether based on age or gender—will slowly fade away.
olan dalicmcelmanme) ame)g-)[0e|[e-m

What Are the Challenges of Aging in the United States?

 ee |

CHAPTER 3 Learning Objectives

The
Big Picture
; Socialization, the Life Learn about socialization (including
gender socialization), and know the most
Course, and Aging How Are
important agents of socialization.
Children
Socialized?

em)

Thinking Sociologically i|_Learn the five major stages of the life course,
and see the similarities and differences among
What Are the different cultures and historical periods.
Five Major
1. Concisely review how an individual
Stages of the
becomes a social person according
Life Course?
to the two leading theorists discussed
in this chapter: George Herbert Mead p. 88
and Jean Piaget. Which of these two
theories seems more appropriate and
Understand that aging is a combination
correct to you? Explain why.
of biological, psychological, and social
processes. Consider key theories of aging,
2. Conforming to gender-typed How Do
particularly those that focus on how
expectations regarding clothing, hair, People Age? society shapes the social roles of older
and other aspects of personal people and that emphasize aspects of
appearance Is one of many things we age stratification.
do as a result of socialization. Suggest
how the family, peers, schools, mass
media, and social media help establish
the desire to conform with (or reject)
typically “male” versus “female”
expectations for appearance. Which of
these forces is the most pervasive?
Explain.
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

socialization © social reproduction

resocialization ¢ desocialization

. What is social reproduction? What are some specific ways that the four
main agents of socialization contribute to social reproduction?
cognition © social self * self-consciousness ¢
- According to Mead, how does a child develop a social self?
generalized other « looking-glass self «
- What are the four stages of cognitive development according to Piaget?
sensorimotor stage * preoperational stage ©
. How do the media contribute to gender socialization?
egocentric * concrete operational stage « formal
. What are the main components of race socialization?
operational stage © agents of socialization
nuclear family * hidden curriculum ¢ peer group e
social roles * social identity « self-identity «
gender socialization * race socialization

. What is meant by the term life course?

2. What are the five stages of the life course, and what are some defining
features of each stage?
. How is midlife different from the life course stages of childhood and later life?
life course

aging © social gerontologists * disengagement . What factors or processes should we keep in mind when studying aging
theory © activity theory * continuity theory or the meaning of being old?
¢ conflict theories of aging 2. Summarize the three theoretical frameworks used to describe the nature
of aging in U.S. society.
. What are the main criticisms of functionalism and conflict theory?
 Notre Dame football star Manti Te’o was widely
ridiculed when news broke that Lennay Kekua,
his girlfriend of nearly a year, never existed.
Kekua, constructed as part of an elaborate
“catfishing” hoax by an acquaintance of Te’o’s,
existed only on social media.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

What is social interaction and why

Social Interaction
study it?
Understand how the subfield of microsociology
contrasts with earlier sociological work.

and Everyday ©
See why the study of social interaction is of
major importance in sociology. Recognize the
difference between focused and unfocused
interaction and learn the different forms of

Life in the Age

nonverbal communication.

How do we manage impressions in

daily life?

)miatom lal(ciaarcl
Learn about the ways you carefully choose to
present yourself to others in daily interactions—
both face-to-face and virtually.

What rules guide how we

communicate with others?
Learn the research process of ethnometh-
odology and recognize how we use context
to make sense of the world. Understand why
people get upset when conventions of talk
are not followed.

How do time and space affect

our interactions?
Understand that interaction is situated, that it
occurs in a particular place and for a particular
length of time. Recognize how technology is
reorganizing time and space.

Who Owns a Smartphone? “N How do the rules of social interaction

p. 121 affect your life?
See how face-to-face interactions reflect
broader social factors such as social
hierarchies.
 For most college students, romantic relationships are just as important as their
schoolwork. In the 1950s and 1960s, coeds might have met for the first time at
a formal “mixer” and written long, heartfelt letters to each other during their
summer months spent apart. In the 1980s and 1990s, a couple might have met
while standing in line at a keg party and kept in touch over late-night phone calls during
winter and summer breaks.
Today, many college students first meet their romantic partner in their dorm or

through a mutual friend, but many also meet (and keep in touch) online, whether through
meet-up websites and smartphone apps like Tinder or social networking sites like Facebook.
But is it possible to maintain a meaningful romantic relationship with no face-to-face contact
and only virtual exchanges with one’s partner? Manti Te’o thought so.
Seemingly overnight, Manti Te’o was transformed from a national sports star into a

national joke. In 2012, Te’o was a highly decorated college football player for Notre Dame, an

Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet

 All-American and finalist for the Heisman Trophy. But Te’o was more than a football star; he
became a hometown hero when he led his team to victory on the same day in September 2012
that he learned of the deaths of both his grandmother and girlfriend. Despite his heartbreak,
Te’o did not miss a single football game that season, telling reporters and teammates that
he had promised his girlfriend, Lennay Kekua, that he would play regardless of what happened
to her. Kekua, a Stanford University student, had been battling leukemia.
In January 2013, Te’o made headlines again. The sports blog Deadspin broke the shocking
news that Te’o’s girlfriend, Lennay Kekua, hadn't died. In fact, she had never existed at all.
Kekua was entirely fictional, constructed as part of an elaborate Internet hoax by a distant
acquaintance of Te’o’s.
How was it possible that Te’o had maintained a nearly yearlong “relationship” with a
fictional young woman? In a public statement, Te’o explained, “This is incredibly embarrassing
to talk about, but over an extended period of time, | developed an emotional relationship with
a woman | met online. We maintained what | thought to be an authentic relationship by com-
municating frequently online and on the phone, and | grew to care deeply about her” (ESPN,
2013b). Te’o had previously lied to his family, teammates, and the press about meeting Kekua
in person, afraid they would think he was “crazy.” Was Te’o crazy, or was he simply trying
social interaction
to maintain a long-distance online relationship while also juggling his busy schedule as a
The process by which we
student athlete? Is an exclusively online relationship really a form of social interaction?
act with and react to those
Throughout most of human history, people have communicated mainly face-to-face. The
around us.
U.S. Postal Service was established in the late eighteenth century, making it easier than ever
to communicate through writing. Then, in the nineteenth century, the advent of the telephone
microsociology revolutionized how Americans interacted with one another. In the last two decades, email,
The study of human text messaging, and social networking sites have once again transformed the way humans
behavior in contexts of communicate. In this chapter, we will explore how each of these forms of communication—
small-scale face-to-face along with subtle, nonverbal aspects of communication—constitutes social interaction and
interaction.
carries important messages about how our society functions.

What Is Social Interaction

> and Why Study It’
Understand how the Erving Goffman was a highly influential sociologist who created a new field of study
subfield of microsociology focused on social interaction. In the 1950s and 1960s, Goffman wrote that sociolo-
contrasts with earlier
gists needed to concern themselves with seemingly trivial aspects of everyday social
YoYod{0}(oy=4(or-] MY, 0)gd uel-1-1
behavior. His work on social interaction is just one example of the broader sociolog-
why the study of social
interaction is of major ical subfield called microsociology. This term was conceived by sociologist Harold
importance in sociology. Garfinkel to describe a field of study that focused on individual interaction and com-
Recognize the difference munication within small groups; this subfield stood in contrast with earlier socio-
between focused and logical work, which historically had examined large social groups and societal-level
unfocused interaction and
behaviors. Goffman, along with eminent scholars such as George Herbert Mead and
learn the different forms of
Herbert Blumer, examined the characteristics of seemingly small exchanges, such as
nonverbal communication.
conversation patterns and the ways that social actors develop a shared understanding
of their social context.

106 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
 The study of social interaction reveals important
things about human social life. For
instance, think about the last time you walked down the street and passed a stranger
or shared an elevator ride with a stranger.
Did you subtly try to avoid eye contact?
Goffman believed that such small gestures
are meaningful and rich with messages about
human interaction. When passersby—either strangers or intimates—quickly glance
at each other and then look away again, they demonstrate
what Goffman (1967, 1971)
called civil inattention. Civil inattention is not
the same as merely ignoring another
person. Each individual indicates recognition of the
other person's presence but avoids
any gesture that might be taken as too intrusive. Goffma
n argued that the study of
such apparently insignificant forms of social interac
tion is of major importance in
sociology and, far from being uninteresting, is one of the most
absorbing of all areas of
sociological investigation. There are three reasons for this.
First, our ordinary routines give structure and form to what we
do. We can learn
a great deal about ourselves as social beings, and about social life itself,
from study-
ing them. Our lives are organized around the repetition of similar patterns
of behavior
from day to day, week to week, month to month, and year to year. Think of
what you did
yesterday, for example, and the day before that. If they were both weekdays, you
probably woke up at about the same time each day (an important routine in itself). You
may have gone to class fairly early in the morning, making a journey from home to
As they wait to board the
school that you make virtually every weekday. You perhaps met some friends for lunch,
train, commuters engage in
returning to classes or private study in the afternoon. Later, you retraced your steps what Erving Goffman called
back home or to your dorm, possibly going out later in the evening with friends. civil inattention.
Of course, the routines we follow are not identical from day to day, and our patterns of
“N
activity on weekends usually contrast with those on weekdays. If we make a major change
in our lives, like leaving college to take a full-time job, alterations in our daily routines
are usually necessary, but then we establish a new and fairly regular set of habits again.
Second, the study of everyday life reveals to us how humans can act creatively to civil inattention
shape reality. Although social behavior is guided to some extent by forces such as roles, The process whereby
norms, and shared expectations, individuals also have agency, or the ability to act, think, individuals in the same
and make choices independently (Emirbayer and Mische, 1998). The ways in which physical setting demon-
strate to each other that
people perceive reality may vary widely based on their backgrounds, interests, and
they are aware of the
motivations. Because individuals are capable of creative action, they continuously shape other's presence.
reality through their decisions and actions. In other words, reality is not fixed or static—
it is created through human interactions. However, as we discuss later in this chapter,
even our most private or seemingly minor interactions are shaped by structure, or the agency
recurrent patterned arrangements and hierarchies that influence or limit the choices The ability to act, think, and
and opportunities available to us. make choices independently.

Third, studying social interaction in everyday life sheds light on larger social struc-
tures, systems, and institutions. All large-scale social systems depend on the patterns
structure
of social interaction we engage in daily. This is easy to demonstrate. Let's reconsider
The recurrent patterned
the case of two strangers passing on the street. Such an event may seem to have little
arrangements and hier-
direct relevance to large-scale, more permanent forms of social structure. But when we archies that influence
take into account many such interactions, they are no longer irrelevant. In modern soci- or limit the choices and
eties, most people live in towns and cities and constantly interact with people they do not opportunities available
to us.
know personally. Civil inattention is one of many mechanisms that give public life—
with its bustling crowds and fleeting, impersonal contacts—tts distinctive character.

What Is Social Interaction and Why Study It? 107

 Focused and Unfocused Interaction
unfocused
interaction In many social situations, we engage in what Goffman calls unfocused interaction
with others. Unfocused interaction takes place whenever individuals exhibit mutual
Interaction occurring
among people present ina awareness of one another's presence but do not engage in direct communication or con-
particular setting but not versation. This is usually the case anywhere large numbers of people are assembled, such
engaged in direct face-to- as on a busy street, in a theater, or at a party. When people are in the presence of
face communication.
others, even if they do not directly talk to them, they continually communicate nonver-
bally through their posture and facial and physical gestures.
Focused interaction occurs when individuals directly attend to what others say or
focused
interaction do. Except when someone is standing alone, say, at a party, all interaction involves both
focused and unfocused exchanges. Goffman calls an instance of focused interaction
Interaction between individ-
uals engaged in a common an encounter, and much of day-to-day life consists of encounters with other people—
activity or in direct conver- family, friends, colleagues—frequently occurring against the background of unfocused
sation with each other. interaction with others present. Small talk, seminar discussions, games, and routine
face-to-face interactions (with ticket clerks, waiters, retail workers, and so forth) are all
examples of encounters.
encounter
Encounters always need “openings,” which indicate that civil inattention is being
A meeting between two or
discarded. When strangers meet and begin to talk at a party, the moment of ceasing
more people in a situation
civil inattention is always risky, because misunderstandings can easily occur about the
of face-to-face interaction.
Our daily lives can be seen nature of the encounter being established (Goffman, 1971). Hence, the making of eye
as a series of different contact may first be ambiguous and tentative. A person can then act as though they
encounters strung out had made no direct move if the overture is not accepted. In focused interaction, each
across the course of the
person communicates as much by facial expression and gesture as by the words
day. In modern societies,
actually exchanged.
many of these encounters
are with strangers rather Goffman distinguishes between the expressions individuals “give” and those they
than people we know. “give off.” The former are the words and facial expressions that a person uses to produce
a certain impression on another person. The latter are clues that the second person may
spot to check the sincerity or truthfulness of the first person. For
instance, a restaurant owner listens with a polite smile to the state-
ments of customers about how much they enjoyed their meals. At the
same time, he is noting how pleased they seemed to be while eating
the food, whether a lot of food was left over, and the tone of voice
the customers use to express their satisfaction.
Think about how Goffman’s concepts of focused and unfocused
interaction, developed mainly to explain face-to-face social encoun-
ters, would apply to our current age of Internet communication. Can
you think of a way in which unfocused interaction occurs on Facebook
and Twitter? In some small online communities, everyone can have a
mutual awareness of who else is online without being in direct con-
Placing your coffee order with a barista is an
tact with them. On sites like Twitter, people are constantly broadcast-
example of an encounter. Our daily lives are filled
with these instances of focused interaction. ing updates about what they’re doing or thinking about at that moment.
This strategy makes it possible for people engaged in unfocused inter-
“N action to have even more control over how others perceive them
than people who are merely in one another's presence. Instead of

108 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
revealing their facial expressions or posture, of which
they may be unconscious people
can carefully craft the messages, or tweets, they wish to broadcas
t.

Nonverbal Communication
Social interaction—both unfocused and focused interaction—re
quires many forms of
nonverbal communication, which refers to the exchange of informa
tion and meaning nonverbal
through facial expressions, eye contact, gestures, and movements of the body. communication
Nonverbal
communication, sometimes referred to as “body language,” often alters or
expands on Communication between
what is said with words. In some cases, our body language may convey a message individuals based on facial
that is
discrepant with our words. expressions or bodily
gestures rather than on
language.
FACE, GESTURES, AND EMOTION
One major aspect of nonverbal communication is the facial expression of emotion.
Psychologist Paul Ekman and his colleagues developed what they call the Facial
Action Coding System (FACS) for describing movements of the facial muscles that give
rise to particular expressions (Ekman and Friesen, 1978). Using this system, they tried
to inject some precision into an area notoriously open to inconsistent or contradic-
tory interpretations—for there is little agreement about how emotions can or should
be identified and classified. Charles Darwin, one of the originators of evolutionary
theory, claimed that basic modes of emotional expression are the same in all human
beings and across all cultures. Although some have disputed this claim, Ekman’s
research among people from widely different cultural backgrounds seems to
confirm Darwin's view. Ekman and W. V. Friesen carried out a study of an isolated
community on the island of New Guinea, whose members previously had virtually
no contact with outsiders. When they were shown pictures of facial expressions
Paul Ekman’s photographs of
conveying six emotions, the New Guineans identified the same emotions (happiness,
a New Guinean tribesman’s
sadness, anger, disgust, fear, surprise) Westerners would. facial expressions helped
According to Ekman, the results of his own study and similar studies of different test the idea that basic
peoples support the view that the making and interpreting facial expressions of emotion Mateo (Se) M-Taavelt(e)at-1|
expression are the same
are innate in human beings. He acknowledges that his evidence does not conclusively
among all people. Here the
demonstrate this and that widely shared cultural learning experiences could possibly
instructions were to show
be involved; however, other types of research support his conclusions. [renaus Eibl- how your face would look
Eibesfeldt (1972) studied six children born deaf and blind to determine to what extent if you were a person in a
their facial expressions were the same as those of sighted and hearing individuals in story and (a) your friend had
come and you were happy,
oD Bole amoral
l(oat-(eMel(-\o
(c) you were angry and
about to fight, and (d) you
saw a dead pig that had
been lying there a long time.

What Is Social Interaction and Why Study It? 109

Hand gestures are
fo}at=Wa cola nale)mmavelanic=iaey-1|
communication. Unlike. facial
expressions, hand gestures
vary widely by culture.

particular emotional situations. He found that the children smiled when engaged in
obviously pleasurable activities, raised their eyebrows in surprise when sniffing an
object with an unfamiliar smell, and frowned when repeatedly offered an object they dis-
liked. Because the children could not have seen other people behaving in these ways, it
seems that these responses must be innately determined.
By contrast, there are no gestures or bodily postures that are universally known
and understood in all cultures. In some societies, for instance, people nod when
they mean no, the opposite of Anglo-American practice. Gestures Americans tend to
use a great deal, such as pointing, seem not to exist among certain peoples (Bull, 1983).
Similarly, a straightened forefinger placed in the center of the cheek and rotated is
used in parts of Italy as a gesture of praise but appears to be unknown elsewhere
(Donadio, 2013).
Like facial expressions, gestures and bodily posture are continually used to fill
out utterances as well as to convey meaning when nothing is actually said. All three
can be used to joke, show irony, or indicate skepticism. The nonverbal impressions that
we convey may inadvertently indicate that what we say is not quite what we really mean.
Blushing is perhaps the most obvious example, but innumerable other subtle indicators
can be picked up by other people. Genuine facial expressions tend to evaporate after
four or five seconds. A smile that lasts longer could indicate deceit. An expression of
surprise that lasts too long may indicate deliberate sarcasm—to show that the individual
is not, in fact, surprised after all.

NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION IN THE DIGITAL AGE

On the Internet, it is very difficult to capture dimensions of emotion that are
communicated with facial expressions. At first, Internet users’ desire to approximate
facial gestures resulted in at least two common faces:

:) or :-)

110 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
As time passed, a need for greater subtlety resulted in other widely understood variations
such as this winking smiley face:

f=)

Email may have once been devoid of facial expression, but today the average
email user may insert different emotions
into a message. Strongly felt sentiments
might be typed in all capitals, a gesture that is considered “shouting.” The strong
need human beings feel to communicate with their faces has also led to other inno-
vations, like Skype and FaceTime. But in general, people who communicate over email
or the phone lack the benefit of seeing the faces of their conversational partners as
they speak.
Why and how does this matter for human relationships and interactions? On
the phone, whether it’s a cell phone or a landline, people will frequently talk for
longer stretches of time than they would in a face-to-face conversation. Unable to
see the face of a conversational partner, the speaker can't as readily adjust what
they are saying in response to clues from the listener that they “get it.” Yet, the phone
maintains at least some immediacy of feedback that email and text messages, to
a certain extent, lack. In email disputes, people who are unable to make mutual
adjustments in response to verbal or facial cues will end up saying much more—
communicated in the form of long messages—than they would need to say in spoken
conversation.
Which is best? Would you prefer to make your point via email or text message,
over the phone or Skype, or in person? Using sociological insights like these might
make you prefer electronic communication at certain times and
face-to-face communication at others. For example, if you are
dealing with a powerful person and want to get your thoughts
across, you may want to avoid a situation in which they can
signal with facial gestures that your idea is silly and thus
inhibit you from making all your points. The power to sig-
nal with facial gestures is one of the things that people do to
control the flow of a conversation. On the other hand, face-
to-face communication gives you an opportunity to try out an
idea on someone more powerful than yourself without going
too far down the road if they are actually unreceptive. You
probably would not want to conduct an important conversa-
tion via text message, instead limiting its use to minor or imme-
diate issues.

Nonhumans in Social Interaction Recent research has found that we interact with
ae yd: : nonhumans, including virtual personal assistants, in much
Goffman (1959) and the first social interactionists viewed the same way as we interact with other humans.

nonhuman entities as props—used, on occasion, by humans

to enhance their interactional performances. However, since N

the 1980s, a growing number of sociologists have argued

that nonhumans may also be legitimate participants in social

What Is Social Interaction and Why Study It? 111

 interaction (Cerulo, 2009). Some scholars have argued that through “projection,” humans
endow nonhumans with human capacities, “[allowing] humans to legitimate nonhu-
mans as viable others in social interaction” (Cerulo, 2009; see also Owens, 2007). There
is also compelling evidence that individuals interact with a variety of nonhumans as they
CONCEPT CHECKS. would with humans. Pets, street pigeons, deities, the deceased, and technological forms

What is microsociology
like robots and video game avatars evoke human empathy and feelings of companion-
and how does It differ ship and intimacy and even shape behavior (Cerulo, 2009; Jerolmack, 2013).
from earlier sociological The most important development in recent years has been human-computer
work? interaction, particularly interaction with virtual personal assistants such as Alexa,
What are three reasons Amazon's cloud-based voice service. Many people begin their relationships with these
it is important to study devices with very simple commands; they may ask the devices to play music or to
social interaction?
give them information about the weather or sports. But over time, many people come
What are three to interact on a deeper level with their personal assistants, as artificial intelligence
ife]mantsme) male) aN’) a ef]
has allowed them to become more and more sophisticated in their responses. Alexa
fero}nalanielalrer-idlel
atta
has even received marriage proposals and been the first to hear that someone was
Describe several ways contemplating suicide. Amazon has programmed Alexa to respond to such mes-
Tam ydalielaMlave|
vale(Orel ts
sages with the telephone numbers of suicide hotlines. Such interactions would most
(oco}anvanlelallersitcmcal=iia
reYanve)d(e)atsw (ome) al-r=]avoidal-iat
likely have been unimaginable to Goffman.

How Do We Manage
> Impressions in Daily Life?
Learn about the ways you Goffman and other writers on social interaction often draw on imagery from drama
carefully choose to present and theater in their analyses. Using theatrical performance as an inspiration for looking
yourself to others in daily
at everyday social life, they take note of how people present themselves to those around
interactions—both face-to-
them and how they try to control impressions during many kinds of interactions.
face and virtually.

Social Roles
In the theater-like or dramaturgical model that Goffman employs, social life is seen
as though played out by actors on a stage—or on many stages, because how we act
status depends on the roles we are playing at a particular time. The concept of social roles, which
originated in a theatrical setting, is an important component of social interaction in
The social honor or pres-
tige that a particular group the dramaturgical approach. Roles are socially defined expectations that a person in a
is accorded by other mem- given status (or social position) follows.
bers of a society. Status The teacher's role, for example, involves acting in specified ways toward their
groups normally display
pupils. The performance depends not only on the actor but also on the audience. Thus,
distinct styles of life—
the teacher must depend on the students to affirm them in that role. The same is true
patterns of behavior that
the members of a group of the student, who works to be affirmed by the teacher or other students in certain
follow. Status privilege may kinds of identities. Some students want to get high grades and therefore seek to
be positive or negative. impress the teacher, while others want to be known as the “class clown” and need
only impress fellow students. From an early age, students learn that they must sit up

112 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
in their seats and appear at attention in the classroom,
and most students conform to
this expectation.
social position
Front and Back Regions The social identity an
individual has in a given
Much of social life, Goffman argues, can be divided up into front regions
and back regions. group or society. Social
Front regions are social occasions or encounters in which individuals act out positions may be general
formal roles—
these are “on-stage performances.” The back regions are where they assemble in nature (those associated
the props
and prepare themselves for interaction in the more formal settings. Back regions resemble with gender roles) or may
be more specific (occupa-
the backstage of a theater or the off-camera activities of film or TV productions.
tional positions).
When they are safely “behind the scenes,” people relax and give vent to feelings
and styles of behavior that they keep in check when they are on the front stage. Thus,
teachers may be quite formal when standing in front of students but show sides of them-
selves that students could barely imagine in the teachers’ lounge. Likewise, the students
might sit upright in the classroom but engage in “sloppy sitting” during recess or in the
cafeteria at lunch time. According to Goffman, back regions permit “profanity, open
sexual remarks, elaborate griping, ... rough informal dress, . .. use of dialect or substan-
dard speech, mumbling or shouting, playful aggressivity and ‘kidding’” (Goffman, 1973).
Teamwork is often involved in creating and preserving front region performances.
Thus, a married couple may take care to conceal their quarrels from their children, preserving
a front of harmony, but fight bitterly once the children are tucked away in bed.

Impression Management
Goffman argues that even as people go through life largely spontaneously, they are
sensitive to how they are seen by others (that is, their “audience”) and use many forms
of impression management to control how others see them. This occurs through the impression
concealment and revelation of information, including information that we might “give management
off” unintentionally if we are not careful. When going on a job interview, for example, Preparing for the pre-
people will typically dress and speak more formally to try to put their best foot forward; sentation of one’s social
role. This occurs through
however, when going out with friends, they might dress down or use slang. Most inter-
the concealment and
action involves people managing impressions for audiences of people in their immediate
revelation of information,
environment as they strategically choose to conceal and reveal information at will. including information
Seeking approval and respect, individuals want to “save face” at every turn. In social that we might “give off”
interactions, human beings tend to collaborate with others to make sure that each encoun- unintentionally if we are
not careful.
ter ends without embarrassment for anyone. Social life, like a play, involves many players,
and they must collaborate to make each scene work.
Although people cooperate to help one another save face, they also endeavor individ-
ually to preserve their own dignity, autonomy, and respect. One of the ways that people
do this is by arranging for “audience segregation” in their lives. In each of their roles,
they act somewhat differently, and they endeavor to keep the roles both distinct and
separate from one another. This means that they can have multiple selves. Frequently
these selves are consistent, but sometimes they are not. People find it very stressful when
boundaries break down or when they cannot reconcile their role in one part of life with
their role in another. For example, some college freshmen try to distance themselves
from former classmates to carve out a new “college” identity that won't be tainted by embar-
rassing stories from high school. In other cases, some people live very different lives at home
and at work. For example, due to discrimination against transgender men and women,

How Do We Manage Impressions in Daily Life?

 some trans men—people designated female at birth whose gender identity is male—will
not emphasize their trans identity for fear of being marginalized in the workplace (Schilt,
2010). Like all people who engage in audience segregation, they show a different face to
different people. Audience segregation implicitly encourages impression management. _
The concepts of audience segregation and impression management help us under-
stand some of the dilemmas of electronic communication. Consider the social situation of
a forwarded email. You write a message to a friend asking her whether she prefers to go
to the early showing or the late showing of a movie you both want to see. You also
tell your friend that you have a new boyfriend you're planning to bring along whom you
hope she will like. She replies and copies the other people who are thinking of going to
the movie, many of whom you never intended to tell about the new romance. Suddenly,
the audience segregation you had imagined has broken down.
Some people maintain two different Instagram pages, one linked to family members
or coworkers and another linked to friends and peers. Why might someone do this? Our
Instagram pages are a strategy to “impression manage,” allowing us to carefully and selec-
tively portray an image of ourselves to the outside world. On your “professional” page, you
might try to convey an image of a respectable student and employee by carefully curating
the information and images you post. By contrast, on your personal page, you might post
photos that present a more fun and carefree version of yourself.
In recent years, undergraduate students have posted pictures online of themselves
drinking at parties, or even naked, only to discover that future employers conducted web
CONCEPT CHECKS searches before making hiring decisions. Some students have been expelled from their col-
leges for posting inappropriate photos or comments on social media. In 2017, ten students
Identify three roles you
admitted to Harvard's freshman class had their offers of admission revoked after the admin-
play in social life.
istration discovered that they had been sending sexually explicit and racist messages to one
Compare and contrast
another in a private Facebook group. Another example of blurring audiences is the case of
front and back regions.-
sexting: A high school student may send a revealing photo of herself to her boyfriend, only
BY-stolg]oma om (oldans
to have him forward it to the entire schooH—whether out of cruelty or by mistake. Personal
of impression
management.
catastrophes like these occur frequently in the age of email and smartphones.

What Rules Guide How We

> Communicate with Others?
Learn the research process Conversations are one of the main ways in which we maintain our daily lives in a stable
Co}adalavednaraiavele(e)(oy-aVar-Tale! and coherent manner. But we can make sense of what is said in conversation only if we
recognize how we use
know the social context, which does not appear in the words themselves. Take, for exam-
context to make sense of
ple, the following conversation (Heritage, 1985):
the world. Understand why
people get upset when
A: I have a fourteen-year-old son.
conventions of talk are
B: Well, that’s all right.
not followed.
A: Ialso have a dog.
B: Oh, I’m sorry.

114 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
What do you think is happening here? What is the relatio
nship between the speakers?
What if you were told that this is a conversation between
a prospective tenant and a land-
lord? The conversation then becomes sensible: Some landlords
accept children but don't
permit their tenants to keep pets. Yet if we don’t know the social
context, the responses
of individual B seem to bear no relation to the statements of A. Part
of the sense is in the
words, and part is in the way in which the meaning emerges from
the social context.
The most inconsequential forms of daily talk presume complicated,
shared knowl-
edge brought into play by those speaking. In fact, our small talk is so complex that
it has
so far proved impossible to program even the most sophisticated computers
to con-
verse with human beings. The words used in ordinary talk do not always have precise
meanings, and we “fix” what we want to say through the unstated assumptions that
back it up. If Maria asks Tom, “What did you do yesterday?” the words in the question
themselves suggest no obvious answer. A day is a long time, and it would be logical for
Tom to answer, “Well, at 7:16, I woke up. At 7:18, I got out of bed, went to the bathroom,
and started to brush my teeth. At 7:19, I turned on the shower . . .” We understand the
type of response the question calls for by knowing Maria, what sorts of activities she
and Tom consider relevant, and what Tom usually does on a particular day of the week,
among other things.

Ethnomethodology
Ethnomethodology is the study of the “ethnomethods’"—the folk, or lay, methods— ethnomethodology
people use to make sense of what others do and particularly of what they say. We all apply
The study of how people
these methods, normally without having to give any conscious attention to them. This make sense of what others
field was created by Harold Garfinkel, who, along with Goffman, was one of the most say and do in the course of
important figures in the study of micro interactions. day-to-day social interac-
tion. Ethnomethodology
Garfinkel argued that, to understand the way people use context to make sense of the
is concerned with the
world, sociologists need to study the “background expectancies” with which we organize
“athnomethods” by which
ordinary conversations. He highlighted these in some experiments he undertook with stu- people sustain meaningful
dent volunteers. The students were asked to engage a friend or relative in conversation and exchanges with one another.
to insist that casual remarks or general comments be actively pursued to make their meaning
precise. If someone said, “Have a nice day,” the student was to respond, “Nice in what
sense, exactly?” “Which part of the day do you mean?” and so forth. One of the exchanges
that resulted ran as follows. S is the friend, E the student volunteer (Garfinkel, 1963):

S: How are you?

E: How am I in regard to what? My health, my finances, my schoolwork, my
peace of mind, my... ?
S: (red in the face and suddenly out of control) Look! I was just trying to be
polite. Frankly, I don't give a damn how you are.

Why do people get so upset when apparently minor conventions of talk are not
followed? The answer is that the stability and meaningfulness of our daily social lives
depend on the sharing of unstated cultural assumptions about what is said and why. If we
weren't able to take these for granted, meaningful communication would be impossible.
Any question or contribution to a conversation would have to be followed by a massive
“search procedure” of the sort Garfinkel's subjects were told to initiate, and interaction
would simply break down. What seem at first sight to be unimportant conventions of

What Rules Guide How We Communicate with Others? 115

DIGITAL LIFE ©

Turning Away from Face-to-Face Interaction

How many times have you taken out a book and started reading Does using a cell phone while talking have the effect of ruin- Ces a
it during a meal with friends or relatives? For most people, that ing conversation? A recent study found that just the presence
would constitute an unacceptable breach of everyday etiquette. of a cell phone can inhibit our ability to connect with the people
And yet, it has become completely routine to pull out a smart- around us (Lin, 2012). Younger users—commonly referred to
phone to read emails or text messages during an in-person as digital natives—often see nothing wrong with having one’s
interaction. What is the difference between reading a book and attention in multiple places at the same time. They have grown
reading the messages on your smartphone? In each case, we up in a world in which it feels natural to interact with a cell
seem to be distracted by something outside the conversation. phone in hand. They move effortlessly between face-to-face
Until very recently, there was an expectation that people who and online interactions. They also argue that having the Internet
engaged in face-to-face communication would maintain eye con- as a conversational resource raises the level and quality of inter-
tact and even occasionally nod their heads while listening. While action as they look things up that are relevant to the discussion.
old-fashioned etiquette suggests that two or more people should Even if digital natives have a point—that they can process
be engaged in a continuous flow of focused interaction as they talk interaction justas well when they are multitasking—don't they
to one another, today it is increasingly acceptable for conversation have a moral imperative to look someone in the eye and make
to happen in a far less focused manner. Dozens of apps on the that person feel valued? Or are such expectations purely social
average smartphone can remove part of our attention while we are constructions of a particular historical era, which will fall by the
still in physical proximity to others with whom we are interacting. wayside as the older generation passes on? Is it possible that as
It is not uncommon for a person to look down and move from _ the human mind gets accustomed to simultaneously interacting
app to app while involved in a face-to-face interaction. A recent online and in person the traditional moral claims about conver-
survey found that 89 percent of cell phone owners said that they sation will no longer feel reasonable?
used their phone—whether to read or send a message or take a Should that happen, will it have any enduring impact on
photo—during their last social activity (Rainie and Zickuhr, 2015). human character? Sherry Turkle, a sociologist and clinical psy-
What is truly new about interaction today is that people chologist at MIT, has argued that our reliance on smartphones
are involved in multiple conversations at one time, or they are while we talk is having a detrimental impact on our capacity to
following one story online while listening to another in person. put ourselves in the place of others—to experience empathy:
Often, people send emails and texts with the expectation that “We suppress this capacity by putting ourselves in environments
conversations online will be as ongoing as face-to-face com- where we're not looking at each other in the eye, not sticking
munication. Thus, people feel obligated to respond immediately with the other person long enough or hard enough to follow
online even if they are immersed in a face-to-face interaction. what they're feeling” (Davis, 2015b).

Today it is not uncommon to simultaneously

interact with people both face-to-face and online.
In what other ways does technology affect the
way we interact?
talk, therefore, turn out to be fundamental to the very fabric of social life, which
is
why their breach is so serious.

Interactional Vandalism
We feel most comfortable when the tacit conventions of small talk are adhered to; when
they are breached, we can feel threatened, confused, and insecure. In most everyday
talk, participants in a conversation are carefully attuned to the cues they get from oth-
ers—such as changes in intonation, slight pauses, or gestures—to facilitate conversation
smoothly. By being mutually aware, participants in a conversation “cooperate” in opening
and closing interactions and in taking turns to speak. Interactions in which one party is
conversationally “uncooperative,” however, can create tension.
Garfinkel’s students created tense situations by intentionally undermining conver-
sational rules as part of a sociological experiment. But what about situations in the real
world in which people make trouble through their conversational practices? The term
interactional vandalism describes cases in which a subordinate person breaks the interactional
tacit rules of everyday interaction that are of value to the more powerful. For example, vandalism
though homeless people on the street often conform to everyday forms of speech in their The deliberate subver-
interactions with others, when they choose to, they subvert the tacit conventions for sion of the tacit rules of

everyday talk in a way that leaves passersby disoriented. Rather than overt hostility, conversation.

the subversion often happens by persisting to engage after the potential conversation
partner shows resistance. Even more than physical assaults or vulgar verbal abuse,
interactional vandalism leaves victims unable to articulate what has happened.
How might interactional vandalism play out on the Internet? Can we think of
ways in which less powerful people engaged in electronic communications undermine
the taken-for-granted rules of interaction that are of value to the more powerful? The
very existence of the Internet creates spaces in which less powerful people can hold their
superiors accountable in ways they were never able to before. Think of all the blogs in
which workers talk anonymously about their bosses or situations in which workers
forward rude messages from their boss to other employees. Because of the Internet,
powerful people are less able to segregate their audiences—treating some people poorly
behind the scenes and treating others nicely in public—and get away with it.
The concept of “trolling” might be seen as an interactional mode that shares certain,
though not all, aspects of interactional vandalism. A troll is someone who disrupts the
taken-for-granted purposes of an online community, such as a forum, message board, or
blog. As such, trolls might post items that are deliberately provocative. Such provoca-
tions might have the effect of undermining the civility that is a foundation for the kind of
communication envisioned by the site’s founders. However, the controversies raised by
trolls can sometimes increase traffic to the site. Some readers of a comment posted by
a troll might be lured further into the interaction while others might attempt to restore
normal order by dismissing the troll's actions.
To what extent is trolling an example of interactional vandalism of the kind found
in face-to-face communication on the sidewalk? Like the example of homeless men on
the street who act sincere as they pretend not to understand that a two-second pause is
a signal to close a conversation, trolls pretend not to understand certain assumptions of
the conversational world for the specific purpose of being disruptive. Trolls will write as
if they are sincere members of the group who perhaps do not understand certain things,

What Rules Guide How We Communicate with Others? 117

 while at a deeper level they know precisely what they are doing. In interactional vandalism
response cries on the sidewalk, a less powerful person is subverting normal interaction to undermine
the taken-for-granted control of someone in a superior position. In trolling, the parties are
Seemingly involuntary
exclamations individuals often anonymous, so it's not always possible to know what the actual power dynamics are.
make when, for example,
being taken by surprise, Response Cries
dropping something inad-
Some kinds of utterances are not talk but consist of muttered exclamations, or what
vertently, or expressing
Goffman (1981) has called response cries. Consider Lucy, who exclaims, “Oops!” after
pleasure.
knocking over a glass of water. “Oops!” seems to be merely an uninteresting reflex response
to a mishap, rather like blinking your eye when a person moves a hand sharply toward
personal space your face. It is not a reflex, however, as shown by the fact that people do not usually make
The physical space the exclamation when alone. “Oops!” is normally directed toward others present. The
individuals maintain exclamation demonstrates to witnesses that the lapse is only minor and momentary, not
between themselves something that should cast doubt on Lucy’s command of her actions.
and others.
Expressions like “oops!” or “my bad” are used only in situations of minor failure rather
than in major accidents or calamities—which also demonstrates that the exclamation is
part of our controlled management of the details of social life. This may all sound contrived
and exaggerated. Why bother to analyze such an inconsequential utterance in this detail?
Surely we don't pay as much attention to what we say as this example suggests? Of course
we don’t—on a conscious level. The crucial point, however, is that we take for granted an
immensely complicated, continuous control of our appearance and actions. In situations
of interaction, we are never expected just to be present on the scene. Others expect, as
we expect of them, that we will display what Goffman calls “controlled alertness.” A fun-
damental part of being human is continually demonstrating to others our competence in
the routines of daily life.

Personal Space
There are cultural differences in the definition of personal space. In Western culture, peo-
ple usually maintain a distance of at least three feet when engaged in focused interaction
with others; when standing side by side, they may stand closer together. In the Middle
East, people often stand closer to each other than is thought acceptable in the West.
Westerners visiting that part of the world might find themselves disconcerted by this
unexpected physical proximity.
Edward T. Hall (1969, 1973), who has worked extensively on nonverbal communi-
cation, distinguishes four zones of personal space. Intimate distance, of up to one and
a half feet, is reserved for very few social contacts. Only those involved in relationships
in which regular bodily touching is permitted, such as lovers or parents and children,
Cultural norms frequently
operate within this zone of private space. Personal distance, from one and a half to
dictate the acceptable
boundaries of personal
four feet, is the normal spacing for encounters with friends and close acquaintances.
space. In the Middle East, for Some intimacy of contact is permitted, but this tends to be strictly limited. Social
example, people frequently distance, from four to twelve feet, is the zone usually maintained in formal settings,
stand closer to each other such as interviews. The fourth zone is that of public distance, beyond twelve feet,
than is common in the West.
preserved by those who are performing to an audience.
In ordinary interaction, the most fraught zones are those of intimate and personal
“N distance. If these zones are invaded, people try to recapture their space. We may stare at
”
the intruder as if to say, “Move away!” or elbow them aside. When people are forced into

118 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
proximity closer than they deem desirable, they might create a kind of physical boundary:
A reader at a crowded library desk might physically demarcate a private space by stack-
ing books around its edges (Hall 1969, 1973). Similarly, Greyhound bus passengers may
use facial and body language, move luggage, or wear headphones to enforce the “unspo-
ken seat rule” that “passengers should not sit next to another person when there are more
than enough open rows” (Kim, 2012). More generally, individuals may “extend” personal
space in a social sense through the use of mobile technology (Hatuka and Toch, 2016).
In a recent study, Hatuka and Toch (2016) found that individuals report being interrupted
less and feeling a greater sense of privacy when using a smartphone.

Eye Contact
Eye contact is yet another aspect of social interaction that illustrates important social
norms and reveals (and perpetuates) power differentials. As we saw earlier in this chapter,
we are guided by a powerful norm that strangers should not make eye contact. Strangers or
chance acquaintances virtually never hold the gaze of one another. To do so may be taken
as an indication of hostile intent. It is only where two groups are strongly antagonistic to
each other that strangers might indulge in such a practice.
Studies show that we tend to rate a person who makes eye contact as more lik-
able, pleasant, intelligent, credible, and dominant than a person exhibiting less or no
eye contact. However, excessive eye contact may make an observer feel uncomfort-
able in certain situations. To look too intently might be taken as a sign of mistrust. Eye
contact also reveals power relations. Looking at a colleague when speaking conveys
CONCEPT CHECKS
confidence and respect. Prolonged eye contact during a debate or disagreement can
signal that you're standing your ground. It also signifies your position in the hierar-
What ts interactional
chy. People who are high status tend to look longer at people they're talking to, com- vandalism?
pared with others. Culture also guides how we look at each other. In many Eastern and
Give an example of a
some Caribbean cultures, meeting another’s eyes is considered rude. Asians are more response cry.
likely than persons from Europe or the United States to regard a person who makes eye
What are the four zones
contact as angry or unapproachable (Akechi et al., 2013). of personal space?

How Do Time and Space

Affect Our Interactions’ <
Understand that interaction
When we wrote earlier editions of this textbook, before the age of the Internet, we used to
is situated, that it occurs
say that understanding how activities are distributed in time and space was fundamental
in a particular place and
to analyzing encounters and to understanding social life in general. It was common to for a particular length
say in those days that all interaction is “situated’—that it occurs in a particular place of time. Recognize how
the
and has a specific duration in time. It made sense to claim that our actions over technology is reorganizing
example, most
course of a day tend to be “zoned” in time as well as in space. Thus, for
time and space.
time
people would spend a zone—say, from 9:00 A.M. to 5:00 p.M—of their daily
weekdays
working. Their weekly time was also zoned: They would be likely to work on

How Do Time and Space Affect Our Interactions?

 and spend weekends at home, altering the pattern of their activities on the weekend
days. As we moved through the temporal zones of the day, we were often moving across
space as well: To get to work, we might take a bus from one area of a city to another
or perhaps commute in from the suburbs. When we analyzed the contexts of social inter-
time-space action, therefore, it was often useful to look at people’s movements across time-space.
When and where events The concept of regionalization can help us understand how social life is zoned in
occur. time-space. Take the example of a private house. A modern house is regionalized into
rooms, hallways, and floors (if there are more than one story). These spaces are not just
physically separate areas but are zoned in time as well. The living rooms and kitchen are
regionalization used most in the daylight hours, the bedrooms at night. The interaction that occurs in
The division of social life these regions is bound by both spatial and temporal divisions. Some areas of the house
into different regional
form back regions, such as the den or the basement, where people can be themselves
settings or zones.
without worrying about what other people think. For instance, some people may leave
their old furniture and children’s tattered toys in the den or family room and may be
slightly less vigilant about “keeping up appearances” in rooms that guests seldom visit.
By contrast, the living room may display lovely furniture, well-appointed decorations,
and sophisticated coffee-table books so that a family can convey to others that they
are dignified and respectable. At times, the whole house can become a back region. Once
again, this idea is beautifully captured by Goffman (1959):

On a Sunday morning, a whole household can use the wall around its
domestic establishment to conceal a relaxing slovenliness in dress and civil
endeavor, extending to all rooms the informality that is usually restricted to
the kitchen and bedrooms. So, too, in American middle-class neighborhoods,
on afternoons the line between children’s playground and home may be
defined as backstage by mothers, who pass along it wearing jeans, loafers,
and a minimum of make-up.

With the rise of mobile technologies such as the smartphone, the organization of
time and space has undergone a radical reorganization. With employers expecting their
workers to be constantly in touch via emails received after official working hours, we
can no longer say that people spend a single zone from 9:00 A.M. to 5:00 P.M. work-
ing. With the rise of remote work, nor can we say that people are expected to be in the
office on weekdays and at home on the weekends.
Indeed, the Internet makes it possible for us to interact with people we never see
or meet, in any corner of the world. Such technological change rearranges space—we
can interact with anyone without moving from our chair. It also alters our experience of
time because communication on the Internet is almost immediate. Until about 50 years
ago, most communication across space required a duration of time. If you sent a letter
to someone abroad, there was a time gap while the letter was carried by ship, train, truck,
or plane to the person to whom it was written.
Today, people still write letters by hand and send cards, of course, but instanta-
neous communication has become basic to our social world. Our lives would be almost
unimaginable without it. We are so used to being able to watch our favorite TV show
online or send an email to a friend in another part of the world, at any hour of the day,
that it is hard for us to imagine what life would be like otherwise.

120 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
 Who Owns a Smartphone?
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While rates of smartphone ownership in developing countries have skyrocketed in recent years, there remains
a significant digital divide, with richer countries reporting higher levels of ownership.

Percentage of adults who own smartphones

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Who owns a smartphone in the United States?

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 What drives people to increasingly interact over the Internet and through social
media? For some, online platforms are more accessible than other public spaces. For exam-
ple, sociologist danah boyd (2014) argues that when she attended high school in the 1990s,
she and her friends would go on the Internet as an escape mechanism. They entered into
chat rooms to connect with people who had similar interests and to escape from their
local community. Today, however, boyd argues that students participate in social media
to be in touch with their local community. In the 1980s and 1990s, many high school stu-
dents might have gone to their local shopping mall to be around others and to know what
was going on. Today, young people have less free time and geographic mobility; they have
less access to increasingly regulated public spaces like malls. Platforms like Instagram and
Snapchat, then, enable teens to interact despite these constraints on their time and location.

Clock Time
clock time In modern societies, the zoning of our activities is strongly influenced by clock time.
Time as measured by the Without clocks and the precise timing of activities, and their resulting coordination
clock, in terms of hours, across space, industrialized societies could not exist (Mumford, 1973). Today the mea-
minutes, and seconds. suring of time by clocks is standardized across the globe, making possible the complex
Before the invention of
international transport systems and communications we now depend on. World standard
clocks, time reckoning
time was first introduced in 1884 at a conference of nations held in Washington, D.C.
was based on events in
the natural world, such The globe was then partitioned into 24 time zones, each one hour apart, and an exact
as the rising and setting beginning of the universal day was fixed.
of the sun. Fourteenth-century monasteries were the first organizations to try to schedule
the activities of their residents precisely across the day and week. Today, there is vir-
tually no group organization that does not do so. The greater the number of people and
resources involved, the more precise the scheduling must be. Eviatar Zerubavel (1979, 1982)
demonstrated this in his study of the temporal structure of a large modern hospital. A
hospital must operate on a 24-hour basis, and coordinating the staff and resources is a
highly complex matter. For instance, the nurses work for one time period in Ward A,
another time period in Ward B, and so on, and are also called on to alternate between
day- and night-shift work. Nurses, doctors, and other staff, plus the resources they need,
must be integrated both in time and in space.

The Compulsion of Proximity

In modern societies, we are constantly interacting with others whom we may never see
or meet. Rapid advances in communications technology, such as email, the Internet, and
e-commerce, have only increased this tendency toward indirect interactions. According
to one view, as the pace of life accelerates, people are increasingly isolating themselves;
we now interact more with our televisions and computers than with our neighbors or
members of the community. One study found that Internet use cuts into the time we spend
socializing with people face-to-face, watching TV, and sleeping. Some researchers conclude
that the substitution of email for face-to-face communication has led to a weakening of
social ties and a disruption of techniques used in personal dialogue for avoiding conflict.
Furthermore, online communication seems to allow more room for misinterpreta-
tion, confusion, and abuse than more traditional forms of communication (Friedman and
Currall, 2003). Nationally representative survey data show that 41 percent of U.S. adults
have been harassed online, while 61 percent have witnessed harassment directed toward

122 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
others; nearly one in five have experienced severe forms
of online harassment, including physical threats, harass-
ment over a sustained period, sexual harassment, or
stalking (Duggan, 2017).
To what extent can electronic communication
substitute for face-to-face interaction? Sociologists
Deirdre Boden and Harvey Molotch (1994) argue that
there is no substitute for face-to-face interaction. They
argue further that humans have a true need for personal
interaction, which they call the compulsion of prox-
imity. People put themselves out to attend meetings,
Boden and Molotch suggest, because situations of
co-presence provide much richer information about The G7 summit, a face-to-face meeting of the heads of governments
how other people think and feel, and about their sincer- of seven leading industrialized countries, is an example of what
ity, than any form of electronic communication. Only Molotch and Boden call the compulsion of proximity. Individuals,
including world leaders, prefer face-to-face interactions because
by actually being in the presence of people who make
they provide richer information about how people think and feel.
decisions affecting us in important ways do we feel
able to learn what is going on and confident that we
can impress them with our own views and our own “N
sincerity. And as Manti Te’o learned, electronic commu-
nication in the absence of accompanying face-to-face
communication may provide a platform for highly insincere and dishonest behavior.
However, many Internet enthusiasts defend its potential. They argue that online
compulsion of
communication has many inherent advantages that cannot be claimed by more tradi- proximity
tional forms of interaction, such as the telephone and face-to-face meetings. The human :
People's need to interact with
voice, for example, may be far superior in terms of expressing emotion and subtleties of others in their presence.
meaning, but it can also convey information about the speaker's age, gender, ethnicity, or
social position—information that could be used to the speaker's disadvantage. Electronic
communication, it is noted, masks all these identifying markers and ensures that attention
focuses strictly on the content of the message. This can be a great advantage for women
or other traditionally disadvantaged groups whose opinions are sometimes devalued
in other settings (Locke and Pascoe, 2000). Electronic interaction is often presented as
liberating and empowering because people can create their own online identities and
speak more freely than they would elsewhere. But this is not always the case: Personal or
physical characteristics are often subjects of harassment on social media—by strangers
as well as acquaintances, friends, and family. In fact, 14 percent of U.S. adults say they
have been harassed online because of their political views, while 9 percent have been
targeted for their appearance, g percent for their race or ethnicity, and 8 percent for their
gender (Duggan, 2017).
One advantage of the Internet is that people can communicate with those who don't
share their geographic region; perhaps you have reconnected via Facebook with childhood
friends who live hundreds of miles away. Individuals can bridge both physical and social
distance on the Internet. Since the 1990s, people have forged relationships and shared
information in online forums related to health issues like depression and HIV (Barak et
al., 2008; Coursaris and Liu, 2009). For instance, studies show that people may feel more
comfortable discussing sensitive topics like sexual orientation, condom use, and HIV

How Do Time and Space Affect Our Interactions? 123

 testing in an anonymous, online community rather than in person with members of their
social circle (Taggart et al., 2015). Social media has also supported the growth of millennial-
led social movements, such as the campus movements protesting sexual assault and
the Black Lives Matter movement, allowing these movements to grow quickly by organiz-
ing and recruiting participants in less costly ways (Milkman, 2017).

CONCEPT CHECKS Research shows that social networking may even enhance social integration and
friendships (Hampton et al., 2011). A recent survey of teens and technology use found
How is technology that 57 percent of teens between the ages of 13 and 17 had made new friends online
rearranging space? (Lenhart, 2015). Another survey found that persons who use social networking sites
Is face-to-face are more trusting, have more close relationships, receive more emotional and practical
interaction, or co- social support, and are more politically engaged than those who do not use such sites.
presence, an important As danah boyd’s (2014) research on youth, discussed earlier, suggests, for many people,
aspect of human action?
online relationships are quite meaningful.
Why or why not?

How Do the Rules of

Social Interaction Affect
> Your Life’
See how face-to-face As we saw in Chapter 1, microsociology, the study of everyday behavior in situations
interactions reflect of face-to-face interaction, and macrosociology, the study of the broader features of
broader social factors society like race, class, or gender hierarchies, are closely connected. We now examine a
such as social hierarchies.
social encounter that you may experience frequently—walking down a crowded city
sidewalk—to illustrate this point. The rules of social interaction can never be under-
stood independently of categories like race, class, and gender. All of these categories shape
the social interactions in our everyday lives.

Women and Men in Public

Take, for example, a situation that may seem micro on its face: A woman walking down
the street is verbally harassed by a group of men. Although the harassment of one woman
might be analyzed in microsociological terms by looking at a single interaction, it is not
fruitful to view it that simply. Such harassment is typical of street talk involving men and
women who are strangers (Gardner, 1995, Hollaback! and ILR School, 2015).
The problem of street harassment was powerfully highlighted by a video in which
actress Shoshana Roberts was filmed walking down the streets of New York City over the
course of 10 hours (Rob Bliss Creative, 2014). Wearing jeans and a T-shirt and instructed
by the director to have her nonverbal communication indicate a lack of interest, the cam-
era captured her being hit with a barrage of constant catcalls—o8 in total, not counting
winks and whistles (Butler, 2014). Ultimately, the video went viral and helped bring public
attention to the issue of street harassment.

124 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
 Understanding a seemingly
Taal(oleked(0-1 a)(1e-Let
(10)a)
such as street harassment
through a macro analytical
perspective, sociologists
can analyze broader social
issues such as gender
inequality.

At the same time, some online responses to the video—including repeated threats
of rape and violence directed toward Roberts (Butler, 2014}—highlight the Internet as
yet another public space in which sexism can play out. Additionally, many criticized the
director for the way that the video most prominently portrayed Black and Latino male
harassers, as opposed to White and Asian male harassers. Addressing the issue of class
and racial bias in the video's execution, Hanna Rosin (2014) wrote, “Activism is never
perfectly executed. We can just conclude that they caught a small slice of catcallers, and
lots of other men do it, too. But if the point of this video is to teach men about the
day-to-day reality of women, then this video doesn’t hit its target.”
In what remains key research on gender and public harassment, Carol Brooks
Gardner (1995) found that in various settings, these types of unwanted interactions
occur as something women frequently experience as abusive. They cannot be understood
without also looking at the larger background of gender hierarchy in the United States. In
this way, we can see how micro analysis and macro analysis are connected. For example,
Gardner linked the harassment of women by men to the larger system of gender inequal-
ity, represented by male privilege in public spaces, women’s physical vulnerability, and
the omnipresent threat of rape.
Most infamous of the settings in which Gardner (1995) studied public harassment
were the edges of construction sites. Another recent controversy in Princeton, New Jersey,
regarding a mall's billboard, vividly displays that street harassment is more than just a
micro exchange between one man (or a group of men) and one woman walking down the
street. When MarketFair Mall was undergoing renovation, a sign was erected that said,
“We apologize for the whistling construction workers, but man you look good! So will
we soon, please pardon our dust, dirt and other assorted inconveniences.” A passerby,
Elizabeth Harman, saw the billboard and took offense. She posted an image of the sign
on Facebook and it went viral, spurring an online petition, a series of angry blogs, and the
eventual removal of the sign.
As Harman, a philosophy professor, explained, “The issue of street harassment is

really normalized in our society. ... | didn’t want my daughter to think that was a normal
way to think about men yelling at women” (Karas, 2012). Sociologist Gwen Sharp (2012)
observed that street harassment (and the celebration of it through the MarketFair Mall

How Do the Rules of Social Interaction Affect Your Life?

 sign) not only perpetuates the assumption that women are sexual objects to be admired
but also that working-class men, such as construction workers, are sexist, uncouth, and
unable to restrain their lustful thoughts.

INTERACTION ON THE “DIGITAL STREET”

Recently, sociologists have looked at how the proliferation of smartphones and the rise
of social media are changing how boys and girls interact in public spaces. For teenagers
in low-income urban areas, the street has long served as a hub of social life and dating.
Street interactions between boys and girls may incorporate aspects of both courtship
and the incivility that characterizes street talk between adult men and women who
are strangers. Today these encounters are reshaped online, or what urban sociologist
and communication scholar Jeffrey Lane refers to as the “digital street.” Lane (2018)
studied a cohort of teenagers in Harlem and found that boys and girls had changed the
experience of public space by using social media to buffer interaction. Whereas boys
were more visible and acted more dominant toward girls on the sidewalk, girls gained
visibility and control online.
In his book The Digital Street, Lane found that whereas for some boys, social media
provided another, alternative way to call out to girls, other boys engaged girls digitally
instead of on the sidewalk, often using a messaging feature. Messaging girls in private
rather than approaching them face-to-face on the sidewalk shielded boys from public
rejection in front of their friends when advances went unmet. But private messages were
not necessarily the best strategy. Christian, one of the teenagers in Lane's study, explained
that “a girl hates” when a boy writes “a million messages, like, ‘What's up, I’m trying to
talk to you.” A girl would rather a boy like one of her photos and then leave the girl to
my

make the next move. Social media enabled various kinds of communication at different
distances and paces that steered teens either away from or toward meetings in person.
Lane argued that girls and boys were safer with social media because they could estab-
lish particular identities without the need to live those out in person. But traditionally
gendered roles and norms of interaction also carried over. For instance, boys and girls
alike articulated the pressure on young women to objectify their bodies online. “Girls get
naked for likes,” said one 18-year-old girl in Lane's research. False identity was another
issue. Unlike in physical space, appearance and person may decouple online in the case
of “fake pages” or “catfish’—profiles that depict someone other than their true user.
The possibility of a fake page created trust issues among boys and girls that were
compounded by the fact that law enforcement used profiles designed to mimic girls in
the neighborhood to monitor and gather intelligence on boys of interest.

Race and the Public Sphere

In his book Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an Urban Community (1990), sociologist
Elijah Anderson noted that studying everyday life sheds light on how social order is cre-
ated by the individual building blocks of infinite micro-level interactions. He was par-
ticularly interested in understanding interactions when at least one party was viewed
as threatening. Anderson showed that the ways many Black and White people interacted
on the streets of a northern city had a great deal to do with the structure of racial stereo-
types, which are themselves linked to the economic structure of society. In this way, he
showed the link between micro interactions and the larger macro structures of society.

126 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
 Anderson began by recalling Erving Goffman’'s description of how social roles
and statuses come into existence in particular contexts or locations:

When an individual enters the presence of others, they commonly seek

to acquire information about him or bring into play information already
possessed. . . . Information about the individual helps to define the situation,
enabling others to know in advance what he will expect of them and they
may expect of him. (Anderson, 1990)

Following Goffman’s lead, Anderson asked, What types of behavioral cues and signs
make up the vocabulary of public interaction? He concluded that the people most likely
to pass inspection are those who do not fall into commonly accepted stereotypes of dan-
gerous persons: “Children readily pass inspection, while women and white men do so
more slowly, black women, black men, and black male teenagers most slowly of all.” In
demonstrating that interactional tensions derive from outside statuses, such as race, class,
and gender, Anderson showed that we cannot develop a full understanding of the situation
by looking at the micro interactions themselves. This is how he linked micro interactions
with macro processes.
Anderson argued that people are streetwise when they develop skills, such as “the
art of avoidance,” to deal with the vulnerability they feel to violence and crime. According
to Anderson, White people who are not streetwise cannot distinguish among differ-
ent kinds of Black men (for example, middle-class youths versus gang members). They
may also not know how to alter the number of paces to walk behind a suspicious person
or how to bypass bad blocks at various times of day. In these ways, social science research
can help us understand how a very ordinary behavior—navigating one’s way through
the city streets—+eveals important lessons about the nature of social interaction today.
In recent years, Anderson has updated his earlier work on social interaction. Even
in a society characterized by large amounts of racism and prejudice, Anderson has
found reason for optimism. In The Cosmopolitan Canopy (2011), he argued that there are
many places where people of different backgrounds actually get along. For Anderson, the
racially and ethnically diverse spaces he has studied offer “a respite from the lingering
tensions of urban life as well as an opportunity for diverse peoples to come together.”
They are what he called “pluralistic spaces where people engage with one another in a
spirit of civility, or even comity and goodwill.”
On the basis of in-depth observations of public areas in his longtime home of
Philadelphia, Anderson reported on various important sites in the city, including Reading
Terminal Market, Rittenhouse Square, and the Galleria Mall. The first two are venues
dominated by middle- and upper-middle-class norms and values, while the Galleria
caters to the tastes of the Black working classes and the poor. All three sites, however, are
spaces in which various kinds of people meet, agree to lay down their swords, carry on
their life routines, and, in many cases, enjoy themselves.
Anderson began with an ode to Philadelphia's indoor farmer's market—the down-
town Reading Terminal. A regular at the market for decades, he painted a loving portrait
of the many types of people who congregate there, including the population of Amish
senior
vendors. The patrons range from corporate executives to construction workers to
citizens in poor health. They are all “on their best behavior" as they eat and shop for food
and other items.

How Do the Rules of Social Interaction Affect Your Life? 127

Reading Terminal Market in
Philadelphia is an example
What is it about this space that causes people to “show a certain civility and even
of what Elijah Anderson
refers to as a “cosmopolitan an openness to strangers”? To begin, the city is divided into two kinds of human beings:
canopy,” a place where the open-minded people, whom Anderson called “cosmos” (shorthand for cosmopolitan),
diverse groups congregate and the close-minded, whom he called “ethnos” (shorthand for ethnocentric). As Anderson
peacefully. saw it, Reading Terminal is filled with open-minded people. Through a kind of peo-
ple watching, each contributes to the creation of the cosmopolitan canopy. It is literally

“N the sight of so many kinds of people in one another's physical presence, as well as par-
ticipation in what one sees, that reinforces the idea of a “neutral space.” White people
and minorities who have few opportunities for such interaction elsewhere can relax
and move about with security. Black patrons, however, understand that their status
there is always provisional, meaning that at any moment, they are subject to dramatic
situations in which White people fail to treat them with the respect they deserve.
The dynamic that Anderson highlighted over and over is the self-fulfilling nature
of the interaction: The interaction and the sight of it make it so. Most who come are prob-
ably repeat players, and they have long visualized different kinds of people getting along
in the space. For newcomers, on the other hand, such visualization of tolerance is “infec-
tious.” In Rittenhouse Square Park and the streets surrounding it, other social cues
serve to bring about similar results. There is, for example, a fountain and a statue of a
goat that attracts mothers, nannies, and children. The sight of “public mothering” is a
cue that indicates that this is a civil place. A sense of safety and protection underlies
good behavior and, in turn, leads to a virtuous circle of other acts of goodwill. Dog
walkers are also crucial, with interaction naturally occurring between them and others
(including children) as they form a critical mass in the park throughout the day.

128 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
 The Galleria is a different story. Anderson described it as the “ghetto downtown,”
a community of close-minded poor Black people (“ethnos”) in one mall. What makes
it a canopy, albeit not a cosmopolitan one, is that various elements of the Black
community—the “street” and the “decent’—can coexist here. People feel free to be
themselves, “loud and boisterous and frank in their comments, released from the inhi-
bitions they might feel among whites.” The code of the street threatens to undermine the
public order at any moment, but all the patrons are on their best behavior, with security
guards reinforcing decorum. Nevertheless, Anderson stressed that through a negative
feedback loop, this place has a self-reinforcing negative reputation among cosmopolitan
White and Black people.
One of the great puzzles that social scientists will seek to resolve in the coming
decades is whether “new” forms of social interaction, such as social networking sites, will
alter gender relations and race relations. As we have seen throughout this chapter, vir-
tual communication shares many of the same properties as face-to-face communication.
For instance, we carefully manage impressions in both venues. Recent research shows
how social inequalities, such as those based around race, gender, and class, as Anderson
documented in his Streetwise research, are embedded in new technologies. The web-
sites we view online and the knowledge we access through Google searches and other
algorithmically driven software reflect the prejudices of their creators (Daniels, 2009;
Noble, 2018). In some cases, online communication may chip away at hierarchies
based on power and status. In other cases, interactions that take place on online plat-
CONCEPT CHECKS
forms are closely tied to and constrained by the social norms and cultural ideals of our
offline communities. How would sociologists
Writing about the San Francisco tech community, Alice Marwick found that social explain the street
media use closely reflects its values—faith in deregulated capitalism and entrepreneur- harassment that women
often experience?
ship. Marwick also described how those who achieve status online fit a narrow model
that reflects the preexisting distribution of power: In San Francisco's tech scene, success- How would sociologist
Elijah Anderson define
ful online strategies “do not celebrate, for instance, outspoken women, discussion of race
streetwise?
in technology, or openly gay entrepreneurs” (Marwick, 2013). As we have seen through-
Can you identify
out the chapter, the expanded reach of new technologies certainly opens the possibility
any examples of
for wider and accelerated social change—but technology alone cannot determine the cosmopolitan canopies
direction of that change. Ta ele lmmat-sicial
lel alevele ia

How Do the Rules of Social Interaction Affect Your Life? 29

CHAPTER 4 Learning Objectives

The |
Understand how the subfield of
microsociology contrasts with earlier
sociological work. See why the study

Big Picture What Is Social

Interaction and
of social interaction is of major importance
in sociology. Recognize the difference
between focused and unfocused interaction
Why Study It?
and learn the different forms of nonverbal
Social Interaction and communication
p. 106
Everyday Life in the
Age of the Internet

How Do We Learn about the ways you carefully choose

Manage Impressions to present yourself to others in daily
in Daily Life? interactions—both face-to-face and virtually.
Thinking Sociologically
p. 112

. Identify the elements important to

="

the dramaturgical perspective. This

chapter shows how the theory might Learn the research process of ethno-
be used to understand interactions What Rules methodology and recognize how we use
between customers and service Guide How We context to make sense of the world.
Communicate Understand why people get upset when
providers. How would you apply the
with Others? conventions of talk are not followed.
theory to account for a plumber’s
visit to a client's home?
p. 114
2. Smoking cigarettes is a pervasive
habit found in many parts of the world
and a habit that could be explained Understand that interaction is situated,
by both microsociological and macro- that it occurs in a particular place and for a
How Do Time and
sociological forces. Give an example particular length of time. Recognize how
Space Affect Our
of each that would be relevant to technology is reorganizing time and space.
Interactions?
explaining the proliferation of smoking.
How might your suggested micro-
Pp. 119
and macro-level analyses be linked?

3. Think about the last photo you posted

or the last status update you reported
on social media. What impression
were you trying to convey to others?
How would Goffman characterize your
impression-management goals?
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

1. What is microsociology and how does it differ from earlier sociological work?
2. What are three reasons it is important to study social interaction?
3. What are three forms of nonverbal communication?
4. Describe several ways in which individuals communicate their emotions to
social interaction ¢ microsociology ° civil
one another.
inattention © agency * structure * unfocused
interaction © focused interaction * encounter e
nonverbal communication

1. Identify three roles you play in social life.

2. Compare and contrast front and back regions.
3. Describe two forms of impression management.
status © social position * impression
management

1. What is interactional vandalism?

2. Give an example of a response cry.
3. What are the four zones of personal space?
ethnomethodology ¢ interactional vandalism ¢
response cries * personal space

1. How is technology rearranging space?

2. Is face-to-face interaction, or co-presence, an important aspect of human
‘ ( ?
time-space * regionalization * clock time action? Why or why not
compulsion of proximity
 New Yorkers practice social distancing as
they line up to enter a grocery store during
the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

How do we benefit from social

networks?
Understand the importance of social
networks and the advantages they confer
on some people.

Networks, What are social groups?

Learn the variety and characteristics of

Cigelule\cwr-ialer
groups as well as the effect of groups on
an individual's behavior.

How do organizations function?

Olgeklalyzeil(olals
Know how to define an organization and
understand how organizations developed
over the last two centuries. Learn Max
Weber's theory of organizations and view
of bureaucracy.

Is bureaucracy an outdated model?

Familiarize yourself with some of the
alternatives to bureaucracy that have
developed in other societies or in recent
times. Think about the influence of technology
on how organizations operate.

How do organizations and groups

affect your life?
Learn how social capital enables people
to accomplish their goals and expand their
influence.

Internet Connectivity
p. 137
 LinkNYC

SIX FEET
SAVES
LIVES.
Practice social
distancing.

Do your part, NYC.

They called him “patient zero.” On March 2, 2020, Lawrence Garbuz, attorney and
founding partner of a Manhattan law firm, was the first person in the New York
metropolitan area to test positive for COVID-19. A resident of the largely suburban
city of New Rochelle, Garbuz most likely caught the virus locally, as he had not
traveled to any of the countries yet hit by the pandemic. Knowing how fast the illness could
spread, health investigators immediately began retracing the attorney's steps and alerting those
with whom he had spent time in the days leading up to his diagnosis. By March 10, the single
case had grown to a cluster of 90, and by March 12, New York state governor Andrew Cuomo
had imposed a coronavirus containment zone within a one-mile radius around the city of network
New Rochelle. A set of direct or indirect
The situation in New Rochelle can best be understood through the lens of sociology, most social ties that links people
notably through the concept of the social network: that is, all the direct and indirect connec- to one another.

tions that link one particular individual or group with other people or groups. Following the lead

Networks, Groups, and Organizations 133

 of the investigators in this case, we can trace the network of this individual in terms of the
trajectory of the contagion.
In the week before his diagnosis, Garbuz, a member of a tight-knit Modern Orthodox Jewish
community who commuted daily on the Metro North railway to his office in Manhattan, had
attended two events that put him in personal contact with between 800 and 1,000 people: a joint
bar and bat mitzvah at the Young Israel of New Rochelle synagogue and the funeral service of
Marek Appell, a 91-year-old Holocaust survivor. Not long afterward, Garbuz fell ill and was taken
by a neighbor to a local hospital, where he was initially diagnosed with pneumonia. Only four
days later did the hospital test him for the new coronavirus. In the time between his admission
and the test, Garbuz came into contact with dozens of physicians, nurses, medical technicians,
orderlies and other patients. Once health officials learned of his diagnosis, they reached out to
administrators at SAR High School and Yeshiva University, where Garbuz’s 14-year-old daughter
and 20-year-old son were students. Classes at both institutions were immediately canceled
and teachers and students who had come in contact with Garbuz’s children were ordered to
self-quarantine. Within two weeks, 46 students, faculty, and parents at the high school tested
positive, as did Garbuz’s wife and children, the neighbor who drove him to the hospital, and dozens
of other individuals who had spent time with him. In addition, many of the people who had
socialized with Garbuz at the bar and bat mitzvah and at the funeral service went on to attend
other social functions before realizing that COVID-19 had surreptitiously entered their midst. By
mid-April, the total number of people infected in Westchester County, where New Rochelle is
located, exceeded 24,000, making it the tenth-hardest-hit county in the United States.
As we can see from this scenario, Garbuz’s network encompassed people he knew both
directly (his friends and family) and indirectiy (his friends’ friends and families). Also included
in his network were the organizations in which he participated directly (his temple and law
firm) and indirectly (his children’s schools and the local medical facility). Because Garbuz
was an active member of a large religious community that spilled over into neighboring towns,
the virus was able to quickly penetrate the county, spreading anxiety across the region.
Practically overnight, life in the local Jewish community was totally transformed; the
activities that had always bound it together—synagogue services, Shabbat dinners, bar and
bat mitzvahs, weddings, and funerals—were now proscribed by social-distancing ordinances
issued by the government. School and daily prayers shifted to videoconferencing platforms.
In the words of one local rabbi, “Between the first Tuesday and the second Tuesday, it all
changed” (Ailworth and Berzon, 2020).
A Facebook post by Garbuz’s wife, Alina Lewis, captured the shock that members of
the community felt as they struggled to adjust to this new disconnected reality. Updating her
friends on her husband's condition, she exclaimed, “He is trying to comprehend a world where
no one goes out, no social gatherings, no religious services, no Purim!!” (Crescent City Jewish
News, 2020).
In this chapter we consider the importance of social networks to every aspect of our
existence, from matters of life and death to getting a job. We explain different kinds of groups,
the ways in which their size affects our behavior, and the nature of leadership. In addition,
we explore how group norms promote conformity, often to disastrous ends. We then examine
the role organizations play in American society, look at major theories of modern organiza-
tions, and consider the ways in which organizations are changing in the modern world due to
technology and the Internet. We end by discussing the decline in social capital and social
engagement in the United States today.

134 CHAPTER 5 Networks, Groups, and Organizations

Crowdfunding and the Strength of Weak Ties

Imagine that a major symphony orchestra or prominent art a particular charity because they belong to the same Facebook
museum is holding a fundraiser. You are probably picturing group. Other times, though, donors to a particular project may
wealthy men and women of a certain age, dressed in tuxedos belong to quite different social networks. They come together
and gowns, sipping champagne and making small talk about through crowdfunding platforms like Kickstarter, GoFundMe,
investments. They might vacation in the Hamptons together, or and Indiegogo, which provide a point of entry for making dona-
maybe their children were friends at prep school. These images tions to specific charities and projects.
are perhaps an over-the-top stereotype, but one component of These different platforms cater to different types of
this description is probably true: Many of the attendees likely projects. For example, in the aftermath of Hurricane Harvey,
know one another. thousands of Americans turned to YouCaring for help; the more
But how might middle- and working-class people raise than 6,000 campaigns brought in about $44 million for victims of
money for their favorite causes—whether providing relief for the storm (Chan, 2017b). With the help of a few A-list celebrities,
hurricane victims, helping the homeless, or even launching a the Time’s Up movement's GoFundMe campaign raised nearly
company? Over the past five years, the Internet has exploded $17 million in its first month to cover legal fees for victims of
with crowdfunding sites. The term crowdfunding refers to the sexual harassment and assault (Langone, 2018). Other times,
collective effort of many people who pool their money to support crowdfunding projects are purely recreational. One of the most
another person or group's cause. Crowdfunding relies on many successful crowdfunded projects to date is Star Citizen, an online
smaller donations rather than a few large ones, like we might video game that has raised nearly $200 million on Kickstarter
see at a museum fundraiser attended by very wealthy people. since 2012 (Gault, 2018).
For example, on Watsi—a global crowdfunding platform that The “crowds” that support these projects would hardly con-
allows people to directly fund low-cost medical care for people stitute a primary group, as most of the members are not close
in developing nations—donors can give as little as $5 to help a significant others. In most cases, they do not consist of second-
patient in need (LaPorte, 2013). ary groups, because the crowd members may not even know
One of the most fascinating aspects of crowdfunding is that it one another. Do you think that the “crowds” that support these
allows people to raise money by relying primarily on their weak projects constitute groups? How might these groups differ from
ties, or friends of friends of friends. By spreading the word about the collection of people who attend fundraising galas like the one

a venture through a web link, crowdfunding can involve many described earlier? What makes crowdfunding successful? Have

participants from all walks of life. Often, these donors know you ever used a crowdfunding site to raise money? What kinds of

one another through loose social ties; perhaps they learn about people do you imagine might contribute to your project?
 How Do We Benefit from
> Social Networks?
Understand the importance Networks are crucial aspects of human life. On the one hand, they can lead to the deaths
of social networks and the of large numbers of people, as evidenced by the COVID-19 pandemic. On the other hand,
advantages they confer on
they serve us in many positive ways. Networks present a broad range of opportunities;
some people.
they can help you get into a sorority or fraternity or give you a foot in the door to score
a summer internship. But understanding how networks work highlights important dif-
ferences between biological outbreaks and social connections (Kucharski, 2020). When a
virus spreads through a population, closer contact between people increases one’s chances
of infection. But in social life, the opposite can be true. Sociologist Mark Granovetter (1973)
demonstrated that there can be enormous strength in weak ties, particularly among higher
socioeconomic groups. Upper-level professional and managerial employees are likely to
hear about new jobs through connections to distant relatives or remote acquaintances.
Such weak ties can be of great benefit because relatives or acquaintances tend to have very
different sets of connections from one’s closer friends, whose social contacts are likely
to be similar to one’s own. Among lower socioeconomic groups, Granovetter argued,
weak ties are not necessarily bridges to other networks and so do not really widen one's
opportunities (see also Knoke, 1990; Marsden and Lin, 1982; Wellman et al., 1988).
Most people rely on their personal networks to gain advantages, but not everyone has
equal access to powerful networks. In general, White people and men have more advan-
tageous social networks than do ethnic minorities and women. Some sociologists argue,
for example, that women’s business, professional, and political networks are fewer and
weaker than men’s, so that women’s power in these spheres is reduced (Brass, 1985). Yet
as more and more women move up into higher-level occupations and political positions,
the resulting networks can foster further advancement. One study found that women are
more likely to be hired or promoted into job levels that already have a high proportion of
women (Cohen et al., 1998).

The Internet as Social Network

Our opportunities to belong to and access social networks have skyrocketed alongside the
growth of the Internet. Until the early 1990s, when the World Wide Web was developed,
there were few Internet users outside of university and scientific communities. By the end
of 2019, however, an estimated 329 million Americans were using the Internet (Internet
World Stats, 2019a), and while 52 percent of American adults used the Internet in 2000,
go percent were online in 2019 (Pew Research Center, 2019b). With the Internet’s rapid
communication channels and global reach, it is now possible to radically extend one’s
personal networks. Fully 57 percent of American teens have made new friends online
(Lenhart, 2015). The Internet also enables people who might otherwise lack contact with
others to become part of global networks. For example, people too ill to leave their homes
can join online social networks or consult message boards, people in small rural commu-
nities can take online college courses (Lewin, 2012), and long-lost high school friends can
reconnect via Facebook.

136 CHAPTER 5 Networks, Groups, and Organizations

Globalization
by the Numbers Internet Connectivity
é

While cyberspace is becoming increasingly global, there remains a digital divide between individuals
with access to
the Internet and those without. While 95 percent of the population of North America is using the Internet, only 39
percent
of the population of Africa is online.

O = total population @ = % of population with World Internet users by region

Internet access

Asis Africa 11.5%

Hl Middle East 3.9%

© North America 7.6%

_ Latin America/Caribbean 10%

Oceania/Australia 0.6%

Oceania/
Australia
. 67.4%

Europe Latin America/

87.2% Caribbean
A 68.9%

PNid(es-)
39.3%

North America
oPMok

Source:
Internet World
Stats, 2019b.
 The Internet fosters the creation of new relationships, often without the emotional
and social baggage or constraints that accompany face-to-face encounters. In the absence of
the usual physical and social cues, such as skin color or residential address, people can get
together electronically on the basis of shared interests, such as gaming, rather than similar
social characteristics. Factors such as class, wealth, race, ethnicity, gender, and physical
disability are less likely to cloud social interactions (Coate, 1994; Jones, 1995; Kollock and
Smith, 1996). In fact, technologies like Twitter allow people from all walks of life to catch
glimpses into the lives of celebrities (as well as noncelebs).
One limitation of Internet-based social networks is that not everyone has equal access
to the Internet. Lower-income persons and ethnic minorities are less likely than wealthier
and White persons to have Internet access. But while a digital divide remains, the gaps
have narrowed considerably in recent years. For example, in 2000, 81 percent of American
adults in households earning $75,000 or more a year used the Internet, compared to just
34 percent of those who made less than $30,000. By 2019, however, this nearly 50 percent
gap had narrowed to 16 percent, with 82 percent of those making less than $30,000 per
year using the Internet (Pew Research Center, 2019b). There remains a larger gap in usage
by level of education: While 97 percent of adults with a college degree are Internet users,
CONCEPT CHECKS that proportion drops to 65 percent for those with less than a high school education.
A similar gap in Internet use exists between young adults (ages 18 to 29) and older adults
According to Granovetter,
(ages 65 and older): While 100 percent of young adults use the Internet, the same can be
what are the benefits of
said of only 73 percent of older adults (Pew Research Center, 2019b).
weak ties? Why?
This pattern is not limited to the United States; rates of Internet use are creeping up
MON ae CoMaat-lakcwr-lale
across the globe, enabling individuals to connect with anyone in the world who shares
women’s weak ties
their interests.
differ?

> What Are Social Groups?

Learn the variety and Humans are social creatures. Most of us want to “belong” to some sort of group, and we
characteristics of groups cherish the friendships, the feeling of acceptance, and even the perks that go along with
as well as the effect of being a group member. But what are we willing to do in order to belong? Would you be
groups on an individual’s
willing to be beaten up? What about beating up someone else? Would you drink an entire
behavior.
bottle of vodka? Stand outdoors in the January cold after being doused with ice water?
Run around in the sweltering summer heat wearing layers of heavy clothing?
Although this sounds barbaric, these types of hazing activities occur all too often on
college campuses today. Hazing—or the rituals and other activities, involving harassment,
abuse, or humiliation, that are used to initiate a person into a group—occurs in an esti-
mated 55 percent of all college fraternities and sororities today. Although some blithely
view hazing as “boys being boys” or a rite of passage, others consider hazing an illegal
activity that must be banished from all college campuses (Nuwer, 2013). News stories are
replete with horrific incidents of hazing.
What causes otherwise upstanding young men and women—imany of whom are
top students, star athletes, and accomplished musicians—to essentially torture their

138 CHAPTER 5S Networks, Groups, and Organizations

classmates? And why doesn't one brave soul in the group stand
up to stop
the abuse? Why do “pledges,” those young men and women striving
to join
a college fraternity or sorority, subject themselves to this mistreatment?
The answers are complex but illustrate important aspects of group
behavior, including conformity, or going along with the actions of the
group regardless of the personal costs. In this section, we examine the
ways in which all of us—not just fraternity brothers—are group animals.
Nearly all of our important interactions occur through some type of
social group. You and your roommates make up a social group, as do
the members of your introductory sociology class.
is a A social group
collection of people who regularly interact with one another on the basis
of shared expectations concerning behavior and who share a sense of
common identity. People who belong to the same social group identify with
one another, expect each other to conform to certain ways of thinking
and acting, and recognize the boundaries that separate them from other groups
or people. Fraternities and sororities are examples of social groups, as are
sports teams, musical groups, and even book clubs.

Groups: Variety and Characteristics

Sports often create in-groups and out-groups
Every day nearly all of us participate in groups and group activities. We
by fostering loyalty for one’s own team and
hang out with groups of friends, study with classmates, eat dinner with contempt for the other team.
family members, play team sports, and go online to meet people who share our
interests (Aldrich and Marsden, 1988). “N
But just being in one another’s company does not make a collection
of individuals a social group. People milling around in crowds or strolling on
a beach make up a social aggregate. A social aggregate is a simple collection of people
who happen to be together in a particular place but do not significantly interact or identify
with each other. People waiting together at a bus station, for example, may be conscious of
one another's presence, but they are unlikely to think of themselves as a “we’"—the group
waiting for the next bus to Poughkeepsie or Des Moines. By the same token, people who
share a common characteristic (such as gender, occupation, religion, or ethnicity) without
necessarily interacting or identifying with one another constitute a social category. The
social group
sense of belonging to a common social group is missing. A collection of people who
regularly interact with one
another on the basis of
shared expectations
IN-GROUPS AND OUT-GROUPS
concerning behavior and
In-groups are groups toward which one feels particular loyalty and respect—the groups who share a sense of
that “we” belong to. Out-groups, on the other hand, are groups toward which one feels common identity.

antagonism and contempt—'those people.” The “sense of belonging” among members of

the in-group is sometimes strengthened by the group's scorn for members of other groups
social aggregate
(Sartre, 1948/1965). Creating a sense of belonging in this way is especially common among
A collection of people who
racist groups, which promote their identity as “superior” by hating “inferior” groups. Jews,
happen to be together in
Catholics, African Americans, immigrants, and gay men and lesbians historically—and a particular place but do
Muslims more recently—have been the targets of such prejudice in the United States. not significantly interact or
Many people use in-group and out-group imagery to trumpet what they believe identify with one another.
to be their group's strengths vis-a-vis some other group's presumed weaknesses. For

What Are Social Groups?

 example, members of a fraternity or a sorority may bolster their feelings of superiority—in
academics, sports, or campus image—by ridiculing the members of a different house.
Similarly, a church may hold up its “truths” as the only ones, while native-born Americans
may accuse immigrants—always outsiders upon arriving in a new country—of ruining
the country for “real Americans.”

PRIMARY AND SECONDARY GROUPS

social category
Our lives and personalities are molded by our earliest experiences in primary groups,
People who share a
namely, our families, our peers, and our friends. Primary groups are small groups charac-
common characteristic
terized by intense emotional ties, face-to-face interaction, intimacy, and a strong, enduring
(such as gender or
occupation) but do not sense of commitment. These groups often involve an experience of unity, a merging of the
necessarily interact or self with the group into one personal “we.” Sociologist Charles Horton Cooley termed such
identify with one another. groups primary because he believed that they were the basic form of association, exerting
a long-lasting influence on the development of our social selves (Cooley, 1902/1964).
Secondary groups, by contrast, are large and impersonal and often involve fleeting
in-groups
relationships. Examples of secondary groups include business organizations, schools, work
Groups toward which one
groups, athletic clubs, and governmental bodies. Secondary groups seldom involve intense
feels particular loyalty
emotional ties, powerful commitments to the group itself, or feelings of unity. We seldom feel
and respect—the groups
to which “we” belong. we can “be ourselves” in a secondary group; rather, we are often playing a particular role, such
as “employee” or “student.” Cooley argued that while people belong to primary groups mainly
because such groups are inherently fulfilling, people join secondary groups to achieve some
out-groups specific goal: to earn a living, get a college degree, or compete in sports. Secondary groups
Groups toward which one may become primary groups for some of their members. For example, when coworkers begin
feels antagonism and to socialize after hours, they create bonds of friendship that constitute a primary group.
contempt—"those people.”
For most of human history, nearly all interactions took place within primary groups.
This pattern began to change with the emergence of larger, agrarian societies, which
primary group included such secondary groups as those based on governmental roles or occupations.
Some early sociologists, such as Cooley, worried that intimacy would be lost as more
A group characterized by
intense emotional ties, and more interactions came to revolve around large, impersonal organizations. However,
face-to-face interaction, what Cooley saw as the growing anonymity of modern life might also offer an increasing
intimacy, and a strong, tolerance of individual differences. Primary groups, which often enforce strict confor-
enduring sense of
mity to group standards, can be stifling (Durkheim, 1893/1964; Simmel, 1955). Secondary
commitment.
groups, by contrast, are more likely to be concerned with accomplishing a task than with
enforcing conformity to group standards of behavior. Web-based crowdfunding efforts,
secondary group for example, allow loosely knit collections of strangers to accomplish important tasks, such
as raising funds for a charity or creative project.
A group characterized
by its large size and
by impersonal, fleeting REFERENCE GROUPS
relationships.
We often judge ourselves by how we think we appear to others, which Cooley termed the
looking-glass self (see Chapter 3). Robert K. Merton (1938) elaborated on Cooley's concept
reference group by examining self-evaluation in the context of reference groups. A reference group is
A group that provides a a group that provides a standard for judging one’s own attitudes or behaviors (see also
standard for judging one’s Hyman and Singer, 1968). Family, peers, classmates, and coworkers are crucial reference
attitudes or behaviors. groups. However, you do not have to belong to a group for it to be your reference group. For
example, young people living thousands of miles away from the bright lights of Hollywood

140 CHAPTER 5 Networks, Groups, and Organizations

 still compare their looks and fashion choices with those of their favorite celebrities.
ugh most of us seldom interact socially with such reference groups as the glitterati,
we may } take pride in
r identifying
p,
with them and even imitate those people who do belongo
I

to them. This is why it is critical for children—+racial and ethnic minority children, in
particular, whose groups are often represented in the media using negative stereotypes—
to have access to reference groups that will shape their lives for the better.

ther significant way in which groups differ is in terms of their size. Sociological inter-

est in group size can be traced to the German sociologist Georg Simmel, who studie d and
theorized about the impact t of small groups on people's behavior. Since Simmel’s time, small
group researchers have conducted a number of laboratory experiments to examii 1e the

effects of size on both the quality of interaction in the group and the group's effectiveness in
accomplishing certain tasks (Bales, 1953, 1970; Hare et al., 1965; Homans, 1950; Mills, 1907)

The simplest group, which Simmel (1955) called a dyad, consists of two persons. S mmel
reasoned that dyads, which involve both intimacy and conflict, are likely to be simt ltane A group consisting of two
ously intense and unstable. To survive, they require the full attention and cooperat ion of persons.
both parties. If one person withdraws from the dyad, it vanishes. Dyads are typica ly the

source of our most elementary social bonds, often constituting the group in which we are
most likely to share our deepest secrets. But dyads can be very fragile. That is why, S mme!

believed, a variety of cultural and legal supports for marriage—an example of a dyad—are
found in societies where marriage is regarded as an important source of social stabil ity.
 TRIADS
triad According to Simmel, triads, or three-person groups, are more stable than dyads because
A group consisting of the third person relieves some of the pressure on the other two to always get along and
three persons. energize the relationship. In a triad, one person can temporarily withdraw attention from
the relationship without necessarily threatening it. In addition, if two of the members have
a disagreement, the third can play the role of mediator. You may have seen this dynamic
leader at work if you've ever tried to patch up a falling-out between two of your friends. Yet
A person who Is able to triads are not without potential problems. Alliances (sometimes termed coalitions) may
influence the behavior of
form between two members of a triad, enabling them to gang up on the third and thereby
other members of a group.
destabilize the group.

transformational LARGER GROUPS

leaders Simmel identified an important aspect of groups: As the size of a group increases, its
Leaders who are able to intensity decreases, while its stability and exclusivity increase. Larger groups have less
instill in the members of a
intense interactions because a larger number of potential smaller-group relationships
group a sense of mission
or higher purpose, thereby
exist as outlets for individuals who are not getting along with other members of the large
changing the nature of the group. In a dyad, only a single relationship between two people is possible; in a triad,
group itself. three different two-person relationships can occur. In a 10-person group, the number
of possible two-person relationships explodes to 45. When one relationship doesn't
work out to your liking, you can easily move on to another, as you probably often do at
large parties.
Large groups also tend to be more stable than smaller ones because the withdrawal
of some members does not usually threaten the group's survival. A marriage or romantic
relationship falls apart if one person leaves, whereas a school sports team or drama club
routinely survives—though it may sometimes temporarily suffer from—the loss of its
graduating seniors. Larger groups also tend to be more exclusive because it is easier for
members to limit their social relationships to the group itself and avoid relationships
with nonmembers.
Beyond a certain size, perhaps a dozen people, groups tend to develop a formal struc-
ture. Formal leadership roles may arise, such as president or secretary, and official rules
may be developed to govern what the group does. We discuss formal organizations later
in this chapter.

Types of Leadership
A leader is a person who is able to influence the behavior of other members of a group.
Ail groups have leaders, even if the leader is not formally recognized as such. Some lead-
ers are especially effective in motivating group members, inspiring them to achievements
that might not ordinarily be accomplished. Such transformational leaders go beyond
the merely routine, instilling in the members of their group a sense of mission or higher
Would you define Nelson
purpose and thereby changing the nature of the group itself (Burns, 1978; Kanter, 1983).
Mandela as a transformational
leader? Why? They can also be a vital inspiration for social change in the world. For example, Nelson
Mandela, the late South African leader who spent 27 years in prison, successfully fought
to dismantle South Africa’s system of apartheid, or racial segregation. He led his African
/N National Congress party to victory and was elected president—leader—of the entire
country, though his leadership ultimately transcended national boundaries.

142 CHAPTER 5 Networks, Groups, and Organizations

 Most leaders are not as visionary as Mandela. Leaders who simply get the job done
are
termed transactional leaders. They are concerned with accomplishing the group's tasks, transactional
getting group members to do their jobs, and ensuring that the group achieves its goals. leaders
Transactional leadership is routine leadership. For example, the teacher who simply gets Leaders who are concerned
through the lesson plan each day—rather than making the classroom a place where stu- with accomplishing the
dents explore new ways of thinking and behaving—is exercising transactional leadership. erollps tackeesting ;
group members to do their
jobs, and ensuring that the
Conformity
group achieves its goals.
Pressures to conform to the latest styles are especially strong among teenagers and young
adults, who often feel an acute need for group acceptance. Although sporting tattoos or
the latest fashion trend—or rigidly conforming to corporate workplace policies—may
seem relatively harmless, conformity to group pressure can also lead to extremely destruc-
tive behavior, such as drug abuse or even murder. For this reason, sociologists and social
psychologists have long sought to understand why most people tend to go along with
others and under what circumstances they do not.

GOING ALONG WITH THE GROUP: ASCH’S RESEARCH

More than 60 years ago, psychologist Solomon Asch (1952) conducted some of the most
influential studies of conformity to group pressures. In one of his classic experiments, Asch
asked individual subjects to decide which of three lines of different length most closely
matched the length of a fourth line (Figure 5.1). The differences were obvious; subjects
had no difficulty in making the correct match.
Asch then arranged a version of the experiment in which the subjects were asked to
make the matches in a group setting, with each person calling out the answer in turn. In
this setting, all but one of the subjects were actually Asch’s secret accomplices, and these
accomplices all picked a “matching” line that was clearly unequal to the fourth line. The
unwitting subject, one of the last to call out an answer, felt pressure to conform to the
group and make the same error. Amazingly, in a majority of these experiments, one-third
of these subjects gave the same wrong answer as
the others in the group. They sometimes stammered
and fidgeted when doing so, but they nonetheless FIGURE 5.1
yielded to unspoken pressure to conform to the
group'srivet
decision. Asch’sane
experiments clearly showed The Asch Task
that many people are willing to go along with the In the Asch task, participants were shown a standard line
group consensus, even if they believe it is incorrect. (left) and then three comparison lines. Their task was simply
to say which of the three lines matched the standard. When
OBEDIENCE TO AUTHORITY: confederates gave false answers first, one-third of participants
MILGRAM’S RESEARCH conformed by also giving the wrong answer.

Another classic study of conformity was conducted

by Stanley Milgram (1963). Milgram wanted to
see how far a person would go when ordered by a
scientist to give another person increasingly powerful
electric shocks. He did so by setting up an experi-
ment that he told the subjects was about memoriz-
ing pairs of words. In reality, it was about obedience
to authority.
(a) The Milgram experiment
required participants to
“shock” the confederate .
learner (seated). The
research participant (left)
at=tel=10 t=]°)9]NVAUn -M=1(-Yel(nele(-1m
(b) An obedient participant
shocks the learner in the
“touch” condition. Fewer
than one-third obeyed
the experimenter in this
condition. (c) Afterward,
The men who volunteered for the study were supposedly randomly divided into
all the participants
were introduced to the “teachers” and “learners.” In fact, the learners were Milgram’s confederates. The teacher
confederate learner so was told to read pairs of words from a list that the learner was to memorize. Whenever the
they could see he was learner made a mistake, the teacher was to give him an electric shock by flipping a switch
rae) @at=]mna(-10
on a fake but official-looking machine. The control board on the machine indicated shock
levels ranging from “15 volts—slight shock” to “450 volts—danger, severe shock.” For each
mistake, the voltage of the shock was to be increased until it eventually reached the highest
level. As the experiment progressed, the learner began to scream out in pain for the teacher
to stop delivering shocks. Milgram’s assistant, who was administering the experiment,
exercised his authority as a scientist and ordered the teacher to continue administering
shocks if the teacher tried to quit. (In reality, the learner, who was usually carefully con-
cealed from the teacher by a screen, never received any electric shocks, and his “screams”
had been prerecorded on a tape.)
The teacher was confronted with a major moral decision: Should he obey the scientist
and go along with the experiment, even if it meant injuring another human being? Much to
Milgram's surprise, more than half the subjects in the study kept on administering electric
shocks. They continued even until the maximum voltage was reached and the learner's
screams had subsided into an eerie silence as he had presumably died of a heart attack.
How could ordinary people so easily conform to orders that would turn them into possible
accomplices to murder?
The answer, Milgram found, was deceptively simple: Ordinary citizens will conform
to orders given by someone in a position of power or authority—even if those orders have
horrible consequences. From this, we can learn something about Nazi atrocities during
World War II, which were Milgram’s original concern. Many ordinary Germans who pat-
ticipated in the mass execution of Jews in Nazi concentration camps did so on the grounds
that they were “just following orders.” Milgram’s research has sobering implications
for anyone who thinks that only “others” will bend to authority, but “not me” (Zimbardo
et al., 1977).

groupthink
GROUPTHINK AND GROUP PRESSURES TO CONFORM:
A process by which the JANIS’S RESEARCH
members of a group ignore
ways of thinking and plans The pressure to conform to group opinions may occasionally lead to bad decisions and
of action that go against stifle creative or novel solutions to problems. Irving L. Janis (1972, 1989; Janis and Mann,
the group consensus. 1977) called this phenomenon groupthink, a process by which the members of a group
ignore those ideas, suggestions, and plans of action that go against the group consensus.

144 CHAPTER 5 Networks, Groups, and Organizations

Groupthink may embarrass potential dissenters into conforming and may also
produce a
shift in perceptions so that alternative possibilities are ruled out without being
seriously
considered. Groupthink may facilitate reaching a quick consensus, but the consensus
may also be ill chosen. It may even be downright dangerous. Social scientists attribute
a
range of bad (and, in some cases, catastrophic) decisions to groupthink, including the
space shuttle Challenger disaster in 1986 and the Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961 (Haig, 2011;
Janis and Mann, 1977).
Janis engaged in historical research examining the role of groupthink in U.S. for-
(oko)
(od=f= aed «|=o! 4-1
eign policy. He examined several critical decisions, including that behind the infamous
Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961. Newly elected president John F. Kennedy had inher- What is the difference
ited a plan from the previous administration to help Cuban exiles liberate Cuba from the between social
Communist government of Fidel Castro. The plan called for U.S. supplies and air cover to aggregates and social
assist an invasion by an ill-prepared army of exiles at Cuba's Bay of Pigs. As history now groups? Provide .
examples of each.
shows, the invasion was a disaster. The exiles, after parachuting into a swamp nowhere
Describe the main
near their intended drop zone, were immediately defeated, and Kennedy suffered a great
characteristics of
deal of public embarrassment.
primary and secondary
Kennedy's advisers were smart, strong willed, and well educated. How could they groups.
have failed to voice their concerns about the proposed invasion? Janis identified a num-
When groups become
ber of possible reasons. First, the advisers were hesitant to disagree with the president large, why does their
lest they lose his favor. Second, they did not want to diminish group harmony in a crisis intensity decrease but
situation where teamwork was all-important. Third, they faced intense time pressure their stability increase?
and had little opportunity to consult outside experts who might have offered radically What is groupthink?
different perspectives. All these circumstances contributed to a single-minded pursuit How can it be used
of the president's initial ideas rather than an effort to generate effective alternatives. To to explain why some
decisions made by a
avoid groupthink, a group must ensure the full and open expression of all opinions, even
group can have negative
strong dissent. consequences?

How Do Organizations
Function? <
People frequently band together to pursue activities that they could not otherwise accom- Know how to define
an organization and
plish by themselves. A principal means for accomplishing such cooperative actions—
understand how
whether raising money for cancer research, winning a football game, or becoming a
organizations developed
profitable corporation—is the organization, a group with an identifiable membership that over the last two
engages in concerted collective action to achieve a common purpose (Aldrich and Marsden, centuries. Learn Max
1988). An organization can be a small primary group, but it is more likely to be a larger, Weber's theory of
organizations and view
secondary one: Universities, religious bodies, and business corporations are all examples of
of bureaucracy.
organizations. Organizations are a central feature of all societies, and their study is a core
concern of sociology today.
Organizations tend to be highly formal in modern industrial and postindustrial
societies. A formal organization is rationally designed to achieve its objectives, often
by means of explicit rules, regulations, and procedures. As Max Weber (1921/1979) first

How Do Organizations Function? 145

 recognized almost a century ago, there has been a long-term trend in
Europe and North America toward formal organizations, in part because
formality is often a requirement for legal standing. For a college or
university to be legally accredited, for example, it must satisfy explicit
written standards governing everything from grading policy to faculty
performance to fire safety. Today, formal organizations are the dominant
form of organization throughout the entire world.
It is easy to see why organizations are so important to us today. In the
premodern world, families, close relatives, and neighbors provided for most
needs—food, the instruction of children, work, and leisure activities. In
modern times, the majority of the population is much more interdependent
than was ever the case before. Many of our requirements are met by people
©Wiley Ink, inc./Distributed by Universal Uclick via Cartoonstock we never meet and who indeed might live many thousands of miles away.
A substantial amount of coordination of activities and resources—which
Bureaucracies are often perceived
organizations provide—is needed in such circumstances. A downside, how-
as inefficient and fraught with red
ever, is that organizations take things out of our own hands and put them
if]¢]-
under the control of officials or experts over whom we have little influence.
“N For instance, we are all required to do certain things the government tells us
to do—pay taxes, abide by laws, go off to fight wars—or face punishment.

Theories of Organizations
Max Weber developed the first systematic interpretation of the rise of modern organiza-
organization tions. Organizations, he argued, are ways of coordinating the activities of human beings,
or the goods they produce, in a stable manner across space and time. Weber emphasized
A group with an identi-
fiable membership that that the development of organizations depends on the control of information, and he
engages in concerted stressed the central importance of writing in this process: To function, an organization
collective action to achieve needs written rules and files in which its “memory” is stored. Weber saw organizations
a common purpose. Many
as strongly hierarchical, with power tending to be concentrated at the top.
types of organizations
Was Weber right? If he was, it matters a great deal to us all, for Weber detected a clash
exist in industrialized
societies, influencing most as well as a connection between modern organizations and democracy that he believed
aspects of our lives. While had far-reaching consequences for social life.
not all organizations are
bureaucratic, there are BUREAUCRACY
close links between the
All large-scale organizations, according to Weber, tend to be bureaucratic in nature. The
development of organi-
zations and bureaucratic word bureaucracy was coined by Jean-Claude Marie Vincent de Gournay in 1745, who com-
tendencies. bined the word bureau, meaning both an office and a writing table, with the suffix -cracy,
derived from the Greek verb meaning “to rule.” Bureaucracy is thus the rule of officials.
The term was first applied to government officials, but it was gradually extended to refer to
formal large organizations in general. Perceptions of bureaucracy range from highly negative—
organization
fraught with red tape, inefficiency, and wastefulness—to quite positive—a model of care-
Means by which a group
fulness, precision, and effective administration.
is rationally designed to
Weber's account of bureaucracy steers between these two extremes. He argued that
achieve its objectives,
often using explicit the expansion of bureaucracy is inevitable in modern societies; bureaucratic authority is
rules, regulations, and the only way of coping with the administrative requirements of large-scale social sys-
procedures. tems. Yet he also conceded that bureaucracy exhibits a number of major failings that have
important implications for modern social life.

146 CHAPTER 5 Networks, Groups, and Organizations

TABLE 5.1

Applying Sociology to Networks, Groups, and Organizations

THEORY APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING GROUPS CONTEMPORARY APPLICATION

Weber's theory of A bureaucracy is a type of organization with Students at a large university may be frustrated
organizations and a Clear hierarchy of authority, written rules of by red-tape and bureaucracy, as they consult
bureaucracy procedure, and full-time, salaried officials. many different offices before arriving at an
answer to a question about their tuition bill.

Simmel’s theory of Human interactions are shaped by group sizes. A college student is nervous about living with
group size Larger groups have less intense interactions, just one roommate (dyad), in case they don't get
because a larger number of potential smaller along, and two roommates (triad), in case the
group relationships exist as outlets for individuals other two “gang up” on her. A larger setting, like
who are not getting along with other members of a group house or sorority, provides a greater
the group. number of less intense social ties.

Merton's reference Reference groups provide a standard for judging A star high school athlete feels very confident in
group theory one’s attitudes or behaviors. Humans use as their abilities, as they rank first in their school.
reference groups people they know as well as However, when they compare their feats to
people they don't (e.g., media figures). Olympians their age, or when they compete in
varsity sports in college, their own skills may feel
less stellar in comparison.

To study the origins and nature of the expansion of bureaucratic organizations, Weber
constructed an ideal type of bureaucracy. Ideal here refers not to what is most desirable but to
a pure form of bureaucratic organization. An ideal type is an abstract description constructed bureaucracy
by accentuating certain features of real cases to pinpoint their most essential characteristics. A type of organization
Weber (1921/1979) listed several characteristics of the ideal type of bureaucracy: marked by a clear hierarchy
of authority and the exis-
A clear-cut hierarchy of authority, such that tasks in the organization are tence of written rules of
distributed as “official duties.” Each higher office controls and supervises the procedure and staffed by
one below it in the hierarchy, thus making coordinated decision making possible. full-time, salaried officials.

Written rules govern the conduct of officials at all levels of the organization.
Higher offices tend to be governed by more general, universal rules that encom- ideal type
pass a wide variety of cases and demand flexibility in their interpretation. A “pure type,” constructed
by emphasizing certain
Officials are full time and salaried. Each job in the hierarchy has a definite and
traits of a social item that
fixed salary attached to it. Promotion is possible on the basis of capability, senior- do not necessarily exist
ity, or a mixture of the two. in reality. An example is
Max Weber's ideal type of
There is a separation between the tasks of officials within the organization
bureaucratic organization.
and their lives outside.

No members of the organization own the material resources with which they
operate. The development of bureaucracy, according to Weber, separates workers
from the control of their means of production; officials do not own the offices they
work in, the desks they sit at, or the office machinery they use.

How Do Organizations Function?

 Weber believed that the more an organization approaches the ideal type of bureau-
cracy, the more effective it will be in pursuing the objectives for which it was estab-
lished. Yet he recognized that bureaucracy can be inefficient and accepted that many
bureaucratic jobs are dull, offering little opportunity for the exercise of creative capabil-
ities. While Weber feared that the bureaucratization of society could have negative con-
sequences, he concluded that bureaucratic routine and the authority of officialdom over
formal relations our lives are prices we pay for the technical effectiveness of bureaucratic organizations.
Relations that exist in Since Weber's time, the bureaucratization of society has become more widespread.
groups and organizations Critics of this development who share Weber's initial concerns have questioned whether
as stipulated by the norms,
the efficiency of rational organizations comes at a price greater than Weber could have
or rules, of the official
imagined. The most prominent of these critiques refers to the “McDonaldization of society,”
system of authority.
which we discuss later in this chapter.

informal relations FORMAL AND INFORMAL RELATIONS WITHIN BUREAUCRACIES

Relations that exist in Weber's analysis of bureaucracy gave pride of place to formal relations within organiza-
groups and organizations tions, or the relations between people as stated in the rules of the organization. Weber
developed on the basis
had little to say about the informal connections and small-group relations that exist in
of personal connections;
all organizations. But in bureaucracies, informal ways of doing things often permit a
ways of doing things
that depart from formally flexibility that couldn't otherwise be achieved.
recognized modes of Informal relations tend to develop at all levels of organizations. At the very top, per-
procedure. sonal ties and connections may be more important than the formal situations in which
decisions are supposed to be made. For example, meetings of boards of directors and
shareholders supposedly determine the policies of business corporations. In practice, a
few board members often really run any given corporation, making their decisions infor-
mally and expecting the board to approve them. Informal
networks of this sort can also stretch across different cor-
_ SERVICE AVAILABLE AT =
HERE porations. Business leaders from different firms frequently
consult one another in an informal way and may belong to
the same clubs and social circles.
John Meyer and Brian Rowan (1977) argue that formal
rules and procedures in organizations are usually quite
distant from the practices actually adopted by the orga-
nizations’ members. Formal rules, in their view, are often
“myths” that people profess to follow but that have little
substance in reality. They serve to legitimize—to justify—
the ways in which tasks are carried out, even while these
ways may diverge greatly from how things are most effec-
tively done in practice.
Deciding to what degree informal procedures generally
help or hinder the effectiveness of organizations is not a sim-
ple matter. Systems that resemble Weber's ideal type tend to
A visit to the DMV clearly shows the integral role that organizations
give rise to a forest of unofficial ways of doing things, partly
such as the government—and their corresponding rules and
regulations—play in our lives. because workers compensate for systems’ lack of flexibility
by unofficially tinkering with formal rules. For those in dull
“N jobs, informal procedures often also help create a more sat-
isfying work environment. Informal connections between

148 CHAPTER 5 Networks, Groups, and Organizations

officials in higher positions may be effective in ways that aid the organization as a
whole.
On the other hand, these officials may be more concerned with advancing or protecting
their
own interests than with furthering those of the overall organization.

BUREAUCRACY AND DEMOCRACY

The diminishing of democracy with the advance of modern forms of organization wor-
ried Weber a great deal (see also Chapter 13). The prospect of rule by faceless bureaucrats
especially disturbed him. How can democracy be anything other than a meaningless
slogan in the face of the increasing power that bureaucratic organizations are wielding
over us? After all, Weber reasoned, bureaucracies are necessarily specialized and hier-
archical. Those near the bottom of the organization inevitably find themselves reduced
to carrying out mundane tasks and have no power over what they do; power passes to
those at the top. Weber's student Robert Michels (1911/1967) invented a now-famous Mary T. Barra has served
phrase to refer to this loss of power: He argued that in large-scale organizations, and more as CEO of General Motors
generally in a society dominated by organizations, there is an iron law of oligarchy. since 2014. In 2018,
women represented just
Oligarchy means “rule by the few.” According to Michels, the flow of power toward
5 percent of the CEOs
the top is simply an inevitable part of an increasingly bureaucratized world—hence the of the largest 500 public
term iron law. companies.
Was Michels right? It surely is correct to say that large-scale organizations involve the
centralizing of power. Yet there is good reason to suppose that the iron law of oligarchy is
“N
not quite as hard-and-fast as Michels claimed. Unequal power is not just a function of size.
In modest-sized groups, there can be marked differences of power. In a small business, for
instance, where the activities of employees are directly visible to their supervisors, much
tighter control might be exerted than in offices in larger organizations. Furthermore, in
many modern organizations, power is quite often openly delegated downward from supe- iron law of
riors to subordinates. In many large companies, corporate heads are so busy coordinating oligarchy
different departments, coping with crises, and analyzing budget and forecast figures that A term coined by Weber's
they have little time for original thinking. student Robert Michels
meaning that large orga-

GENDER AND ORGANIZATIONS nizations tend toward

centralization of power,
Until some two decades ago, organizational studies did not devote very much attention to making democracy difficult.
the question of gender. The rise of feminist scholarship in the 1970s, however, produced
examinations of gender relations in all the main institutions of society, including organi-
zations and bureaucracy. Feminist sociologists, most notably Rosabeth Moss Kanter in her
oligarchy
classic book Men and Women of the Corporation (1977), focused on the imbalance of gender Rule by a small minority
within an organization or
roles within organizations and the ways in which modern organizations themselves had
society.
developed in a specifically gendered way.
Feminists have argued that the emergence of the modern organization and the bureau-
cratic career depended on a particular gender configuration. They pointed to two main
ways in which gender is embedded in the very structure of modern organizations. First,
bureaucracies are characterized by occupational gender segregation. As women began to
enter the labor market in greater numbers, they tended to be segregated into jobs that
were low paying and involved routine work. These positions were subordinate to those
occupied by men and did not provide opportunities for women to be promoted. Women
were used as a source of cheap, reliable labor but were not granted the same opportunities
as men to build careers.

How Do Organizations Function?

FIGURE 5.2 - Second, the idea of a bureaucratic career was in TCI

a male career in which women played a crucial support-

Fermale SEQs at S&P ing role. In the workplace, women performed the routine

500 Companies tasks—as clerks, secretaries, and office managers—thereby

freeing up men to advance their careers. Men could con-
centrate on obtaining promotions or landing big accounts
because the female support staff handled much of the busy-
work. In the domestic sphere, women also supported the
bureaucratic career by caring for the home, the children,
PERCENTAGE
and the day-to-day well-being of their working husbands.
Women allowed male bureaucrats to work long hours, travel,
19958, 2000 2005 2015 2018 and focus solely on their work without concern for personal
Source: Catalyst, 2018. or domestic issues.
As aresult of these two tendencies, early feminist writers
argued, modern organizations have developed as male-
dominated preserves in which women are excluded from power, denied opportunities to
advance their careers, and victimized on the basis of their gender through sexual harass-
ment and discrimination. The #MeToo movement has made painfully clear that modern
CONCEPT CHECKS
organizations—from Hollywood movie studios to automobile factories—remain troubled
What role do spaces for women. We will explore this issue more fully in Chapter 9.
organizations play in Women have made tremendous strides in politics, work, education, and most other
contemporary society? domains since the 1970s. However, concerns about unequal pay, discrimination, and the
What does the term male hold on power persist today. Furthermore, women in positions of corporate power
bureaucracy mean? may not necessarily implement policies that help other women up the corporate ladder. For
Describe the five example, in February 2013, Marissa Mayer, newly appointed president and CEO of Yahoo,
characteristicsof banned telecommuting at the tech giant. Observers criticized this highly controversial policy
Weber's ideal type of change for making life harder for working mothers. Just a few months later, however, Yahoo
bureaucracy.
changed its parental leave policy, increasing paid leave for both moms and dads and provid-
Explain how modern ing new parents with cash bonuses. This new parental leave policy may help ensure that
organizations have
working women (and especially mothers) can remain in and ultimately ascend the ranks at
(ol=AVZ=1
(0)of=e Mai]
their corporate employers.
gendered way.

IS Bureaucracy an
Familiarize yourself with
? Outdated Model’
some of the alternatives For quite a long while in the development of Western societies, Weber's model held up well:
to bureaucracy that bureaucracies dominated government, hospital administration, universities, and business
have developed in other
organizations. Although informal social groups always develop in bureaucratic settings
societies or in recent
times. Think about the
and tend to function effectively in the workplace, it seemed as though the future might be
influence of technology on just what Weber had anticipated: constantly increasing bureaucratization.
how organizations operate. Bureaucracies still exist aplenty in the West, but Weber's ideas are starting to look
archaic. It is not the case that a clear hierarchy of authority, with power and knowledge

150 CHAPTERS Networks, Groups, and Organizations

concentrated at the top, is the only way to runa large organization. Numerous
organiza-
tions are overhauling themselves to become less, rather than more, hierarchic
al. Traditional
bureaucratic structures are now believed to stifle innovation and creativity in cutting-e
dge
industries. Departing from rigid vertical command structures, many organizations are
turning to “horizontal,” collaborative models to become more flexible and responsiv
e to
fluctuating markets. In this section, we examine some of the main forces behind these
shifts, including globalization and the growth of information technology, and consider
some of the ways in which modern organizations are reinventing themselves in light of
changing circumstances.

The Transformation of Management

Traditional Western forms of management are hierarchical and authoritarian, whereas
corporations in Japan, for example, typically focus on management-worker relations and
try to ensure that employees at all levels feel a personal attachment to the company.
The Japanese emphasis on teamwork, consensus-building approaches, and broad-based
employee participation has been demonstrated to yield more productive and competi-
tive workers. As a result, in the 1980s, many Western organizations began to introduce
new management techniques to rival the productivity and competitiveness of their
Japanese counterparts.
Two popular branches of management theory—human resource management and
the corporate culture approach—have since been adopted by Western organizations.
Human resource management is a style of management that regards a company’s human resource
workforce as vital to its economic competitiveness: If the employees are not completely management
dedicated to the firm and its product, the firm will never be a leader in its field. To gen- A style of management
erate employee enthusiasm and commitment, the entire organizational culture must that regards a company’s
workforce as vital to its
be retooled so that workers feel they have an investment in the workplace and in the
economic competitiveness.
work process.
The second management trend—creating a distinctive corporate culture—s closely
related to human resource management. To promote loyalty to the company and pride corporate culture
in its work, the company's management works with employees to build an organizational An organizational culture
culture involving rituals, events, or traditions unique to that company. These cultural involving rituals, events, or
activities are designed to draw all members of the firm—from the most senior manag- traditions that are unique
ers to the newest employees—together to strengthen group solidarity. Company picnics, to a specific company.

casual Fridays, and company-sponsored community service projects may all contribute to
building a corporate culture.
Google, for example, has a distinctive corporate culture that is designed to fos-
ter creativity and collaboration. The company encourages employees to design their
own desks to fit their personal work styles. Scooters are kept on hand in the office so
employees can zoom quickly to the other side of the building for a quick conversation
with coworkers. Employees can take breaks at Lego stations or grab a bite at gourmet
cafeterias that serve free breakfast, lunch, and dinner. These quirky perks help Google
define and uphold its own unique culture. “The philosophy is very simple,” said Google
engineering director Craig Neville-Manning. “Google’s success depends on innova-
tion and collaboration. Everything we did was geared toward making it easy to talk”
(Stewart, 2013).

ls Bureaucracy an Outdated Model? 151

 Technology and Modern Organizations
The development of information technology—computers and electronic communication
media, such as the Internet—is another factor currently influencing organizational struc-
tures (Attaran, 2004; Bresnahan et al., 2002; Castells, 2000, 2001; Kanter, 1991; Kobrin,
1997; Zuboff, 1988). Because data can be processed instantaneously in any part of the world
linked to a computer-based communications system, there is no need for physical proxim-
ity among the workers involved. As a result, the technology has allowed many companies
to reengineer their organizational structures.
Telecommuting is an example of how large organizations have become more decen-
tralized as more routine tasks have been automated or rendered obsolete by technology,
reinforcing the tendency toward smaller, more flexible types of enterprises (Burris, 1998).
A good deal of office work, for instance, can be carried out by remote employees who use
the Internet and smartphones to do their work at home or somewhere other than their
employer's primary office. According to a Gallup (2017) survey, 43 percent of workers in
2016 spent some time working remotely, up from 39 percent in 2012. Nearly a third of
these employees work remotely 80 percent or more of the time; a fifth work remotely
100 percent of the time. Remote workers are highly likely to have a college or advanced
degree and to work in managerial or professional positions (Noonan and Glass, 2012).
For many, the word
corporation conjures up Telecommuting poses both advantages and disadvantages for workers and their
images of a boring gray employers. On the positive side, telecommuting increases productivity because it elimi-
office. Yet, firms like Google nates time spent commuting to and from the office, permitting employees to concentrate
"are creating their own
greater energy on work-related tasks (Hartig et al., 2003). However, these flexible work
corporate cultures, offering
arrangements have repercussions. First, employees lose the human side of work; computer
perks like yoga classes and
free food. terminals are not an attractive substitute for face-to-face interaction with colleagues and
friends. The flexibility of telework creates new types of stress stemming from isolation,
“N distraction, and conflicting demands of work and home responsibilities (Ammons and
Markham, 2004; Raghuram and Wiesenfeld, 2004). Remote workers are more likely to
work overtime, working between 5 and 7 more hours per week than nontelecommuters
(Noonan and Glass, 2012).
On the other hand, management cannot easily monitor the activities of employ-
information
technology ees not under direct supervision (Dimitrova, 2003; Kling, 1996). While this may create

Forms of technology based problems for employers, it allows employees greater flexibility in managing their non-
on information processing work roles, thus contributing to increased worker satisfaction (Davis and Polonko, 2001).
and requiring microelec- Telecommuting also creates new possibilities for older workers and those with physi-
tronic circuitry. cal limitations to remain independent, productive, and socially connected (Bouma et al.,
2004; Bricout, 2004).
The growth of telecommuting is sparking profound changes in many social realms.
It is restructuring management practices and authority hierarchies within businesses
(Illegems and Verbeke, 2004; Spinks and Wood, 1996). It is also contributing to new
trends in residential development that prioritize spatial and technological requirements
for telework in homes, which are being built at increasing distances from city centers
(Hartig et al., 2003).
The experiences of telecommuters clearly show how organizational adaptations to
technologies can have both positive and negative consequences for workers. While com-
puterization has resulted in a reduction in hierarchy, it has created a two-tiered occupa-
tional structure composed of technical “experts” and less-skilled production or clerical

a2 CHAPTER 5 Networks, Groups, and Organizations

What is McDonaldization?
What are the consequences
of highly standardized
experiences?

workers. In these restructured organizations, jobs are redefined based more on technical
skill than on rank or position. For expert professionals, traditional bureaucratic constraints
are relaxed to allow for creativity and flexibility, but other workers have limited indepen-
dence (Burris, 1993). Although professionals benefit more from this expanded autonomy,
computerization makes production and service workers more visible and vulnerable to
supervision (Wellman et al., 1996; Zuboff, 1988).

The “McDonaldization” of Society

Not everyone agrees that our society and its organizations are moving away from the
Weberian view of rigid, orderly bureaucracies. The idea that we are witnessing a process of
debureaucratization, they argue, is overstated.
In a contribution to this debate, George Ritzer (1993) developed a vivid metaphor to
express his view of the transformations taking place in industrialized societies. He argued
that although some tendencies toward debureaucratization have indeed emerged, on the
whole, what we are witnessing is the “McDonaldization” of society. According to Ritzer,
McDonaldization is “the process by which the principles of the fast-food restaurants are
coming to dominate more and more sectors of American society as well as the rest of
the world.” Ritzer used the four guiding principles for McDonald's restaurants—efficiency,
calculability, uniformity, and control through automation—to show that our society is

becoming ever more rationalized with time.

ls Bureaucracy an Outdated Model?

 If you have ever visited McDonald's restaurants in two different locations, you will have
noticed that there are very few differences between them. The interior decoration may vary
CONCEPT CHECKS
slightly and the language spoken will most likely differ from country to country, but the lay-
How has the Japanese out, the menu, the procedure for ordering, the staff uniforms, the tables, the packaging, and
model.influenced the the “service with a smile” are virtually identical. The McDonald's system is deliberately con-
Western approach to structed to maximize efficiency and minimize human responsibility and involvement in the
management?
process. Except for certain key tasks, such as taking orders and pushing the start and stop but-
Explain how the tons on cooking equipment, the restaurants’ functions are highly automated and largely run
development of themselves.
ahcolmantcldxe)ammc-xeusl
ave)(oyea\7
Ritzer argues that society as a whole is moving toward such highly standardized and
has changed the ways
people live and work. regulated models for getting things done. Many aspects of our daily lives, for example,
now involve automated systems and computers instead of human beings. E-commerce
According to George
Ritzer, what are the four
is threatening to overtake trips to the store, ATMs outnumber bank tellers, and pre-
guiding principles used in packaged meals provide a quicker option than cooking. Ritzer, like Weber before him, is
McDonald’s restaurants? fearful of the harmful effects of bureaucratization on the human spirit and creativity. He
What does he mean by argues that McDonaldization is making social life more homogeneous, more rigid, and
the “McDonaldization” of
less personal.
society?

How Do Organizations and

> Groups Affect Your Life’?
Learn how social capital Social Capital: The Ties That Bind
enables people to
Most people join organizations to gain connections and increase their influence. The time
accomplish their goals and
and energy invested in an organization can yield valuable rewards. Parents who belong to
expand their influence.
parent-teacher associations, for example, are more likely than parents who do not belong to
be able to influence school policy. The members know whom to call, what to say, and how
to exert pressure on school officials.
social capital Sociologists call these benefits of organizational membership social capital, the social
The social knowledge and knowledge and connections that enable people to accomplish their goals and extend their
connections that enable influence (Coleman, 1988, 1990; Loury, 1977; Putnam, 1993, 1995, 2000). Social capital is
people to accomplish a broad concept and encompasses useful social networks, a sense of mutual obligation
their goals and extend
and trust, an understanding of the norms that govern effective behavior, and other social
their influence.
resources that enable people to act effectively. College students often become active in stu-
dent government or the campus newspaper partly because they hope to learn social skills
and make connections that will pay off when they graduate. They may, for example, get to
interact with professors, administrators, or even successful alumni, who will then, they
hope, go to bat for them when they are looking for a job or applying to graduate school.
Differences in social capital mirror larger social inequalities. In general, men have more cap-
ital than women, White people more than people of color, the wealthy more than the poor.
Robert Putnam (2000), a political scientist and author of the famous book Bowling Alone,
distinguishes two types of social capital: bridging, which is outward looking and inclusive, and

154 CHAPTER 5 Networks, Groups, and Organizations

bonding, which is inward looking and exclusive. Bridging social capital unifies people
across
social cleavages, as exemplified by interfaith religious organizations or the civil
rights move-
ment, which brought Black and White people together in the struggle for racial equality. Bonding
social capital reinforces exclusive identities and homogeneous groups; it can be found in
ethnic fraternal organizations, church-based women’s reading groups, and elite country clubs.
People who actively belong to organizations are more likely to feel connected; they
feel engaged, able to somehow make a difference. Democracy flourishes when social capital
is strong. Historically, declines in organizational membership, neighborliness, and trust in
organizations and corporations have been paralleled by declines in democratic participa-
tion and trust in the government.
Although scholars have bemoaned the fact that political involvement, club membership,
and other forms of social and civic engagement that bind Americans to one another eroded
significantly in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the high levels of voter
turnout in the most recent presidential elections provide a glimmer of optimism. In the 2012
and 2016 elections, 59 and 61 percent of eligible voters, respectively, went to the polls. Both
figures represent high levels of participation relative to presidential elections conducted over
the last 44 years. Even more telling, however, is the stark increase in the turnout of young
voters. Fully 51 percent of voters between the ages of 18 and 29 voted in the 2008 election, and
46 percent showed up to vote in 2016. Contrast those proportions with turnout rates among
young voters of less than 40 percent in 1996 and 40 percent in 2000 (File, 2017).
Other indicators of social participation do not tell such an encouraging story. For
instance, attendance at public meetings concerning education or civic affairs has dropped
sharply since the 1970s. Even more pessimistic are recent surveys asking Americans:
“How much of the time do you think you can trust the government in Washington to
do what is right?” In 2019, trust in government was near historic lows, with just 17 per-
cent of Americans saying they could trust the government “just about always” or “most of
the time” (Pew Research Center, 2019). However, trust in the U.S. government ebbs
and flows as the world around us changes. For instance, following the terrorist attacks
of September 11, 2001, researchers witnessed a resurgence of trust, with those saying
that they trust the government always or most of the time doubling to 60 percent (Pew
Research Center, 2017c). In times of crisis, Americans tend to pull together, and social
cohesion increases—even if just temporarily.
Some sociologists believe that another indicator of the weakening of social ties in the
United States is declining membership in clubs and social organizations. Research on orga-
nizations such as the Sierra Club and the National Organization for Women is even more
discouraging. The vast majority of these organizations’ members simply pay their annual
dues and receive a newsletter. Very few members actively participate, failing to develop
the social capital Putnam regards as an important underpinning of democracy. Many of the
most popular organizations today, such as 12-step programs or weight loss groups, empha-
size personal growth and health rather than collective goals to benefit society as a whole.
There are undoubtedly many reasons for these declines. Kor one, women, who were
traditionally active in volunteer organizations, are more likely to hold a job than ever before.
Furthermore, the commuting that results from flight to the suburbs uses up time and energy
that might have been available for civic activities. But the principal source of declining civic
participation, according to Putnam, is simple: television. The many hours Americans spend
at home alone watching TV have replaced social engagement in the community.

How Do Organizations and Groups Affect Your Life? 1959

EMPLOYING - From Organizational Consultant to CEO
YOUR
Yoledfe]Moke] [oy-Ve The field of organizational sociology has been central to the discipline ever since Max
Weber formulated his theory of bureaucratic organizations. But organizational sociology
IMAGINATION has special relevance today as organizations are reshaped by the twin forces of informa-
tion technology and globalization.
Businesses from small high-tech startups to Walmart have gone global, using infor-
mation technology to create worldwide supply chains. Nonprofits from Human Rights
Watch to Greenpeace rely on their global networks to more effectively press for a just
and sustainable world. Organizations today are more likely to be both multiethnic and
multinational—two features that are central to sociological understanding. As one

observer has noted, “In a diversified and globalized corporate world, in which one might
work with people of various races, sexualities, nationalities, and cultures, training as a
sociologist can develop the cultural perspective and critical thinking skills necessary to
succeed today” (Crossman, 2017).
Sociologists are well positioned to understand the transformative forces that are
reshaping organizations. The sociological study of organizations today focuses on the
many ways in which organizations are shaped by—and in turn shape—the larger environ-
ments in which they are found (Scott, 2004). This broad-based approach, which com-
bines the study of organizations with a big-picture understanding of the larger societal
forces in which they are embedded, is a hallmark of sociology—and it begins at the under-
graduate level.
The American Sociological Association, which interviewed nearly 800 sociology
majors a year and a half after they had graduated, found that among those who held full-
time jobs, 30 percent “provided administrative support and management skills in a wide
variety of organizations” from business to government (Spalter-Roth and Van Vooren,

The primary groups of your earliest years were crucial in shaping your sense of self—
a sense that changed very slowly thereafter. Throughout life, groups also instill in their
members norms and values that enable and enrich social life. You may have found that
close-knit, democratic groups with fair-minded leaders are better equipped to achieve their
goals than are less close-knit groups or those with dictatorial or narrow-minded leaders.
Although groups remain central in our lives, group affiliation in the United States is
rapidly changing. As you have seen in this chapter, conventional groups appear to be losing
ground in our daily lives. For example, today’s college students are less likely to join civic
groups and organizations than were their parents, a decline that may well signal a weaker
commitment to their communities. Some sociologists worry that this signals a weakening
of society itself, which could bring about social instability. Yet others argue that group life
has been redefined, as young people belong instead to virtual groups and communities via
social networking websites like Facebook and LinkedIn.
The global economy and information technology are also redefining group life in
diverse ways. For instance, your parents are likely to spend much of their careers in a
handful of long-lasting, bureaucratic organizations; you are much mote likely to be part of

156 CHAPTER 5 Networks, Groups, and Organizations

2008a). The study concluded that by the time they graduate, sociology
students have
learned to develop evidence-based arguments, think abstractly, write effectively
, formu-
late empirically testable questions, understand and perform statistical analysis, compre-
hend group dynamics and processes, and develop analytical skills, particularly the ability
to analyze issues within a larger “macro” perspective (Matchett, 2009: see also Spalter-
Roth and Van Vooren, 2008b).
Jenny Chan, who majored in sociology at the University of Hong Kong, went on to help
found Students and Scholars against Corporate Misbehavior (SACOM), a Hong Kong non-
profit that played a key role in exposing labor abuses in China, including those in a giant
factory where workers, despondent about their jobs, were committing suicide in large
numbers. Thanks to Chan's exposé, which went viral around the world, Apple—whose
iPhones were assembled in the factory—was forced to join the Fair Labor Association
and address the problems that caused the suicides (Heffernan, 2013: Chan, 2017a).
Helen Singer, to take another example, serves on the global executive team of Ashoka, an

organization that supports a global network of social entrepreneurs—"individuals with

innovative solutions to society’s most pressing social, cultural, and environmental chal-
lenges.” Singer (2018) comments that “as a sociologist, I’m always dedicated to the
Amazon has recently come
themes of democracy and social innovation.” under fire for its workplace
On the business side, Stephen Schwarzman, co-founder of the Blackstone Group culture. Sociology students are
(the world’s largest alternative investment firm), was an interdisciplinary major at Yale, well positioned to help solve
which he credits with combining “psychology, sociology, anthropology and biology, which some of the issues plaguing
is really sort of the study of the human being.” Christopher Connor, former CEO of the modern corporations, which are
building materials giant Sherwin-Williams, majored in sociology at Ohio State (Cutrone being transformed by
and Nisen, 2012). technology and globalization.
From entry level to the corner office, by enabling you to better understand the relation-
ship between organizations and society, a sociology degree provides an excellent starting
point for a career in a wide variety of organizational settings.

a larger number of networked, “flexible” ones. Many of your group affiliations are probably
created through the Internet; in the future, your social ties may be created through other
forms of communication that today can barely be envisioned. It will become increas-
ingly easy to connect with like-minded people anywhere, creating geographically dis-
persed groups that span the planet—and whose members may never meet one another
face-to-face.
How will these trends affect the quality of your social relationships? For nearly all of
human history, most people interacted exclusively with others who were close at hand. The CONCEPT CHECKS
Industrial Revolution, which facilitated the rise of large, impersonal bureaucracies where
What is social capital?
people knew one another only casually, if at all, changed social interaction. Today, the
information revolution is once again changing human interaction. Tomorrow's groups and Describe the difference
between bridging social
organizations could provide a renewed sense of communication and social intimacy—or
(or-) 0} ¢-] -]arem ole)alelay
they could spell further isolation and social distance.
Yofelf=]mer-]e116

How Do Organizations and Groups Affect Your Life? 157

 oo ae : |
CHAPTER 5 Learning Objectives

The
Understand the importance of social
How Do We networks and the advantages they confer
Benefit from [a onsome people.

Big Picture Social Networks? e

Networks, Groups,
and Organizations
Learn the variety and characteristics of
groups, as well as the effect of groups on
What Are an individual's behavior.
Social Groups?

Thinking Sociologically

Know how to define an organization and

— . According to Georg Simmel, what How Do ; m = =©understand how organizations developed
are the primary differences between Organizations | over the last two centuries. Learn Max
dyads and triads? Explain, according Function? Weber's theory of organizations and view
to his theory, how the addition of a of bureaucracy.
child would alter the relationship
P. 145
between spouses. Does the theory
fit this situation?

2. The advent of computers and the

computerization of the workplace Is Bureaucracy an
aye a te Familie ‘ =
has changed our organizations and Outdated Model? aah iSepals,
alternatives to bureaucracy that have
relationships with coworkers. Explain
ae developed in other societies or in recent
how you see modern organizations
ey ee : times. Think about the influence of
changing
n with tat
the adaptation of newer technology on how organizations operate.
information technologies.
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

1. According to Granovetter, what are the benefits of weak ties? Why?

2. How do men's and women's weak ties differ?

network

1. What is the difference between social aggregates and social groups?

Provide examples of each.
2. Describe the main characteristics of primary and secondary groups.
3. When groups become large, why does their intensity decrease but their
Stability increase?
social group * social aggregate * social 4. What is groupthink? How can it be used to explain why some decisions
category ® in-groups ® out-groups ® primary made by a group lead to negative consequences?
group * secondary group * reference group
¢ dyad ¢ triad * leader ¢ transformational
leaders © transactional leaders * groupthink

1. What role do organizations play in contemporary society?

2. What does the term bureaucracy mean?
organization ® formal organization 3. Describe the five characteristics of Weber's ideal type of bureaucracy.
e bureaucracy ¢ ideal type ¢ formal relations 4. Explain how modern organizations have developed in a gendered way.
¢ informal relations ¢ iron law of oligarchy
* oligarchy

t How has the Japanese model influenced the Wester n approac

management?
2. f xplain how tne Jevelopme nt of information technology has changed t

ways people live and work

culture © inform
3. Acc ording to George Ritzer, what are the four guiding principles used In

McDonald's restaurants? What does he mean by the McD

 Actress Lori Loughlin leaving a federal
court building while facing charges for her
involvement in a nationwide college admissions
ee cheating scheme.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

What is deviance?
Learn how sociologists define deviance and
how it is closely related to social power and
social class. See the ways in which conformity
is encouraged.

|qd ‘a as , Why do people commit deviant acts?

_ 8
bk CV
Know the leading biological, psychological,
e and sociological theories of deviance and how

t : each is useful in understanding crime.

| ‘> qd e
6 [
How do we document crime?
© ; é Recognize the usefulness and limitations
| l a S a aa eC all : of crime statistics. Learn some important
differences between men and women related
to crime. Familiarize yourself with some of
the varieties of crime.

Who are the perpetrators?

Understand why members of some social
groups are more likely to commit or be the
victims of crime.

What were the causes and costs of

the great crime decline?
Consider some of the factors that have
caused a decades-long decline in crime rates.
Understand the social costs associated with
the great crime decline.

How do crime and deviance affect

Incarceration Rates your life?
p. 185 Understand the costs and functions of crime
and deviance.
 On March 12, 2019, William Rick Singer pleaded guilty to charges of racketeering,
money laundering, obstructing justice, and masterminding a $25 million college
admissions fraud scheme, in what has proven to be the largest such scandal in
U.S. history. The 59-year-old California resident and CEO of The Key, a college
admissions prep company, admitted to falsifying applicants’ athletic profiles and helping them
cheat on college entrance examinations, either arranging for third parties to take the exams
in their stead or falsifying data that granted them disability status and thus extra time on the
exams. For these services, he charged their parents between $15,000 and $75,000. In addition
to Singer, over 50 people were arrested in connection with the scheme, among whom were
nine athletic coaches at top U.S. colleges such as Stanford, Yale, the University of Southern
California, and Georgetown; two ACT and SAT administrators; and three dozen affluent indi-
viduals, including Hollywood celebrities and at least seven active corporate CEOs, who had
knowingly accepted Singer’s help to get their children into elite institutions.

Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

 The investigation, which came to be known as Operation Varsity Blues, was sparked in
November 2018 by a tip from Morrie Tobin, a financial executive being probed for a securities
fraud case. Hoping to reduce the prison term and seven-digit fine hanging over his head, Tobin
revealed to investigators that Rudy Meredith, the top women’s soccer coach at Yale, had soli-
cited a bribe from him in exchange for recruiting his daughter as an athlete and thus assuring
her admission to the university. Meredith, in turn, led the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)
to Singer and the various other figures implicated in the case.
Tapped phone conversations between Singer and his clients revealed that he was remark-
ably frank about his illegal activities. Among other things, he informed parents of the three
points of entry into any elite college: the “front door,” which demands that applicants have
excellent grades and high test scores; the “back door,” which requires that their parents have
long affiliations with or make generous donations to the institutions in question; and finally
the “side door,” where Singer's services came into play. In some cases, Singer arranged for
students to take college entrance exams at centers that he controlled; in others, he tailored
the data on their applications and manipulated digital photographs to show them engaged in
sports that they did not even play. In order to conceal the bribes from tax and legal authorities,
Singer demanded that clients pay him in the form of charitable donations to the Key Worldwide
Foundation, which allegedly offered college prep assistance to low-income students.
The investigation’s revelations received great attention from the media, due in part to
the involvement and subsequent sentencing of popular TV and movie star Lori Loughlin, who
along with her husband, designer Mossimo Giannulli, spent a total of $500,000 to assure their
two daughters’ admission into the University of Southern California. The scandal also served
as a reminder that the well-to-do have few qualms about cheating their way to even greater
privilege. Parents across the United States expressed outrage that slots at top schools could be
purchased and thus denied to more qualified, hardworking, and thus deserving youth. Students,
in turn, complained that the scandal would render their degrees less valuable since their future
employers might wonder whether they too had bought their way into prestigious institutions.
One group of parents went so far as to file a federal lawsuit against the guilty parties, claim-
ing that they would not have wasted their time and money to get their children into top-notch
institutions had they known that the system was rigged.
On the other hand, many took a cynical view of the entire affair, claiming that it was but
another manifestation of the entitlement already enjoyed by affluent individuals in an unfair
system. After all, as Singer pointed out, it is perfectly legal to get one’s child into any of
these institutions through the back door with a mega-donation, thus depriving a more worthy
candidate of a spot in its freshman class. Even without going to such extremes, upscale parents
can offer their children many perks unavailable to less privileged families, such as private
tutors and college-prep coaches, pre-college summer courses at elite universities all over the
country, and the opportunity to retake costly entrance exams multiple times.
As of August 2020, 24 of those indicted had been sentenced to prison terms lasting from
as little as a single day to as long as nine months. They have been fined anywhere between
$9,500 and $750,000 (McLaughlin, 2020). Although Singer has not yet stood trial, he could see
a prison term of up to 63 years, though most legal experts believe that it will fall far short of that.
This string of illegal efforts made by the well-to-do to in order to obtain even greater
privileges for their children raises countless questions for sociologists, including those related
to crime and deviance. Has the incidence of such fraud and bribery increased in recent years,
or have prosecutors who have hitherto focused on the crimes of the poor just now begun to

162 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

 document behaviors that have long been prevalent?
Indeed, why does the criminal justice
system generally turn its attention to the poor and so
often fail to live up to the ideal of prose-
cuting all criminals equally?
Crime and punishment are tightly woven into the fabric
of life in the United States. The
U.S. rate of incarceration is five to eight times higher than
those of Canada and the countries
of Western Europe. The United States is home to only 4.3 percent
of the world’s population but
more than 20 percent of its prisoners (Walmsley, 2018). The high
rate of imprisonment in the
United States in recent decades is due in part to “three strikes” laws, which
became popular in
the 1990s. These laws require state courts to hand down mandatory and
often lengthy prison
sentences to persons who have been convicted of a serious criminal
offense three or more
times. Yet, as the college admissions scandal illustrates, not all people who commit
crimes are
treated with the same degree of severity by agents of the criminal justice and legal
systems.
Rates of imprisonment, in turn, have a profound impact on U.S. society. When
individuals
are in prison, they are not part of the labor force and thus are not counted in the rates
of unem-
ployment reported by the government. As a result, estimates of unemployment
among some
subgroups, such as African American men, may be understated. At the same time, incarcer-
ation increases a person's long-term chances of unemployment even after they are released
from prison (Western and Beckett, 1999).
But the story of crime and justice in America is not simply one of a glass half empty.
norms
Beginning in the early 1990s, the murder rate in U.S. cities began a significant decline, and by
Rules of conduct that
2014 the country was safer from crime than it had been during any year in the half-century
specify appropriate behav-
since communities began to keep reliable crime data (Sharkey, 2018). The “great crime ior in a given range of
decline,” as it came to be known, occurred alongside a string of high-profile police shoot- social situations. A norm
ings of unarmed Black men, raising another important question for sociologists: What are the _ either prescribes a given
causes of the crime decline, and what social costs have been incurred by the measures that type of behavior or forbids
it. All human groups follow
have brought down crime?
definite norms, which
In this chapter, we will be taking up these and other questions relating to crime, which
are always backed by
is just one category of a much larger field of study called “deviance” or “deviant behavior.” sanctions of one kind or
Deviants are individuals—like those who illegally bought their way into college—who do not live another—varying from
by the rules that the majority follows. Some do so by choice; others are incapable of following informal disapproval to
physical punishment.
the rules because they lack the resources to do so. Sometimes they are violent criminals, drug
addicts, or down-and-outs who do not fit in with what most people would define as normal
standards of acceptability. These are the cases that seem easy to identify. Yet things are not mores
quite as they appear—a lesson that sociology, which encourages us to look beyond the obvious,
Norms that are widely
often teaches us. The concept of the deviant, as we shall see, is actually not easy to define. adhered to and have
We have learned in previous chapters that social life is governed by rules or norms. Norms, great social and moral
which we discussed in Chapter 2, are clearly defined and established principles or rules people significance. Violations
are expected to observe; they represent the dos and don'ts of society. However, some norms are generally sanctioned
strongly.
are more powerful and important than others. Early twentieth-century sociologist William
Graham Sumner identified two types of norms. Mores (pronounced “morays”) are norms that
are widely adhered to and have great social and moral significance. Folkways, by contrast, are folkways
the norms that guide our everyday actions. For example, cutting in front of someone in line at
Norms that guide casual
a coffee shop would be a violation of a folkway, whereas harassing the hardworking barista or everyday interactions.
would be a violation of a more. Violations are sanctioned
Norms affect every aspect of our lives. Orderly behavior on the highway, for example, subtly or not at all.

would be impossible if drivers didn’t observe the rule of driving on the right. If you think that

Deviance, Crime, and Punishment 163

 the only deviants on the road are reckless or drunken drivers, however, you'd be wrong. When
we drive, most of us are not merely deviants but criminals: We regularly drive above the legal
speed limit, and some of us even text while driving—assuming there isn't a police car in sight.
In such cases, breaking the law is normal behavior!
We are all rule breakers as well as conformists. We are all also rule creators. Most

American drivers may break the law on the freeway, but in fact they've evolved informal
rules that are superimposed on the legal rules. When the legal speed limit on the highway is
65 mph, most drivers don’t go above 75 or so, and they drive slower when passing through
urban areas. When we begin the study of deviant behavior, we must consider which rules

people are observing and which they are breaking. Nobody breaks all rules, just as no one
conforms to all rules. As we shall see throughout this chapter, understanding who is or is not
classified as deviant, and why, is a fascinating question at the core of sociology.

De What Is Deviance?
Learn how sociologists The study of deviant behavior is one of the most intriguing yet complex areas of sociology.
define deviance and how it It teaches us that none of us is quite as normal as we might like to think. It also helps us
Med (ol) Wag-1E-1t-(e Ma
Coeyolen1 see that people whose behavior might appear incomprehensible or odd can be viewed as
power and social class.
rational when we understand why they act as they do. The study of deviance, like other
See the ways in which
conformity is encouraged. fields of sociology, directs our attention to social power, which encompasses gender, race,
and class. When we look at deviance from or conformity to social rules or norms, we
always have to bear in mind the question, “Whose rules?” As we shall see, social norms
are strongly influenced by divisions of power and class.
deviance Deviance may be defined as nonconformity to a given set of norms that are accepted
Modes of action that do not by a significant number of people in a community or society. These people have the power
conform to the norms or to enforce their definitions of what counts as normal. No society can be divided up in
values held and enforced a simple way between those who deviate from norms and those who conform to them.
by members of a group or
Most of us violate generally accepted rules of behavior on some occasions. Although a large
society. What is regarded
share of deviant behavior is also criminal and violates the law (such as committing assault
as deviant is as variable
as the norms and values or murder), many deviant behaviors—ranging from bizarre fashion choices to joining a
that distinguish different religious cult—are not criminal. By the same token, many behaviors that are technically
cultures and subcultures “crimes,” such as underage drinking or exceeding the speed limit, are not considered devi-
from one another. ant because they are quite normative (see Figure 6.1). Sociologists tend to focus much of
their research on behaviors that are both criminal and deviant, as such behaviors have
importance for the safety and well-being of our nation.
Although most of us associate the word deviant with behaviors that we view as
dangerous or unsavory, deviant acts may be accepted or encouraged in the right con-
text. Take computer hacking, for example. Kevin Mitnick has been described as the
“world’s most celebrated computer hacker.” To hackers everywhere, Mitnick is a path-
breaking genius whose five-year imprisonment in a U.S. penitentiary was unjust and
unwarranted— proof of how society misunderstood hackers at the beginning of the
information age. To U.S. authorities and high-tech corporations, Mitnick was one of
the world’s most dangerous men. Mitnick was captured by the FBI in 1995 and later
convicted of downloading source code and stealing software worth millions of dollars

164 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

from companies such as Motorola and Sun Microsystems. FIGURE 6.1
As a condition of his release from prison in January 2000,
Mitnick was barred from using any communications tech- Intersection of Deviance
nology other than a landline telephone. He successfully and Crime
fought this legal decision and gained access to the Internet.
Today, the very same skills that made Mitnick a reviled devi- PEVIANEE CRIME

ant thought to threaten the very stability of the information

age have led to a burgeoning new career in what he calls
“ethical hacking.” As the founder of a consulting company,
he helps governments and corporations test their security. Murder Exceeding the
Nudity speed limit
Tals)
Mitnick’s skillset is in high demand, as malicious hacking and bizarre sexual Fale MOlale(-1e-124-)
clothing
remains a major threat. A recent study found that hackers assault drinking

were the leading cause of data breaches—responsible for

48 percent of them in 2018 (Verizon, 2018).
Deviance does not refer only to individual behavior; it
concerns the activities of groups as well. Heaven's Gate was
a religious group whose beliefs and practices were different
from those of the majority of Americans. The cult was estab-
lished in the early 1970s when Marshall Herff Applewhite made his way around the
West and Midwest of the United States preaching his beliefs, and he ultimately turned
to online advertising in the early 1990s. Members of Heaven's Gate believed that civili-
zation was doomed and that the only way people could be saved was to kill themselves
so their souls could be rescued by an alien spaceship. On March 26, 1997, 39 members
of the cult followed Applewhite’s advice in a mass suicide at a wealthy estate in Rancho
Santa Fe, California.
The Heaven's Gate cult represents an example of a deviant subculture. Its mem- deviant subculture
bers were able to survive fairly easily within the wider society, supporting themselves A subculture whose mem-
by running a website business and recruiting new members via email. They had bers hold values that differ
plenty of money and lived together in an expensive home in a wealthy Southern substantially from those of
the majority.
California suburb.

Norms and Sanctions

We most often follow social norms because, as a result of socialization, we are accustomed
to doing so. Individuals become committed to social norms through interactions with
people who obey the law and mainstream values. Through these interactions, we learn
self-control. The more numerous and frequent our interactions, the fewer opportunities
we have to deviate from conventional norms. And, over time, the longer we interact in
ways that are conventional, the more we stand to lose by not conforming (Gottfredson
and Hirschi, 1990).
All social norms are accompanied by sanctions that promote conformity and protect sanction
against nonconformity. A sanction is any reaction from others to the behavior of an indi- A mode of reward or
vidual or group that is meant to ensure that the person or group complies with a given punishment that reinforces
norm. Sanctions may be positive (rewards for conformity) or negative (punishment for socially expected forms of
behavior.
behavior that does not conform). They can also be formal or informal. Formal sanctions
set
are applied by a specific agency or body of people to ensure conformity to a particular

What Is Deviance? 165

 of norms, such as a speeding ticket or expulsion from school for cheating. Informal sanc-
tions are less organized and more spontaneous reactions to nonconformity, such as when
(oto)
\Kod ode od |10,
a group of students teasingly accuse their friend of being a nerd for deciding to stay home
How do sociologists ° and study rather than go to a party. Sif
define deviance? The main types of formal sanctions in modern societies are those represented by the
‘Is all crime deviant? Is courts and prisons. The police, of course, are the agency charged with arresting offenders
all deviance criminal? and bringing them to trial for possible imprisonment. Laws are norms defined by govern-
Why? ments as principles that their citizens must follow; governments apply sanctions against
Contrast positive and people who do not conform to them. Where there are laws, there are also crimes, since
negative sanctions. crime can most simply be defined as any type of behavior that breaks a law.

Why Do People Commit

> Deviant Acts’
Know the leading The question of why people are deviant is one of the most vexing puzzles asked by social
leo) (ay=4(or-|bamof-\'Zo4
Ye)(el-4(08-18 scientists and laypeople alike. Part of the morbid allure of TV shows like Snapped is that
Elale Mecxelod(e)
(ele (or-1Mi
tale)
a(1-3 we are truly puzzled and seek answers when we learn about the vicious beatings of inno-
of deviance and how
cent victims. Answers to the question vary widely, however, depending on one’s academic
each is useful in
understanding crime.
discipline and even, within sociology, one’s theoretical approach. We will briefly review
biological and psychological explanations for deviance and then turn to the three sociolog-
ical approaches that have been developed to interpret and analyze deviance: functionalist
theories, interactionist theories, and conflict theories.

The Biological View of Deviance

laws Some of the first attempts to explain crime emphasized biological factors. The Italian crim-
Rules of behavior inologist Cesare Lombroso, working in the 1870s, believed that criminal types could be
established by a political
identified by the shape of their skulls. He accepted that social learning could influence
authority and backed by
the development of criminal behavior, but he regarded most criminals as biologically
state power.
degenerate or defective. Lombroso’s ideas were later thoroughly discredited, but similar
views have repeatedly been suggested. One such theory distinguished three main types
crimes of human physique and claimed that one type was directly associated with delinquency.
Any actions that contra- Muscular, active types (mesomorphs) were considered more likely to become delinquent
vene the laws established than those of thin physique (ectomorphs) or more fleshy people (endomorphs) (Glueck and
by a political authority. Glueck, 1956; Sheldon, 1949).
Most biological theories have been widely criticized on methodological grounds. Even
if there were a correlation between body type and delinquency, this would not necessarily
reveal that one’s body type causes criminal behavior. For instance, people who engage in
criminal activities may need to develop more muscular physiques to protect themselves
on the streets. Moreover, nearly all studies in this field have been restricted to delinquents
in reform schools, and it may be that the tougher, athletic-looking delinquents are more
likely to be sent to such schools than fragile-looking, skinny ones.

166 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

 More recent, methodologically rigorous research has
sought to rekindle the argu-
ment that deviance has a biological or genetic basis. In
a study of New Zealand children,
researchers investigated whether a child's propensity for
aggressive behavior was linked to
biological factors present at birth (Moffitt, 1996). Rather
than viewing biology as determin-
istic, this new breed of research emphasizes that biological
factors, when combined with
certain social factors, such as home environment, could lead individ
uals to social situa-
tions involving crime. This perspective, which emphasizes gene-e
nvironment interaction,
reasons that one’s genes may “select” or draw a person into a particu
lar behavior, such
as aggression. At the same time, one’s social environment may streng
then or weaken the
link between genetics and deviant behavior. For instance, even if a baby
is born with a
genetic predisposition for alcoholism, that baby will not likely become a proble
m drinker if
their social environment provides few opportunities to drink.

The Psychological View of Deviance

Like biological interpretations, psychological theories of crime associate criminality
with particular personality types. Some have suggested that in a minority of individuals,
an amoral, or psychopathic, personality develops. Psychopaths lack the moral sense and
psychopath
concern for others held by most normal people.
A specific personality type;
Individuals with psychopathic traits do sometimes commit violent crimes, but there such individuals lack the
are major problems with the concept of the psychopath. It isn’t at all clear that psychopathic moral sense and concern
traits are inevitably criminal. Nearly all studies of people said to possess these charac- for others held by most
teristics have been of convicted prisoners, and their personalities inevitably tend to be normal people.

presented negatively. If we describe the same traits positively, the personality type sounds
quite different, and there seems to be no reason that people of this sort should be inher-
ently criminal. Such people might be explorers, spies, gamblers, or just bored with the
routines of day-to-day life. They might be prepared to contemplate criminal adventures
but could be just as likely to look for challenges in socially respectable ways.
Psychological theories of criminality can at best explain only some aspects of crime.
While some criminals may possess personality characteristics distinct from those of the
remainder of the population, it is highly improbable that the majority of criminals do.
There are many kinds of crimes, and it is implausible that those who commit them all share
some specific psychological characteristics. Some crimes are carried out by lone individ-
uals, whereas others are the work of organized groups. It is not likely that the psycholog-
ical makeup of loner criminals will have much in common with that of the members of a
close-knit gang. Observational studies also can't prove that people’s outlooks necessarily
lead to criminal behavior; they can't discount the possibility that becoming involved with
criminal groups is instead what influences people's outlooks.
Both biological and psychological approaches to criminality presume that deviance is a
sign of something “wrong” with an individual rather than with society. They see crime and
deviance as caused by factors outside an individual's control, embedded either in the body
or in the mind. Often, scholars working in this tradition consider deviance to be caused
by biological factors that require treatment, such as mental illness or a genetic tendency
toward violence. These early approaches to criminology came under great criticism from
later generations of scholars who argued that any satisfactory account of the nature of
crime must be sociological, for what crime is depends on the social institutions of a society.

Why Do People Commit Deviant Acts? 167

 Sociological Perspectives on Deviance
Contemporary sociological thinking about crime emphasizes that definitions of confor-
mity and deviance vary based on one’s social context. Modern societies contain many dif-
ferent subcultures, and behavior that conforms to the norms of one particular subculture
may be regarded as deviant outside it; for instance, there may be strong pressure on a
gang member to prove himself or herself by stealing a car. Moreover, there are wide diver-
gences of wealth and power in society that greatly influence opportunities open to dif
ferent groups. Theft and burglary, not surprisingly, are carried out mainly by people from
the poorer segments of the population; embezzling and tax evasion are by definition
limited to persons in positions of some affluence.

FUNCTIONALIST THEORIES
Functionalist theories see crime and deviance as resulting from structural tensions and a
lack of moral regulation within society. If the aspirations held by individuals and groups
in society do not coincide with the available rewards, this disparity between desires and
fulfillment will lead to deviant behavior.

Crime and Anomie: Durkheim and Merton As we saw in Chapter 1, the notion of
anomie anomie was first introduced by Emile Durkheim, who suggested that in modern societ-
A concept first brought ies, social norms may lose their hold over individual behavior. Anomie exists when there
into wide usage in sociol- are no clear standards to guide behavior in a given area of social life. Under such circum-
ogy by Emile Durkheim, stances, Durkheim believed, people feel disoriented and anxious; anomie is therefore one
referring to a situation in
of the social factors influencing dispositions to suicide.
which social norms lose
Durkheim saw crime and deviance as social facts; he believed both to be inevitable and
their hold over individual
behavior. necessary elements in modern societies. According to Durkheim, people in the modern age
are less constrained by social expectations than they were in traditional societies. Because
there is more room for individual choice in the modern world, nonconformity is inevitable.
Durkheim recognized that modern society would never be in complete consensus about
the norms and values that govern it.
Durkheim argued that deviance is necessary for society because it fulfills two import-
ant functions. First, deviance has an adaptive function. By introducing new ideas and
challenges into society, deviance is an innovative force. It brings about change. Second,
deviance promotes boundary maintenance between “good” and “bad” behaviors in society.
A criminal act can ultimately enhance group solidarity and clarify social norms.
Early functionalist perspectives on crime and deviance helped shift attention from
explanations focused on the problems of individuals to explanations focused on social
forces. Durkheim's notion of anomie was expanded upon by American sociologist Robert
K. Merton (1957), who constructed a highly influential theory of deviance that located the
source of crime within the very structure of American society. In what became known as
strain theory, Merton modified the concept of anomie to refer to the strain put on individ-
uals’ behavior when accepted norms conflict with social reality. In American society—and
to some degree in other industrial societies—generally held values emphasize material
success achieved through self-discipline and hard work. Accordingly, it is believed that
people who work hard can succeed regardless of their starting point in life. This idea is
not in fact valid, because disadvantaged segments of society have very few conven-
tional opportunities for advancement, such as high-quality education. Yet those who do

168 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

not “succeed” find themselves condemned for their apparent FIGURE 6.2
inability to make material progress. In this situation, there is ’ ‘
great pressure to try to get ahead by any means, whether legit- M eCrto NS Devia NCE Typo logy
imate or illegitimate. According to Merton, then, deviance is a
2 INSTITUTIONALIZED MEANS
by-product of economic inequalities.
Accept Reject
Merton identifies five possible reactions to the tensions
between socially endorsed values and the limited means of a
xe wee da’s
achieving them (see Figure 6.2). Conformists accept both soci-
4 0 Bemis Innovation
Ss
etal values and the conventional means of realizing them,
. . .

z
9

regardless of whether they meet with success. The majority of re

the population falls into this category. Innovators accept socially
. . .

3 > Be
= ©

Retreatism
{

a
approved values but use illegitimate or illegal means to follow NEW MEANS
them. Criminals who acquire wealth through illegal activities
exemplify this type. Rabellion
Ritualists conform to socially accepted standards, although
GOALS
NEW
they have lost sight of the values behind these standards. They
follow rules for their own sake, in a compulsive way, without a
broader end in view. A ritualist might, for example, remain ina
boring job even though it has no career prospects and provides
few rewards. Retreatists have abandoned the competitive outlook altogether, thus rejecting
both the dominant values and the approved means of achieving them. An example would
be the members of a self-supporting commune. Finally, rebels reject both the existing
values and the means of pursuing them but wish actively to substitute new values and
reconstruct the social system. The members of radical political and religious groups, such
as the Heaven's Gate cult, fall into this category.
Merton's writings addressed one of the main puzzles in the study of criminology: At
a time when society as a whole is becoming more affluent, why do crime rates continue to
rise? By emphasizing the contrast between rising aspirations and persistent inequalities,
Merton points to a sense of relative deprivation, or the recognition that one has less than relative :
their peers, as an important element in deviant behavior. deprivation
The recognition that one
Subcultural Explanations Later researchers located deviance in terms of subcul-
has less than their peers.
tural groups that adopt norms that encourage or reward criminal behavior. Like Merton,
Albert Cohen saw the contradictions within American society as the main cause of crime.
However, Cohen focused on subcultures as collective responses to this state of affairs,
whereas Merton emphasized individual responses. In Delinquent Boys (1955), Cohen argued
that boys in the lower working class who are frustrated with their position in life often join
together in delinquent subcultures, such as gangs. These subcultures reject middle-class
values and replace them with norms that celebrate defiance, such as delinquency and other
acts of nonconformity.
Richard A. Cloward and Lloyd E. Ohlin (1960) argued further that such gangs arise
in subcultural communities where the chances of achieving success legitimately are slim,
such as among underserved ethnic minority groups. Cloward and Ohlin’s work empha-
sized connections between conformity and deviance: Individuals follow rules when they
have the opportunity to do so and break rules when they do not. As a result, when people
lack legitimate opportunities for success as defined by the wider society, they develop sub-
cultures with deviant values. This lack of opportunity is the differentiating factor between

Why Do People Commit Deviant Acts? 169

 those who engage in criminal behavior and those
who do not.
Functionalist theories rightly emphasize con-
nections between conformity and deviance in
different social contexts. We should be cautious,
however, about the idea that people in poorer
communities aspire to the same level of success
as more affluent people. Most tend to adjust their
aspirations to what they see as the reality of their
situation. Merton, Cohen, and Cloward and Ohlin
can all be criticized for presuming that middle-
class values have been accepted throughout soci-
ety. It would also be wrong to suppose that a
mismatch of aspirations and opportunities is con-
fined to less privileged groups. There are pressures
toward criminal activity among other groups, too,
as indicated by the so-called white-collar crimes
International criminal gang MS-13 was founded in Los Angeles in the
of embezzlement, fraud, and tax evasion.
1980s. Cloward and Ohlin maintain that gangs arise in communities where
opportunities to succeed through legitimate means are limited.
INTERACTIONIST THEORIES

YN Sociologists studying crime and deviance in the

interactionist tradition focus on deviance as a
socially constructed phenomenon. They reject the
idea that there are types of conduct that are inher-
ently “deviant.” Rather, interactionists ask how behaviors initially come to be defined as
deviant and why certain groups and not others are labeled as deviant.
differential
Learned Deviance: Differential Association One of the earliest writers to suggest
association
that deviance is learned through interaction with others was Edwin H. Sutherland. In
An interpretation of the
1949, Sutherland advanced a notion that influenced much of the later interactionist work:
development of crimi-
nal behavior proposed He linked crime to what he called differential association. Differential association theory
by Edwin H. Sutherland, argues that we learn deviant behavior in precisely the same way we learn about conven-
according to whom crim- tional behavior: from our contacts with primary groups such as peers, family members,
inal behavior is learned and coworkers. The term differential refers to the ratio of deviant to conventional social
through association with
contacts. We become deviant when we are exposed to more deviant persons and influ-
others who regularly
engage in crime. ences than conventional influences. In a society that contains a variety of subcultures, some
individuals have greater exposure to social environments that encourage illegal activities.

Labeling Theory One of the most important interactionist approaches to understand-

labeling theory
ing criminality is labeling theory. An early work based on labeling theory is Howard S.
An approach to the study
Becker's (1963) study of marijuana smokers. In the early 1960s, marijuana use was a mar-
of deviance that suggests
ginal activity carried on by subcultures rather than the lifestyle choice—that is, an activity
that people become
“deviant” because certain accepted by many in the mainstream of society—tt is today (Hathaway, 1997). Becker found
labels are attached to that becoming a marijuana smoker depended on one's acceptance into the subculture, close
their behavior by political association with experienced users, and attitudes toward nonusers. Labeling theorists like
authorities and others. Becker interpret deviance not as a set of characteristics of individuals or groups but as a
process of interaction between deviants and nondeviants. In other words, it is not the act

170 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

of marijuana smoking that makes one a deviant but the way
others react to marijuana smoking.
While other sociological perspectives are focused on why
people are deviant, labeling theorists seek to understand why
some people become tagged with a deviant label. In short,
persons with the greatest social and economic power tend to
place labels on those with less social power. Furthermore, the
labels that create categories of deviance express the power
structure of society; such rules are framed by the wealthy
for the poor, by men for women, by older people for younger
people, and by ethnic majorities for minority racial and ethnic
groups. For example, many children wander into other people's According to interactionists, it's not the act of smoking
marijuana that makes one a deviant but the way others
gardens, steal fruit, or play truant. In an affluent neighbor-
react to marijuana smoking.
hood, these might be regarded by parents, teachers, and police
alike as relatively innocent pastimes of childhood. In poor
areas, they might be seen as evidence of tendencies toward “N
juvenile delinquency.
Once children are labeled as delinquents, they are stigma-
tized as deviants and are likely to be considered untrustworthy
by teachers and prospective employers. These children then relapse into further criminal
behavior, moving further away from orthodox social conventions. Edwin Lemert (1972)
called initial acts of rule breaking that cause others to label a rule breaker a deviant primary primary deviance
deviance. Secondary deviance occurs when the individual comes to accept the “deviant” According to Edwin
label and acts accordingly. A self-fulfilling prophecy may occur whereby the labeled person Lemert, the actions that
begins to behave in such a way that perpetuates the deviant behavior. Research has shown cause others to label one
as a deviant.
that how we think of ourselves and how we believe others perceive us influence our pro-
pensity for committing crime. One study of a random national sample of young men showed
that such negative self-appraisals are strongly tied to levels of criminality; in other words, secondary
the perception that one is deviant may in fact motivate deviant behavior (Matsueda, 1992). deviance
Labeling theory is important because it begins from the assumption that no act is According to Edwin
intrinsically deviant. Rather, to be “deviant,” one must be labeled as such. In the case of Lemert, following the act
criminal activity, definitions of criminality are established by the powerful through the of primary deviance, sec-
formulation of laws and their interpretation by police, courts, and correctional institu- ondary deviation occurs
when an individual accepts
tions. Critics of labeling theory have sometimes argued that certain acts, such as murder,
the label of “deviant” and
rape, and robbery, are consistently prohibited across virtually all cultures. This view is acts accordingly.
surely incorrect. Even within our own culture, killing is not always regarded as murder.
In times of war, killing the enemy is approved, and until recently, laws in most U.S. states
did not recognize sexual intercourse forced on a woman by her husband as rape.
We can more convincingly criticize labeling theory on other grounds. First, in empha-
sizing the active process of labeling, labeling theorists neglect the processes that lead to
acts defined as deviant. Labeling certain activities as deviant is not completely arbitrary;
differences in socialization, attitudes, and opportunities influence to what extent people
engage in behavior likely to be labeled deviant. For instance, children from disadvantaged
backgrounds are on average more likely to steal from shops than richer children are. It is
not the labeling that leads them to steal in the first place so much as their background.
Second, it is not clear whether labeling actually does have the effect of increasing deviant

Why Do People Commit Deviant Acts?

TABLE 6.1

Applying Sociology to Deviance

THEORY APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING DEVIANCE CONTEMPORARY APPLICATION

Functionalist Deviance serves the function of creating solidarity When wealthy parents bought spots for their
Theory among the larger society. children at American colleges, the parents of
students who tried to get in legitimately shared
their outrage against all those who gain access to
higher education through the back and side doors.

Interactionist No act is objectively deviant—to understand the Diagnostic labels for certain psychiatric
Theory nature of deviance, we must understand the process disorders—e.g. ADHD and depression—may add
through which some people get labeled deviant. to the stigma associated with certain behaviors.

Conflict Theory The poor disproportionately violate norms and laws Immigrants without papers feel compelled to work
in response to their unequal position in society. “off the books.”

Control Theory Crime results from lack of social and physical Street sensors and cameras and other
controls that deter it. surveillance systems have contributed to lower
crime rates in many cities.

Broken Windows Minor acts of deviance must be controlled in order to Proactive policing focused on graffiti or drinking
Theory avoid a spiral of crime and social decay. in public is believed by some to have the effect of
lowering violent crime.

conduct. Delinquent behavior tends to increase following a conviction, but is this the result
of the labeling itself? Other factors, including increased interaction with other delinquents
or learning about new criminal opportunities, may be involved.

Control Theory Control theory posits that crime occurs as a result of an imbalance
between impulses toward criminal activity and the social or physical controls that deter
it; the theory assumes that people act rationally and that, given the opportunity, everyone
would engage in deviant acts. Many types of crime, it is argued, are a result of “situational
decisions’—a person sees an opportunity and is motivated to act.
One of the best-known control theorists, Travis Hirschi, argued that humans are
fundamentally rational beings who make calculated decisions about whether to engage
in criminal activity by weighing the potential benefits and risks of doing so. In Causes
of Delinquency (1969), Hirschi claimed that there are four types of bonds that link people
to society and law-abiding behavior: attachment, commitment, involvement, and belief.
Attachment refers to emotional and social ties to persons who accept conventional norms,
such as a peer group of students who value good grades and hard work. Commitment refers
to the investment one makes in conventional activities to achieve goals important to the
individual. For example, high school dropouts may have little to lose by being arrested,
whereas dedicated students may lose their chance of going to college. Involvement refers
to one’s participation in conventional activities such as paid employment, school, or

172 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

community activities. Finally, beliefs involve upholding morals and values that
are consis-
tent with conventional tenets of society.
When sufficiently strong, these four elements help maintain social control and
conformity by rendering people unfree to break rules. If these bonds with society are
weak, however, delinquency and deviance may result. Hirschi's approach suggests that
delinquents are often individuals whose low levels of self-control can be traced back to
inadequate socialization at home or at school (Gottfredson and Hirschi, 1990).

CONFLICT THEORY
Adherents of conflict theory seek to identify why people commit crime. Conflict theorists
draw on elements of Marxist thought to argue that deviance is deliberately chosen and
often political in nature. Conflict theorists reject the idea that deviance is “determined”
by factors such as biology, personality, anomie, social disorganization, or labels. Rather,
individuals purposively engage in deviant behavior in response to the inequalities of the
capitalist system. For example, many of the protesters who were arrested at Occupy Wall
Street rallies were engaging in political acts that challenged the social order.
Conflict theorists frame their analysis of crime and deviance in terms of the structure of
society and the preservation of power among the ruling class. For example, they argue that
laws are tools used by the powerful to maintain their own privileged positions. They reject the
idea that laws are neutral and applied evenly across the population. Instead, they claim that
as inequalities increase between the ruling class and the working class, law becomes an ever
more important instrument for the powerful to maintain order. This dynamic is evident in the
workings of the criminal justice system, which has become increasingly oppressive toward
CONCEPT CHECKS
working-class “offenders,” and in tax legislation that disproportionately favors the wealthy.
What are the main
This power imbalance is not restricted to the creation of laws. The powerful also break similarities and differences
laws, but they are rarely caught. These crimes committed by business leaders and politi- between biological and
cians are on the whole much more significant than everyday crime and delinquency. But psychological views of
fearful of the implications of pursuing white-collar criminals, law enforcement instead deviance?

focuses its efforts on less powerful members of society, such as prostitutes, drug users, and How do Merton’s and
petty thieves (Chambliss, 1988; Pearce, 1976). Studies by William Chambliss, Frank Pearce, BYUladat-diaaome cidlariecelats
fo} mr-lavelanl(ome lis)ata
and others have played an important role in widening the debate about crime and deviance
to include questions of social justice, power, and politics. They emphasize that crime occurs According to subcultural
explanations, how does
at all levels of society and must be understood in the context of inequalities and competing
criminal behavior get
interests among social groups.
transmitted from one
group to another?
Theoretical Conclusions
What is the core idea
Whether someone engages in a criminal act or comes to be regarded as a criminal is influ- ey-laliatemeliiiciasialetel!
enced fundamentally by social learning and social surroundings. The way in which crime association theory?

is understood, in turn, affects the policies developed to combat it. For example, if crime What are two criticisms
is seen as the product of deprivation or social disorganization, policies might be aimed at of labeling theory?

reducing poverty and strengthening social services. If criminality is seen as a path freely What are the root
chosen by individuals, attempts to counter it will take a different form. Now let's look causes of crime
FVorele)
ge|]atomcomereali (rea
directly at the nature of the criminal activities occurring in modern societies, paying
theorists?
particular attention to crime in the United States.

Why Do People Commit Deviant Acts? 173

 How Do We
> Document Crime’
Recognize the usefulness Crime statistics are a constant focus of attention in the media. Most TV and newspaper
and limitations of crime reporting is based on official statistics on crime, which are collected by the police and
statistics. Learn some
published by the government. Most of these reports are based on two sources: Uniform
important differences
Crime Reports (UCR) and victimization studies. Each has its own limitations and offers
between men and
women related to crime.
only a partial portrait of crime in American life.
Familiarize yourself with Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) contain official data compiled by the FBI from law
some of the varieties enforcement agencies across the country (see Figure 6.3). UCR focus on “index crimes,”
of crime. which include serious crimes such as murder and nonnegligent manslaughter, robbery,
forcible rape, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny/theft, motor vehicle theft, and arson.
Critics of UCR note that the reports do not accurately reflect crime rates because they
include only those crimes reported to law enforcement agencies; they don't, for exam-
ple, include crimes reported to other agencies, such as the IRS. Furthermore, the index
Uniform Crime
crimes do not include less serious crimes or crimes that are traditionally committed by
Reports (UCR)
middle-class persons, such as fraud and embezzlement. Some argue that by excluding
Documents that contain
these crimes, UCR data reify the belief that crime only occurs among ethnic minorities
official data on crime that
is reported to law enforce- and the poor.
ment agencies that then Because the UCR program focuses narrowly on crimes reported to the police, crim-
provide the data to the FBI. inologists also rely on self-reports, or reports provided by the crime victims themselves.
This second source of data is essential, as some criminologists think that about half
of all serious crimes, such as violent robberies, go unreported. The proportion of less
serious crimes, especially small thefts, that don’t come to the attention of the police
is even higher. Since 1973, the Census Bureau has interviewed households across the
country to find out how many members were the victims of particular crimes over the
previous six months. This procedure, which is called the National Crime Victimization
Survey, has confirmed that the overall rate of crime is higher than the reported crime
index. Crimes where victims may feel stigmatized are most likely to go unreported.
For instance, in 2018, less than 50 percent of violent crime was reported (43 percent),
including just 33 percent of rape or sexual assaults, 62 percent of robberies, and
42 percent of simple assaults. Auto theft—a form of property crime—is the crime most
frequently reported to the police, at a rate of 69 percent (Gramlich, 2019a; Truman and
Morgan, 2016).
Public concern in the United States tends to focus on crimes of violence—murder,
assault, and rape—even though less than 14 percent of all crimes are violent (Federal
Bureau of Investigation [FBI], 2017). To put this in perspective, in 2016, roughly
3.6 million people age 12 or older—or 1.3 percent of the population—were victims
of at least one violent crime. In comparison, 11.7 million people, or nearly 9 percent
of the population, were victims of a property crime, including household burglary
and motor vehicle theft (Morgan and Kena, 2017). In general, whether indexed by police
statistics or by the National Crime Victimization Survey, violent crime, burglary,
and car theft are more common in cities than in the suburbs surrounding them, and

174 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

 Crime Rates in the United States, 1997-2018
VIOLENT CRIME RATES PROPERTY CRIME RATES

@@mep Aggravated assault @@mep Larceny-theft

400
Gm Robbery 3000 Gp Burglary
Gap Rape @@—— Motor vehicle theft
Gap Murder and nonnegligent 2500
homicide
2 Sf
°
ro)
2) =
fo)

8 250 ae
. 7
=
S°o
cf

S 200
x 8 1500
=

wi a

& 150 bh ——— a

2
z
100 3
=

50 = 500

0 0
1997 2000 2004 2008 2012 2016 2018 1997 2000 2004 2008 2012 2016 2018
Note: The murder and nonnegligent homicides that occurred as a result of the events of September 11, 2001, are not included in this table.

Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2018b.

they are slightly more common in rural areas than in the suburbs (Morgan and
Kena, 2017).

The Great Crime Decline

Beginning in the 1990s, crime rates began to decline nationwide. In 2011, the FBI
announced that crime rates had reached a 40-year low—even in the aftermath of the
recession of 2008, bucking the conventional wisdom that poor economic conditions lead
to elevated crime rates. Incredibly, rates of murder, rape, aggravated assault, and robbery
dropped considerably, though certain cities (such as New York) experienced some increases
in violent crime. That said, these increases pale in comparison to comparable crime rates
in the 1990s (Oppel, 2011).
Criminologists nationwide have offered a number of explanations for this decline.
Some have suggested that better economic conditions and lower unemployment led to
decreased crime rates, though lower crime rates following the recent recession present a
challenge to this theory. Others argue that citizens have become more adept at protect-
ing themselves against crime through the use of sophisticated home security systems.
They also point out that policing has become more targeted and disciplined, with police
now using “hot-spot policing” to station officers around areas in which they know crime
rates are relatively high. Still more scholars have suggested that the drop in crime may be
related to decreasing cocaine and illegal drug usage or lower levels of lead in Americans’
blood, which has been linked to higher levels of aggression in children (Wilson, 2011).

How Do We Document Crime? 175

 Compared to other industrialized nations, the United States has relatively high
rates of violent crime, which some people attribute to the widespread availability of
handguns and other firearms. The belief that one has a personal right to “bear arms”
is widespread in American culture. But gun control laws alone would not be sufficient
to tackle violent crime in the United States. Switzerland has very low rates of violent
crime, yet firearms are easily accessible. All Swiss males are members of the citizen
army and keep weapons in their homes—including rifles, revolvers, and sometimes
other automatic weapons, plus ammunition—and gun licenses in Switzerland are easy
to obtain (Bachmann, 2012).
The most likely explanation for the high level of violent crime in the United States
is a combination of the availability of firearms, the general influence of the “frontier
tradition,” and the subcultures of violence in large cities. Violence by frontiersmen
and vigilantes is an honored part of American history. In cities, some of the first estab-
lished immigrant communities developed their own informal modes of neighborhood
control backed by violence or the threat of violence. Similarly, some young people in
lower income communities today have developed subcultures of manliness and honor
associated with rituals of violence, and some belong to gangs whose everyday life is
one of drug dealing, territory protection, and violence (Venkatesh, 2008). Many states
uphold stand-your-ground laws, which allow a person to use deadly force in self-
defense without first attempting to retreat. These controversial laws are believed by
many social scientists to normalize or justify the use of guns and violence (Vedantam
hate crime
1B and Schultz, 2013).
A criminal act by an
offender who is motivated
by some bias, such as rac- Criminal Victimization
ism, sexism, or homophobia. Even as the rate of crime declines nationwide, it is important to understand that crime
and victimization are not random occurrences across the population. Research and crime
statistics show that men, young persons, and Black Americans are more likely than
women, older persons, and White Americans to be both crime victims and perpetrators.
reve) ‘(ed 4 aed "|1084 Young African American men face a triple disadvantage in the United States: Being
young, Black, and male are all associated with an elevated death rate due to murder.
WiseiaelactatcMaatellaicelll nets Emerging evidence suggests that sexual and gender minorities, including gay men,
of crime data in the lesbians, and transgender persons, may also have a higher-than-average risk of victim-
United States? ization. A hate crime is a criminal act motivated by some bias, such as racism, sexism,
Contrast Uniform or homophobia. In 2018, 7,120 hate crimes were reported in the United States. Over half
Crime Reports and (57 percent) were motivated by a race, ethnicity, or ancestry bias; 20 percent resulted
the National Crime
from a religious bias; 17 percent by a sexual orientation bias; and the remaining criminal
Victimization Survey.
incidents were prompted by a gender, gender identity, or disability bias (FBI, 20182).
Describe crime trends
The likelihood of someone becoming a victim of crime is not linked only to their
in the 1990s through
personal characteristics. Rather, victimization rates also vary based on where a person
today.
ease lives. Individuals living in poor urban neighborhoods run a much greater risk of becoming
How do sociologists
victims of crime than do residents of more affluent suburban areas. That racial and ethnic
explain the high rate ibe: 3 ‘
MAG a eeRe tine ith Ite minority groups are concentrated disproportionately in urban regions appears to be a
United States? significant factor in their higher rates of victimization.

176 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

 Who Are the Perpetrators? <
Are some individuals and groups more likely to commit crimes?
While it is well known Understand why members
that the poorest groups in a society will usually experience
the highest crime rates, it is of some social groups are
less well known that crime is also connected to—and committed more likely to commit or
by—a range of other
groups, which we explore here. Thus, as we aim to show in this section, be the victims of crime.
the commonsense
connections between crime and certain groups are sometimes inaccura
te and rarely as
straightforward as we think. Here we explore various perpetrators of crime,
such as young
people and people in white-collar jobs.

Gender and Crime

Sociological studies of crime and deviance have traditionally ignored half the population.
Feminists have correctly criticized criminology for being a male-dominated discipline in
which women are largely invisible in both theoretical considerations and empirical studies.
Since the 1970s, many important feminist works have drawnattention to the ways in which
criminal transgressions by women occur in different contexts than crimes committed by
men and to how women's experiences with the criminal justice system are influenced by
certain gendered assumptions about appropriate male and female roles. Feminists have
also highlighted the prevalence of violence against women, both at home and in public.
The statistics on gender and crime are startling. Of all crimes reported in 2018, an over-
whelming 73 percent of arrestees were men (Ehrmann et al., 2019). Men drastically outnum-
ber women in prison, not only in the United States but in all industrialized countries. In 2018,
women made up just 7 percent of the U.S. prison population (Carson, 2018). Men and women
also vary in the types of crimes they commit; women rarely engage in violent crime and instead
tend to commit less serious offenses. Petty thefts like shoplifting and public order offenses such
as public drunkenness and prostitution are typical female crimes. Recent research by feminist
scholars, however, reveals that violence is not exclusively a characteristic of male criminality.
By studying girl gangs, female terrorists, and women prisoners, scholars have demonstrated
that women do in fact participate in violent crime (albeit less often than men). Moreover, men
and women are often quite similar in their motivations for turning to criminal behavior.
One thing is clear, though: Female rates of criminality are consistently lower than
those of men. A controversial argument set forth in the 1950s proposed that the gender
gap in crime may be less vast than statistics suggest. Otto Pollak (1950) argued that
women's crimes may go undetected or unreported, or they may be treated more leniently
by (male) police officers who adopt a “chivalrous” attitude toward the perpetrators. There
is some evidence that female lawbreakers often avoid coming before the courts because
they are able to persuade the police or other authorities to see their actions in a par-
ticular light. They invoke what has been called the “gender contract"—the implicit con-
tract between men and women whereby to be a woman is to be erratic and impulsive,
on the one hand, and in need of protection, on the other (Worrall, 1990). Recent research
has shown that young female offenders, particularly Black girls, have increasingly been
charged with assault since the 1980s (Stevens et al., 2011). Nevertheless, as seen in proba-
tion officers’ reliance on gendered scripts—reading girls as needy victims, not criminally
dangerous—the “gender contract” may persist in criminal processing (Mallicoat, 2007).

Who Are the Perpetrators? Whit

 Yet differential treatment alone could hardly
account for the vast difference between male and female
rates of crime. The reasons are almost certainly the
same as those that explain gender differences in other
spheres, although the gender crime gap is impacted
by additional socioeconomic factors. For example,
in Chicago, researchers found that as neighborhood
disadvantage—poverty, unemployment, and racial
segregation—increased, the gender gap in violent crime
decreased. This narrowing of the gap occurred because
increased exposure to peer violence has a greater impact
on young women’s violent behavior than it does on
young men (Zimmerman and Messner, 2010).
Control theory may offer insights into the gender
gap in crime. Because women are usually the primary
caregivers for their children and other relatives, they
Although women still compose a small proportion of the prison
may have attachments and commitments that deter
population—7 percent in 2016—the number of incarcerated women
them from engaging in deviant acts. Imprisonment
has risen significantly over the past quarter-century.
would have very high and undesirable costs for both

“N women and their kin. Many “male crimes” remain

“male” because of gendered differences in socializa-
tion and in opportunity, wherein men’s activities and
involvements are still more nondomestic and connected to greater resources than those
of most women (for example, see Steffensmeier et al., 2013). As the boundaries between
men’s and women’s social roles increasingly blur, criminologists have predicted that
gender equality will reduce or eliminate the differences in criminality between men and
women. As of yet, however, crime remains a gendered phenomenon.

Youth and Crime

Popular fear about crime centers on offenses such as theft, burglary, assault, and rape—street
crimes that are largely seen as the domain of young working-class males. Media coverage often
focuses on moral breakdown among young people and highlights such issues as vandalism,
school truancy, and drug use to illustrate society's increasing permissiveness. This equation of
youth with criminal activity is not a new one, according to some sociologists. The actions of
young people are often interpreted as an indicator of the health and welfare of society itself.
Official statistics do reveal high rates of crime among young people: Over one-fifth
(21.7 percent) of all people arrested for criminal offenses in 2016 were age 21 or younger
(FBI, 2017). The share of arrests appears to peak around age 18 and remain fairly constant
through the twenties, declining thereafter. Control theory has been used to explain this
pattern, called the “age-crime curve.” As young people gradually transition into adulthood,
they acquire those social attachments and commitments that make “conventional” behav-
ior rewarding. As they marry, have children, find jobs, and set up their own homes, the cost
of deviance rises; rational actors would not want to risk losing their families and homes
and thus avoid deviant acts.
Although criminologists have demonstrated persuasively that most young deviants
go on to lead perfectly happy, healthy, law-abiding lives, widespread panic about youth

178 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

criminality persists. Importantly, this panic may not accurately reflect
social reality.
Isolated events involving young people and crime are often transformed symbolically into
full-blown crises of childhood that demand tough law-and-order responses. The high-
profile mass murders at Columbine High School in 1999, Virginia Tech in 2007, Sandy
Hook Elementary School in 2012, and Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in 2018 are
examples of how moral outrage can deflect attention from larger societal issues. Columbine
was a watershed event in media portrayals of youth crime, and some have speculated that
it led to “copycat” school killings in high schools across the United States. Even though
the number of shooting incidents involving students has declined over the past quarter-
century, attention to these high-profile mass murders has led many to think that every
school is vulnerable to violent threats (Nicodemo and Petronio, 2018).
Similar caution can be expressed about the popular view of drug use by teenagers.
Every year, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services conducts the National
Survey of Drug Use and Health about drug-use habits. In 2016, it surveyed more than
67,000 people over the age of 12 and found that 8 percent of respondents between the ages
of 12 and 17 were current users of illicit drugs compared to 23 percent of respondents ages
18 to 25. The most common drug used by youth between the ages of 12 and 17 is marijuana,
which many states have legalized or decriminalized in recent years. According to the sur-
vey, 7 percent of young people between the ages of 12 and 17 and 21 percent of young adults
ages 18 to 25 had used marijuana in the past month (Ahrnsbrak et al., 2017). Trends in drug
use have shifted away from hard drugs, such as heroin and cocaine, and toward combi-
nations of substances such as amphetamines, prescription pain relievers like Oxycontin,
alcohol, and Ritalin and other stimulants. The war on drugs, some have argued, criminal-
izes large segments of the youth population who are generally law abiding (Muncie, 1999).
Taking illegal drugs, like other forms of socially deviant behavior, is often defined in
racial, class, and cultural terms; different drugs come to be associated with different groups
and behaviors. When crack cocaine appeared in the 1980s, it was quickly defined by the
media as the drug of choice for “Black inner-city kids who listened to hip-hop.” Perhaps
as a result, jail sentences for crack possession were set at higher levels than sentences for
possession of cocaine, which was associated more with White and suburban users. MDMA
has, until recently, had similar White and middle- or upper-class associations. The current
opioid epidemic has also been characterized as a predominately White issue, likely due to
the systematic undertreatment of Black relative to White pain with pain relief prescrip-
tions (Singhal et al., 2016; Hoffman et al., 2016). The corresponding public health response
has centered more sympathetically on treatment and rehabilitation than on criminaliza- ¥

tion and punishment (HBO, 2015; Lopez, 2017; Netherland and Hansen, 2017).
»

Crimes of the Powerful One of the most high-profile

Although there are connections between crime and poverty, it would be a mistake to white-collar criminals in
recent memory is Bernie
assume that crime is concentrated among the poor. Crimes carried out by people in posi-
Madoff, a financier
tions of power and wealth can have more far-reaching consequences than petty crimes
who choreographed a
committed by the poor. One of the most devastating events of the early twenty-first cen- $50 million Ponzi scheme.
tury was the discovery that then-trusted investment adviser Bernie Madoff had defrauded
his clients—many of them senior citizens and charitable organizations—robbing them of
“N
more than $18 billion. Madoff had run an elaborate Ponzi scheme, which left many of his
investors destitute and nearly bankrupted charitable organizations such as the Elie Wiesel

Who Are the Perpetrators? 179

The collapse of the
Rana Plaza building in

annthar 2 500 ic:

rlalelial—ig yo) 0) 0) a}

example of corporate crime.

me. i ptthn ¥
¢
se Y
7) 3 ol aghe
los ’

Foundation and Stony Brook University Foundation (Creswell and Thomas, 2009). ‘This
case revealed just how devastating the effects of white-collar crime can be.
white-collar crime The term white-collar crime, first introduced by Edwin Sutherland (1949), refers to

Criminal activities carried crime carried out by people in professional jobs. This category of criminal activity includes
out by those in white-collar, tax fraud, antitrust violations, illegal sales practices, securities and land fraud, embezzle-
or professional, jobs. ment, the manufacture or sale of dangerous products, and illegal environmental pollution,
as well as straightforward theft. The distribution of white-collar crime is even harder to
measure than that of other types of crime; most do not appear in official statistics at all.
Efforts to detect white-collar crime are ordinarily limited, and it is only on rare occa-
sions that those who are caught go to jail. Although the authorities regard white-collar crime
in a more tolerant light than crimes committed by less-privileged individuals, it has been
calculated that the amount of money involved in white-collar crime in the United States
is 40 times greater than the amount involved in crimes against property, such as robberies,
burglaries, larceny, forgeries, and car thefts (President's Commission on Organized Crime,
1986). Some forms of white-collar crime, moreover, affect more people than does lower-class
criminality. An embezzler might rob thousands—or today, via computer fraud, millions—
of people. In recent years, white-collar criminals have victimized an estimated 36 percent
of businesses and 25 percent of households, while rates of traditional property and violent
crime are much lower—around 8 and 1 percent, respectively (Cliff and Wall-Parker, 2017).

CORPORATE CRIME
corporate crime Corporate crime refers to criminal offenses committed by large corporations across the
Offenses committed by globe. Pollution, product mislabeling, and violations of health and safety regulations affect
large corporations in much larger numbers of people than petty criminality does. Both quantitative and qual-
society. itative studies of corporate crime have concluded that many corporations do not adhere
to the legal regulations that apply to them (Slapper and Tombs, 1999). Corporate crime is
not confined to a few bad apples but is instead pervasive and widespread. Studies have
revealed six types of violations linked to large corporations: administrative (paperwork
or noncompliance), environmental (pollution, permit violations), financial (tax violations,

180 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

illegal payments), labor (working conditions, hiring
practices), manufacturing (product
safety, labeling), and unfair trade practices (price-fixing, false
advertising)
Sometimes there are obvious victims, as in environmental disaster
s like the 1984 spill
at the Bhopal chemical plant in India and the health dangers
posed to women by silicone
breast implants. One of the most devastating examples in recent
years was the collapse of
an eight-story commercial building, Rana Plaza, in Bangladesh in April
2013. The death
toll topped 1,100 and thousands of others were injured in what is conside
red the deadliest
disaster in the garment industry's history. Rana Plaza housed several garment
manufactur-
ers. Although building inspectors had found cracks in the building days earlier
and recom-
mended that the building be evacuated and shut down, many of the garment workers
were
forced to return to work. Managers at some of the companies even threatened to withhol
d
a month's pay from workers who refused to come to work (Manik and Yardley, 2013).
As the Rana Plaza tragedy demonstrates, the hazards of corporate crime are all too real.
But very often, victims of corporate crime do not see themselves as such. This is because
in “traditional” crimes, the proximity between victim and offender is much closer; it is
difficult not to realize that you have been mugged! In the case of corporate crime, greater
distances in time and space mean that victims may not realize they have been victimized
or may not know how to seek redress for the crime.
The effects of corporate crime are often experienced unevenly within society. Those
who are disadvantaged by other types of socioeconomic inequalities tend to suffer dispro-
portionately. For example, safety and health risks in the workplace tend to be concentrated organized crime
most heavily in low-paying occupations. Many of the risks from health care products and
Criminal activities carried
pharmaceuticals have had a greater impact on women than on men, as is the case with out by organizations
contraceptives and fertility treatments with harmful side effects (Slapper and Tombs, 1999). _established as businesses.

Organized Crime
Organized crime refers to forms of activity that have some of the characteristics of
orthodox business but that are illegal. Organized crime embraces illegal gambling, drug
CONCEPT CHECKS
dealing, prostitution, large-scale theft, and protection rackets, among other activities. In End
of Millennium (1998), Manuel Castells argues that the activities of organized crime groups are Contrast the following
becoming increasingly international in scope. The coordination of criminal activities across two explanations for
borders—with the help of new information technologies—is becoming a central feature of the gender gap in
crime: differences in
the new global economy. Involved in activities ranging from the narcotics trade to counter-
opportunity and biases
feiting to smuggling immigrants and human organs, organized crime groups now operate in in reporting.
flexible international networks rather than within their own territorial realms. According to
What is the age-crime
Castells, criminal groups set up strategic alliances with one another. The international nar- curve, and what factors
cotics trade, weapons trafficking, the sale of nuclear material, and money laundering have all have contributed to this
become linked across borders and crime groups. The flexible nature of this networked crime pattern?
makes it relatively easy for crime groups to evade the reach of law enforcement. What are some of
Despite numerous campaigns by governments and police, the United Nations Office on dat -Meve)ah\-10[0[-1a(el-130)
Drugs and Crime estimates that the global trade in illegal drugs makes up between one-fifth white-collar crime?

and one-third of total income from transnational organized crime. However, as organized CTAV- Mo)al-M-> ¢-100]0(- Me) ar-1a)
crime groups grow increasingly agile in structure and diverse in the markets they rely on, the activity classified as
organized crime.
relative importance of drugs is declining (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2017).

Who Are the Perpetrators? 181

 What Were the Causes
and Costs of the Great
> Crime Decline?
Consider some of the We began this chapter with a statistic that might be surprising to some: The rate of violent
factors that have caused crime is now lower than at any point in history for which we have reliable data. With very
We (-Yor-(o(-to
(olavoame (Leal alana few exceptions, violence has gone down in almost every city. Explaining this phenomenon,
crime rates. Understand
known as the great crime decline, has been of significant interest to sociologists. Many
the social costs associated
factors must be understood as important contributors to this decline, and in this section,
with the great crime decline.
we concentrate on three: prisons, the death penalty, and policing. At the same time, we ask
a less obvious question: What are the social costs and benefits associated with the great
crime decline?

Prisons
The decline in crime can, in part, be attributed to one of the biggest transformations in U.S.
social policy over the past few decades: the rise of mass incarceration. Mass incarceration
policies aim to remove criminals and potential criminals from society (Sharkey, 2018). The
United States locks up more people per capita than any other country and has by far the
most punitive justice system in the world. The so-called prison boom began in the 1970s,
and by the beginning of the twenty-first century the number of inmates nearly quintupled
from earlier levels; for most of the twentieth century, the incarceration rate hovered near
100 inmates per 100,000 residents, but by 2004 it had reached 486 inmates per 100,000
(Pager, 2007). At the end of 2016, more than 6.6 million people were under the supervision
of the U.S. correctional system, including more than 1.5 million people in state and federal
prisons, 740,700 people in local jails, and more than 4.5 million on probation or parole. The
U.S. incarceration rate has actually declined since 2009 and is currently at its lowest rate
since 1996 (Kaeble and Cowhig, 2018).
Although sociologists believe that the rise of incarceration has indeed contributed
to lowering crime rates, there is no agreement on the extent to which it has driven the
great crime decline. As a policy intervention, mass incarceration is particularly problem-
atic because both the price and social cost of imprisoning an individual are enormous: In
2015, it cost an average of $31,978 to keep a prisoner in the federal prison system for a year
(Prisons Bureau, 2017) and more—$33,274—in the average state prison (Vera, 2016). The
prison system has also become partially privatized, with private companies building and
administering prisons to accommodate the growing inmate population. Some argue that
this is not money well spent: Less than half of violent crimes result in arrest, and nearly
half of arrests do not result in conviction (FBI, 2014c; FBI, 2014d). Further, America’s
prisons are so overcrowded that the average convict released from prison has served less
than half of their sentence (Kaeble, 2018).
While we might suppose that imprisoning large numbers of people or stiffening sen-
tences would deter individuals from committing crimes, there is little evidence to support

182 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

FIGURE 6.4

State and Federal Prison Population, 1978-2020

1,800,000

1,600,000

1,400,000 }—

1,200,000

1,000,000

800,000

600,000
TOTAL
POPULATION
PRISON
400,000

200,000

0
1978 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015

Source: Carson, 2020.

this hypothesis. In fact, sociological studies have demonstrated that prisons can easily
become schools for crime. The rate of relapse into crime, otherwise known as recidivism,
is almost 50 percent within eight years of release from federal prison but only about one-
third for those released directly to a probationary sentence (Hunt and Dumville, 2016).
These rates suggest that instead of preventing people from committing crimes, prisons
often actually make them more hardened criminals. This pattern is consistent with the key
theme of differential association theory, discussed earlier. Deviance is learned from devi-
ant peers. The more harsh and oppressive prison conditions are, the more likely inmates are
to be brutalized by the experience. Yet if prisons were made into attractive and pleasant
places to live, would they have a deterrent effect?
Mass incarceration has had a particularly deleterious effect on Black communities.
African Americans make up around 33 percent of the current prison population, though
they represent only 12 percent of the U.S. population (Gramlich, 2019b). In The New Jim
Crow, legal scholar Michelle Alexander (2012) argued that mass incarceration creates a
kind of caste system in the United States. According to Alexander, understanding mass
incarceration means understanding not only the criminal justice system but also the entire
structure of policies and practices that stigmatize and marginalize those who are consid-
ered criminals.

THE MARK OF A CRIMINAL RECORD

To illustrate the high cost that society pays for mass incarceration, Devah Pager (2003)
conducted an experiment that showed the long-term consequences of prison on the lives
of felons. Pager had pairs of young Black and White men apply for real entry-level job open-
ings throughout the city of Milwaukee. The applicant pairs were matched by appearance, by

What Were the Causes and Costs of the Great Crime Decline? 183
 interpersonal style, and, most important, by all job-related characteristics, such as educa-
tion level and prior work experience. In addition to varying the race of the applicant pairs,
Pager also had applicants alternate presenting themselves to employers as having criminal
records. One member of each of the applicant pairs would check the box marked “yes” on the
job application in answer to the question “Have you ever been convicted of a crime?”
The pair alternated each week which young man would play the role of the ex-offender.
The experimental design allowed Pager to make the applicant pairs identical on all job-
relevant characteristics so that she could know for sure that any differences she saw were
the result of discrimination against felons rather than other qualifications or weaknesses
of the applicant.
Pager’s study revealed some striking findings. First, Whites were much preferred over
Blacks, and nonoffenders were much preferred over ex-offenders. Whites with a felony
conviction were half as likely to be considered by employers as equally qualified White
nonoffenders. For Blacks, the effects were even larger: Black ex-offenders were only one-
third as likely to receive a call back compared with Black nonoffenders. Even more sur-
prising was the comparison of these two effects: Blacks with no criminal history fared
no better than Whites with a felony conviction. These results suggest that the experi-
ence of being a Black male in America today is comparable with the experience of being a
convicted White criminal, at least in the eyes of Milwaukee employers. For those who
believe that race no longer represents a major barrier to opportunity, these results repre-
sent a powerful challenge. Being a Black felon is a particularly tough obstacle to overcome.
Although prisons do keep some dangerous men (and a very small number of dangerous
women) off the streets, evidence suggests that we need to find other means to deter crime.
A sociological interpretation of crime makes clear that there are no quick fixes. The causes
of crime, especially violent crimes, are bound up with structural conditions of American
society, including widespread poverty, the condition of many urban neighborhoods, and
the deteriorating life circumstances of many young men.

The Death Penalty

Many people wonder about the role of the death penalty in the great crime decline.
Interestingly, there is no evidence whatsoever that the death penalty has contributed to
lower crime rates in states that use it. In fact, states that use the death penalty consistently
have higher murder rates than states that do not. Yet, like its mass incarceration rates,
the United States’ use of capital punishment (the death penalty) is unusual among liberal
democratic nations. The United States remains one of the last Western countries legally
to permit the practice. At the end of 2016, there were 2,814 inmates on death row in the
United States, with just three states—California, Florida, and Texas—accounting for
49 percent of inmates sentenced to death (Davis and Snell, 2018). While death sentences
are occasionally handed down, they are rarely carried out, due to lengthy appeals. Typically,
between 20 and 40 executions are authorized annually; in 2018, 25 prisoners were
executed (Death Penalty Information Center, 2018).
Support for capital punishment remains high in the United States, though it has been
declining in the last two decades: In 2018, approximately 54 percent of adults surveyed
said they favored the death penalty for people convicted of murder; 39 percent opposed it
(Oliphant, 2018). This represents a significant shift from a peak in the mid-1ggos, when in
1994, 80 percent of those surveyed supported the death penalty and just 16 percent were

184 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

 Incarceration Rates
/

le than 10.3 million people are currently being held in penal institutions across the globe. Although the United States
is home to less than 5 percent of the global population, it accounts for more than 20 percent of the world's prisoners.

# of prisoners per 160,000 residents

en
fo)
100
ee200 |300 400 500 600 700

Switzerland
82

S
eat
ees ~ yn
\)

VV“ States
\ 655

aS

Who's in prison in the United States?

Female — aces
Black Hispanic 7.3%
ffenders
35.4% 21.6% 48.6%
Under 18 —_ Public-order
0.07% _ offenders
14.7%
Non-U.S.
White citizens Drug
9 _ Property
Se" offenders — offenders
a 16.5% (19.5%

of Justice Statistics, 2018.

Sources: Institute for Criminal Policy Research, 2018, U.S. Bureau
 opposed (Oliphant, 2016). Although American support for capital punishment is thought
to be unusual in an international political climate that has increasingly condemned the
use of the death penalty, the differences may not be as great as some would think. Even in
countries that have eliminated the death penalty, a majority of people tend to support it. The
difference is not really popular opinion but government structure: European constitutions
give leaders the right to impose their views on the majority, while in the United States,
these policies are made on a state-by-state basis. The idea of states’ rights is so popular in
the United States that even the Supreme Court has deferred to the states on the issue of
capital punishment (Garland, 2010).

Policing
After considering the uncertain impact of mass incarceration and the lack of evidence that
the death penalty contributes to crime reduction, we are left with what is perhaps the big-
gest contributing factor to the decline of crime: policing. During the 1990s, police forces
began to grow at significant rates, and many scholars believe that this accounts for 10 to
20 percent of the overall crime decline. However, other factors complemented the expan-
sion of policing, including a doubling of private security guards and a massive increase in
surveillance cameras (Sharkey, 2018). These techniques were not only useful for deterring
crime and catching criminals but were also reassuring for the public. A visible police pres-
ence and broad installation of surveillance cameras are consistent with the perception that
the police are actively engaged in controlling crime, investigating offenses, and supporting
the criminal justice system.
At the same time, like the rise of mass incarceration, the consequences of increased
police presence have been socially costly. In recent years, several high-profile court cases
challenging some of the most ruthless and arbitrary police practices—such as “stop and
frisk” policies in major American cities—have attracted mainstream media attention.
These policies put a visible police presence in communities with high crime rates and
give officers license to temporarily detain and question individuals at their discretion.
In a decision declaring New York's stop and frisk policy to be unconstitutional, U.S. dis-
trict judge Shira A. Scheindlin declared that the frequent stops made by New York police
violated the Fourth Amendment, which protects citizens from unreasonable searches
and seizures. Judge Scheindlin’s decision asks us to consider the effects of such policies
in communities where individuals of color—overwhelmingly young men of color—are
targeted by police officials on a near-daily basis.
In Punished: Policing the Lives of Black and Latino Boys (2011), sociologist Victor Rios
described the lives of young Black and Hispanic men in Oakland, California. Rios docu-
mented the strain that temporary detainment policies like stop and frisk place on heavily
policed communities and how young men respond to the pervasive presence of police and
TaWA0)Fe Par-Wace (-e--] [00
f21—
other authority figures in their schools and neighborhoods. For the men in Rios’s study,
for the Southern District
of New York ruled that negative interactions with police officers were a regular occurrence. These policies affected
the NYPD's stop-and-frisk not only their daily lives but also the ways in which they perceived themselves and their
policy was discriminatory long-term life trajectories. Punitive policing created a culture of mistrust and resistance
and unconstitutional. to authority, and even those who seldom broke the rules were perceived negatively by
others in their community. In this setting, teachers and potential employers often inter-
“N preted innocuous behavior as deviant or criminal and denied the young men access to the
resources that could have helped them grow in positive ways.

186 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

DIGITAL LIFE

On July 17, 2014, Staten Island

resident Eric Garner was placed
in a chokehold and dragged to
the ground by police officers
attempting to arrest him. The
fatal encounter was recorded on
a cell phone, and Garner's last
words, “! can't breathe,”
became a rallying cry for the
Black Lives Matter movement.
 In Down, Out, and Under Arrest: Policing and Everyday Life in Skid Row (2016), sociologist
Forrest Stuart detailed the relationship between police and the urban poor of Skid Row,
Los Angeles. Like Rios, Stuart showed how policing shapes culture. On Skid Row, heavily
surveilled residents develop a shared cognitive framework, “cop wisdom,” in which knowl-
edge of policing practices circumscribes their understanding of themselves, their commu-
nities, and their available options—regardless of an immediate police presence. Practicing
what Stuart called “therapeutic policing,” police officers deploy “a paternalistic brand of
spatial, behavioral, and moral discipline designed to ‘cure’ those at the bottom of the social
hierarchy” (Stuart, 2016). Stuart showed that for Skid Row residents threatened with arrest
for lifting weights outdoors as a group or for sitting on the sidewalk, intensive law enforce-
ment does something besides potentially lower crime rates. Instead, such regulation might
further restrict access to shelter, work, and meaningful social relations.
Today, governments eager to appear decisive on crime favor increasing the number
and resources of the police. But while a greater police presence translates into lower crime
rates, the social costs might not be worth the benefits. And even when police are involved,
there is more to lowering crime rates than simply having police involved. Preventing crime
and reducing fear of crime are both important paths to rebuilding strong communities. One
of the most significant innovations in criminology in recent years has been the discovery
that the decay of day-to-day civility relates directly to criminality. Although sociologists
and criminologists in earlier decades focused almost exclusively on serious crime—
robbery, assault, and other violent crime—they have since discovered that minor crimes
and public disorder have a powerful effect on neighborhoods. When asked to describe their
problems, residents of troubled neighborhoods mention seemingly minor concerns, such
as abandoned cars, graffiti, youth gangs, and similar phenomena.
People act on their anxieties about these issues: They move out of these neighborhoods
(if they can afford to), buy heavy locks for their doors and bars for their windows, abandon
public places like parks, and even avoid healthy behaviors like jogging and walking, out of
fear. As they withdraw physically, they also withdraw from roles of mutual support with
fellow citizens, thereby relinquishing the social controls that formerly helped to maintain
civility within the community.

BROKEN WINDOWS THEORY

The recognition that even seemingly small acts of crime and disorder can threaten a neigh-
broken windows borhood is based on the broken windows theory (Wilson and Kelling, 1982). This socio-
theory logical theory evolved from an innovative study conducted by the social psychologist
A theory proposing that Philip Zimbardo. He abandoned cars without license plates and with their hoods up in two
even small acts of crime, entirely different social settings: the wealthy community of Palo Alto, California, and a
disorder, and vandalism
poor neighborhood in the Bronx, New York. In both places, the cars were vandalized once
can threaten a neighbor-
passersby, regardless of class or race, sensed that the cars were abandoned and that “no one
hood and render it unsafe.
cared” (Zimbardo, 1969). Any sign of social disorder in a community, even one unrepaired
broken window, is a sign that no one cares. Breaking more windows—that is, committing
more serious crimes—is a rational response by criminals to this situation of social disor-
der. Minor acts of deviance can lead to a spiral of crime and social decay.
In the late 1980s and 1990s, the broken windows theory served as the basis for new
policing strategies that aggressively focused on minor crimes, such as traffic violations and
drinking or using drugs in public. Studies have shown that proactive policing directed at

188 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

maintaining public order can have a positive effect on reducing more serious
crimes, such
as robbery (Sampson and Cohen, 1988). However, one flaw of the broken windows
theory
is that the police are left to identify “social disorder” however they wish. Without a system-
atic definition of disorder, the police are authorized to see almost anything as a sign of dis-
order and anyone as a threat. In fact, as crime rates fell throughout the 1990s, the number
of complaints of police abuse and harassment went up, particularly by young, urban, Black
men who fit the “profile” of a potential criminal. In response to these limitations, crimi-
nologists and policy makers have developed alternative strategies for crime prevention,
including community policing.

COMMUNITY POLICING
One idea that has grown in popularity in recent years is that the police should work closely
with citizens to improve local community standards and civil behavior using education,
persuasion, and counseling instead of incarceration (Sharkey, 2018). Community policing community
implies not only drawing in citizens themselves but also changing the attitudes of police policing
forces. A renewed emphasis on crime prevention rather than law enforcement can go hand A renewed emphasis on
in hand with reestablishing trust between the police and the community and reduce the crime prevention rather
than law enforcement to
siege mentality that develops when police have little regular contact with ordinary citizens.
reintegrate policing within
In order to work, partnerships among government agencies, the criminal justice sys-
the community.
tem, local associations, and community organizations have to be inclusive; all economic
and ethnic groups must be involved (Kelling and Coles, 1997). Government and business
can act together to help repair urban decay. One model is the creation of urban enterprise
zones, which provide tax breaks for corporations that participate in strategic planning and
invest in designated areas. To be successful, such schemes demand a long-term commit-
ment to social objectives.
Emphasizing these strategies does not mean denying the links that exist among unem-
ployment, poverty, and crime. Rather, the struggle against these social problems should be
coordinated with community-based approaches to crime prevention. These approaches can
in fact contribute directly and indirectly to furthering social justice. Where social order has
decayed along with public services, other opportunities, such as new jobs, decline as well.
Improving the quality of life in a neighborhood can revive them. The decline in crime and
violence in America has likely been a function of the way that local communities—police
and community residents—have together taken on violence (Sharkey, 2018).

The Benefits of the Crime Decline

What you have read so far reflects some ambivalence among sociologists about the great
crime decline. We have emphasized the causes of the downward trend in crime, and we
have seen that the rise of mass incarceration in part contributed to the decline. This phe-
nomenon has had a disproportionately negative effect on poor communities, particularly
communities of color. Yet one question that gets asked too infrequently is how poor com-
munities have benefited from the great crime decline. The sociologist Patrick Sharkey
(2018) addressed that question by looking at two areas of social life that were most likely
influenced by lower crime rates: life expectancy and school performance.
Sharkey found that in communities where crime has gone down, the amount of vio-
lence has also decreased. He argued that during the era of high crime rates, violence was one
of the most prevalent public health problems faced by poor communities, on par with heart

What Were the Causes and Costs of the Great Crime Decline? 189
EMPLOYING | Law Enforcement: Police Officer and
YOUR Civilian Empioyee
Xoleqfo)Moke] [oy.V iam
IMAGINATION In this chapter, we learned that the largest factor driving the decline of crime may be policing,
with the growth of police forces accounting for between 10 and 20 percent of the total crime
decline (Sharkey, 2018). Policing has been aided by improvements in surveillance technol-
ogy, including now-pervasive security cameras, and the proliferation of digital records, as
governments and businesses gather information on millions of people. Increasingly, in police
departments from Los Angeles to Salt Lake City, decision making by police officers system-
atically depends on the analysis of this so-called big data (Brayne, 2017; Palantir, 2018).
For example, using historical data, law enforcement agencies can identify where and
when future crimes are most likely to occur and deploy officers accordingly. Civilian
employees and police officers can also use models of people’s social networks to identify
individuals, places, and belongings related to a person of interest—for instance, siblings,
cohabitators, and coworkers; addresses of previous and current residences; and vehicles.
While in the past, datasets and surveillance systems were analyzed in isolation, big data
analysis involves synthesizing this data. For instance, automated license plate reader
data collected by law enforcement can be combined with data from private agencies like
repossession companies (Brayne, 2017).
In order to keep up with these developments, sociology is rethinking the statistical
training that it offers students. In fact, some sociology departments now integrate
computer science into their statistics training. Ultimately, sociology majors with such
training are able not only to write algorithms to make predictions out of big data but also
to develop predictions informed by sociological theories of crime and deviance.

disease and cancer. Despite the fact that so many people die from violence in these com-
munities, it is usually not taken seriously as a “public health” problem. Sharkey argued that
unlike well-known diseases with massive expenditures for research, violence is a cause of
death that largely goes unnoticed. It disproportionately affects the youngest members of
poor communities, particularly Black males between 15 and 30 years of age. He found that
an average Black boy who was born in 2012 could expect to live three-quarters of a year
longer than a Black boy who was born when crime was at its height, in 1991. While that
might not seem like a big difference, Sharkey pointed out that it is in fact equivalent to what
would happen if we were to eliminate the obesity epidemic altogether. Thus, “the decline in
violence .. . means that thousands of young people . . . no longer have their lives cut short
by violence. It is about human life that is preserved” (Sharkey, 2018).
Sharkey also found that the murder rate is only part of the story of how poor com-
munities have benefited from declining violence. This is because violence affects not only
those who are themselves on the receiving end of physical harm but also the masses of chil-
dren who live in fear every time they see or hear about the violence in their communities.

190 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

 Sociologists are also particularly well positioned to question the social implica
tions of big data analysis in law enforcement. For several years, soc iologist Sarah
Brayne studied the Los Angeles Police Department, interviewing and observing
7S police officers and civilian employees in order to understand jiow the depart
ment's pioneering adoption of big data analytics amplified and transformed their police
surveillance. Brayne found that big data analysis “is not always as objective as it sug
gests. In terms of individual policing, big data aims to supplement officers’ discretion
with algorithm-based, quantified criminal risk assessments” (American Sociological
Association, 2017)
Still, bias can alter such assessments. For example, one detective told Brayne that he
tends to view a person as suspicious if he enters their name in a database and sees that
others have previously searched for their name as well. “Just because you haven't been
arrested doesnt mean you haven't been caught,” the detective told her (Brayne, 2017)
Brayne reports

When you start to codify or bake in police practices as objective crime The NYPD relies on big data
data, you sort of get into this feedback loop or self-fulfilling prophecy. generated from the more than
It puts individuals who are already under suspicion under new and deeper 4000 cameras and license plate
and quantified forms of surveillance, masked by objectivity or as one officer readers mounted throughout
described it, “just math.” (American Sociological Association, 2017) Lower Manhattan. A sociological
imagination can help us think
Recall what we learned about labeling theory in this chapter. Whose information critically about how new forms
is being captured and integrated? How do police officers view those individuals captured of surveillance might affect
in their newly expanded databases? Sociology teaches us both the methods of big data different groups of people.
analysis and the theories that can guide us to deploy them for the benefit of the commu
nities served by law enforcement officers

to
Living in fear causes stress for these young people, making it much harder for them
concentrate on schoolwork or control their impulses. What Sharkey found most surprising
was how much students suffer academically after a violent shooting: “It was as if chil- CONCEPT CHECKS
of
dren who were [tested] right after a local homicide had missed the previous two years
schooling and regressed back to their level of cognitive performance from years earlier”
How can differential
but association theory help
(2018). Not only are certain kids from poor communities exposed to more violence,
explain high rates of
situations.
the schools they attend have fewer support services to meet their needs in these recidivism?
Thus, the discussion of deviance, crime, and punishment requires that we be prepared
What are some of the
many of the
to confront complexity. The United States is safer than it has ever been and social costs of policing?
es that
people who have benefited from those changes are living in the very communiti
What are the main
that we lis-
have paid the biggest prices for those changes. It is perhaps most crucial, then, fela hated sjantsehim (aime) me).4-1a)
policy in this area.
ten carefully to those most affected as we think about the future of U.S. Walate(o\Wasmcal=telmYate

Were the Causes and Costs of the Great Crime Decline? 191
What
 How Do Crime and
Deviance Affect Your Life’?
Understand the costs The Costs of Crime
EVate MidUlaves ¢fe)at-wre) moa
|eat-)
Crime can take a toll on the financial and emotional well-being of even those people whose
Eyate| deviance.
only contact with the criminal justice system is watching reruns of Law and Order or CSI.
As we learned earlier in the chapter, corporate crime can affect everything from the
quality of the food we eat to the safety of the cars we drive and the cleanliness of the air
we breathe, even for those of us who live in safe and quiet neighborhoods.
Our lives are also affected by the high fiscal costs of street crime. Maintaining local,
state, and national criminal justice systems is costly—and growing costlier by the minute.
State governments are having a difficult time finding enough money to house, feed, and
provide medical care for all these inmates. Spending on corrections has risen dramatically
over the past three decades. For example, spending has varied between 2.5 and 2.9 percent
of state outlays over the last decade, with states spending $48.5 billion in 2010 as compared
with $15 billion in 1982 (U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2012).
Lawmakers have few options for footing this large bill. Tax hikes are one option, but
that would mean higher income taxes, property taxes, and sales taxes for everyone. In the
absence of tax hikes, lawmakers may find themselves forced to cut back on other important
social programs, including transportation, education, and health care (Pew Center on the
States, 2008). Corrections accounted for 3 percent of total state expenditures in 2017, and
if this proportion increases, it could touch the lives of Americans using the many other
state programs that compete for valuable tax dollars (National Association of State Budget
Officers, 2018).

The Functions of Deviance

The deviant acts of others also affect our personal behaviors in powerful ways. As noted
earlier, deviants help us understand what is considered “right” and “wrong” among our
peers, friends, and community members. Most of us try very hard to avoid the sanctions
that result from doing “wrong,” and we make our daily choices accordingly. For exam-
ple, most of us don't want to be socially ostracized, so we may choose clothes, hobbies,
romantic partners, and even our future career paths to fit in with peers. To be considered
“deviant” often means being treated as a social outcast.

192 CHAPTER 6 Deviance, Crime, and Punishment

 At a more serious level, though, most of us know what the punishments are for even
minor violations, such as speeding or running a red light. By learning about the fees
and punishments levied on those who break the rules, most of us will behave in accor-
dance with the law to avoid having our driver's licenses suspended or spending a night
in jail. Public punishments—whether locking horse thieves into stocks in town squares
and making an adulteress wear a scarlet letter A around her neck in the colonial United
States, or publicizing the names and addresses of registered sex offenders and televising
“perp walks” in the contemporary United States—are designed not only to punish the
“guilty” but also to prevent others from behaving in a similar way. These public humilia-
tions affect us because they make us rethink whether it’s really worthwhile to try to get
away with a crime.

and Deviance Affect Your Life? 193

How Do Crime
CHAPTER 6 Learning Objectives

The What Is Deviance?

Big Picture
Learn how sociologists define deviance
and how it is closely related to social power
and social class. See the ways in which
p. 164 conformity is encouraged.

Deviance, Crime,
and Punishment

Why Do People
Commit Deviant Acts? Know the leading biological, psychological,
and sociological theories of deviance and
p. 166 how each is useful in understanding crime.

Thinking Sociologically

How Do We Recognize the usefulness and limitations

. Briefly summarize several leading
oh Document Crime?
of crime statistics. Learn some important
theories explaining crime and
differences between men and women
deviance presented in this chapter: D. 174
related to crime. Familiarize yourself with
differential association, anomie, some of the varieties of crime.
labeling, conflict, and control theories.
Which theory appeals to you?
Explain why.
Who Are the
vd
2. Explain how differences in power and Perpetretors!
Understand why members of some social
social influence can play a significant
groups are more likely to commit or be the
role in defining and sanctioning deviant Pp. 177
victims of crime.
behavior.

3. What do you consider the most harmful

consequences of violent crime? What Were the Causes
Of white-collar crime? How do you and Costs of the
Consider some of the factors that have
think the “average” American views Great Crime Decline? caused a decades-long decline in crime
each of these different types of crime? rates. Understand the social costs
p. 182 associated with the great crime decline.
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

norms ® mores e folkways

. How do sociologists define deviance?

. Is all crime deviant? Is all deviance criminal? Why?
deviance © deviant subculture © sanction
. Contrast positive and negative sanctions.
laws ® crimes

. What are the main similarities and differences between biological and
psychological views of deviance?
2. How do Merton's and Durkheim's definitions of anomie differ?
3. According to subcultural explanations, how does criminal behavior get
psychopath © anomie ¢ relative deprivation
transmitted from one group to another?
differential association * labeling theory
4. What is the core idea behind differential association theory?
primary deviance * secondary deviance
5. What are two criticisms of labeling theory?
. What are the root causes of crime according to conflict theorists?

. What are the main sources of crime data in the United States?
Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) ¢ hate crime . Contrast Uniform Crime Reports and the National Crime Victimization Survey.
. Describe crime trends in the 1990s through today.
BR
WD. How do sociologists explain the high rate of violent crime in the
United States?

white-collar crime * corporate crime 1. Contrast the following two explanations for the gender gap in crime:
organized crime differences in opportunity and biases in reporting.
2. What is the age-crime curve, and what factors have contributed to this pattern?
3. What are some of the consequences of white-collar crime?
. Give one example of an activity classified as organized crime.

broken windows theory * community policing . How can differential association theory help explain high rates of recidivism?
2. What are some of the social costs of policing?
. What are the main criticisms of broken windows theory?
 >
Self-identifying socialist political candidates
have recently gained unprecedented popularity
in American politics. How do high levels of
stratification and inequality in American society
help to explain their success?

THE BIG QUESTIONS

What is social stratification?

Learn about social stratification and how
social background affects one’s life chances.
Become acquainted with the most influential
theories of stratification.

ie atl 6 Ole
St el | | How is social class defined in the
United States?
Understand the social causes and consequences
laS S aq é e : of social class in U.S. society as well as the
; complexities and challenges of defining class.

What are the causes and

: |T consequences of social inequality in
U | the United States?
Recognize why and how the gap between rich
and poor has increased in recent decades.
Understand social mobility, and think about
your own mobility.

How does poverty affect individuals?

Learn about poverty in the United States
today, explanations for why it exists, and
means for combating it. Learn how people
become marginalized in a society and the
forms that this marginalization takes.

How does social inequality affect

your life?
Learn how changes in the American economy
have led to growing inequality since the 1970s.
Income Inequality
p. 214
 In 2018, an unknown, 29-year-old bartender named Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez
(AOC) rose to national prominence when she defeated a powerful, longtime incum-
bent congressman in the Democratic primary for New York’s 14th Congressional
District. What was extraordinary about this feat was not simply that the candidate
was a bartender, that she was still in her twenties, or that she went on to win the general
election—but that she was a self-identified socialist.
A socialist believes that government control of the economy—rather than a free-market
capitalist system—will result in greater equality and democracy for the benefit of the working
classes. Such ideas are more popular among young people today than they have been at any time
in the past century, during which there has been greater antagonism to government interference
in the economy. Socialist ideas are associated with one of the founders of sociology, Karl Marx.
By the end of 2016, Marx's ideas had reached the height of their popularity in American
politics thanks to the presidential campaign of Senator Bernie Sanders, and this laid the

Stratification, Class, and Inequality 197

 groundwork for the emergence of candidates like AOC in 2018. What was it about Sanders
and AOC that was so indebted to Karl Marx? It was that they both viewed the capitalist system,
driven by the constant search for profits, as the major problem facing American society. Profits
had created massive wealth for a very small percentage of the population, but others, such as
new generations of college graduates, were struggling as never before. To cite one example, by
the end of 2019, outstanding student loans had reached $1.5 trillion, far exceeding overall credit
card debt—$1.08 trillion—and automobile loans—$1.19 trillion (U.S. Federal Reserve, 2020a).
Graduates of the class of 2018 averaged around $29,200 in student loan debt. If you have a
student loan, you are in good company: Two-thirds (65 percent) of graduating seniors have
had to borrow to pay for the rising cost of higher education (Institute for College Access and
Success, 2019).
Politicians like Sanders and AOC are concerned with the high level of structured inequality
social in American society, or what sociologists would call stratification. Sociologists speak of social
stratification stratification to describe inequalities among individuals and groups within human societies.
The existence of struc- Often we think of stratification in terms of wealth or property, but it can also occur on the
tured inequalities among basis of other attributes, such as gender, age, race, or religious affiliation. An important area
groups in society in terms
of research within the study of social stratification is social mobility, or one’s movement up or
of their access to material
down social class strata. The three key aspects of social stratification are class, status, and
or symbolic rewards.
power (Weber, 1947). Although they frequently overlap, this is not always the case. The “rich
and famous” enjoy high status; their wealth often provides political influence. Yet there are
exceptions. While often wealthy and powerful, drug lords, for example, usually enjoy low status.
In this chapter, we focus on stratification in terms of inequalities based on wealth, income,
status, and power. In later chapters, we will look at the ways in which gender (Chapter 9) and
ethnicity and race (Chapter 10) play a role in stratification.

What Is Social
stratification?
Learn about social All socially stratified systems share three characteristics:
stratification and how
social background affects i. The rankings apply to social categories of people who share a common char-
one’s life chances. acteristic, such as gender or ethnicity. Women may be ranked differently from
Become acquainted men, wealthy people differently from the poor. This does not mean that individ-
with the most influential
uals from a particular category cannot change their rank; however, it does mean
theories of stratification.
that the category continues to exist independently of individuals who may move
out of it and into another category.

2. People’s life experiences and opportunities depend heavily on how their

social category is ranked. Being male or female, Black or White, upper class or
working class, makes a big difference in terms of your life chances—often as biga
difference as personal effort or good fortune.

3. ‘The ranks of different social categories tend to change very slowly over time.
In U.S. society, for example, only during the last half-century have women begun
to achieve economic equality with men (see Chapter 9). Similarly, only since the

198 CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

 1970s have significant numbers of Black Americans begun
to obtain economic
and political equality with White Americans—even though slavery
was abol-
ished more than a century and a half ago and discrimination was declared
illegal
in the 1950s and 1960s (see Chapter 10).

As you saw in Chapter 2, stratified societies have changed throughout

human history.
The earliest human societies, which were based on hunting and gathering,
had very little
social stratification—mainly because there were few resources to be divided up.
The devel-
opment of agriculture produced considerably more wealth and, as a result, a great increase
in stratification. Social stratification in agricultural societies came to resemble a pyramid,
with a large number of people at the bottom and successively smaller numbers of people
as one moved toward the top. Today, advanced industrial societies are extremely complex;
their stratification is more likely to resemble a teardrop, with large numbers of people in
the middle and lower-middle ranks (the so-called middle class), a slightly smaller number
of people at the bottom, and very few people as one moves toward the top.
But before turning to stratification in modern societies, let's first review the three
basic systems of stratification: slavery, caste, and class.

Slavery
Slavery is an extreme form of inequality in which certain people are owned as property slavery
by others. Sometimes enslaved people have been deprived of almost all rights by law, as A form of social stratifica-
was the case on Southern plantations in the United States. In other societies, their position tion in which some people
was more akin to that of servants. For example, in the ancient Greek city-state of Athens, are owned as property
some slaves occupied positions of great responsibility. by others.

Systems of slave labor have tended to be unstable, because enslaved people have his-
torically fought back against their subjection. Slavery is also not economically efficient, as
it requires constant supervision and often involves severe punishment, which impedes
worker productivity. Moreover, from about the eighteenth century on, many people in
Europe and America came to see slavery as morally wrong. Today, slavery is illegal in every
country of the world, but it still exists in some places. Recent research has documented that
people are still taken by force and held against their wilt—from enslaved brickmakers in
Pakistan to victims of sex trafficking in Thailand and enslaved domestic workers in France.
The United States is not immune to such injustice. News reports of teenage girls coerced
into prostitution, maids locked up and forced to work by wealthy clients, and immigrants
forced to work at convenience stores underscore that marginalized persons who lack social
power can still be exploited at the hands of cruel individuals (CNN, 2013). caste system
A social system in which
Caste Systems one’s social status is
determined at birth and
A caste system is a social system in which one's social status is determined at birth and set
set for life.
for life. In this system, social status is based on personal characteristics—such as perceived
race or ethnicity (often based on such physical characteristics as skin color), parental religion,
or parental caste—that are accidents of birth and are therefore believed to be unchangeable. endogamy
Caste societies can be seen as a special type of class society, in which class position is ascribed at The forbidding of marriage
birth rather than achieved through personal accomplishment. In caste systems, intimate con- or sexual relations outside
one's social group.
tact with members of other castes is strongly discouraged. Such caste “purity” is often main-
tained by rules of endogamy, marriage within one’s social group as required by custom or law.

What Is Social Stratification? 199

 In previous eras, caste systems were found throughout
the world. In modern times, caste systems have typically been
found in agricultural societies that have not yet developed
industrial capitalist economies, such as rural India or South
Africa prior to the end of White rule in 1992. The Indian caste
system, for example, reflects Hindu religious beliefs and is

more than 2,000 years old. According to Hindu beliefs, there

are four major castes, each roughly associated with broad occu-
pational groupings. Below the four castes are those known as
the “untouchables” or Dalits (oppressed people), who—as their
name suggests—are to be avoided at all costs. Untouchables are
limited to the worst jobs in society, such as removing human
waste, and they often resort to begging. India made it illegal
to discriminate on the basis of caste in 1949, but aspects of
the caste system remain in full force today, particularly in
rural areas.
The few remaining caste systems in the world are being
Women from the Dalit caste (also known as “untouchables”)
challenged further by globalization. For example, as India’s
earn a living as sewage scavengers in the slums of
modern capitalist economy brings people of different castes
Ranchi, India.
together, whether in the same workplace, airplane, or restaurant,

“N it is increasingly difficult to maintain the rigid barriers required

to sustain the caste system.

Class
The concept of class is most important for analyzing stratification in industrialized

class societies like the United States. Everyone has heard of class, but most people in everyday
talk use the word in a vague way. While a precise definition is elusive, in sociology the term
Although it is one of the
most frequently used con- tends to be used in a specific way.
cepts in sociology, there Is A social class is a large group of people who occupy a similar economic position
no clear agreement about in the wider society. The concept of life chances, introduced by Max Weber, is the best
how the term should be
way to understand what class means. Your life chances are the opportunities you have
defined. Most sociologists
for achieving economic prosperity. A person from a humble background, for example,
use the term to refer to
socioeconomic variations has less of a chance of ending up wealthy than someone from a more prosperous one.
among groups of individ- And the best chance an individual has of being wealthy is to start off as wealthy in the
uals that create variations first place.
in their material prosperity The United States, it has been said, is the land of opportunity. For some, this is true;
and power.
there are many examples of people who have risen from modest means to positions of great
wealth and power. And yet there are many more cases of people who have not, including

life chances a disproportionate share of women and minorities. The idea of life chances is important
because it emphasizes that although class is a powerful influence on what happens in our
A term introduced by
Max Weber to signify the lives, it is not completely determining. Class divisions affect which neighborhoods we
opportunities a person has live in, what lifestyles we follow, and even which romantic partners we choose, but they
for achieving economic don't fix people for life in specific social positions, as the older systems of stratification
prosperity. did (Mare, 1991; Massey, 1996). A person born into a caste position has no opportunity of
escaping from it; the same isn't true of class.

200 CHAPTER? Stratification, Class, and Inequality

 Class systems differ from slavery and castes in four
main respects:

1. Class systems are fluid. Unlike slavery and caste systems

, classes are not estab-
lished by legal or religious provisions. The boundaries betwee
n classes are never
clear-cut. There are no formal restrictions on intermarriage
between people from
different classes.

2. Class positions are in some part achieved. An individual's class

is not sim-
ply assigned at birth, as is the case in the other types of stratification
systems.
Social mobility—movement upward and downward in the class structur
e—is
relatively common.

3. Class is economically based. Classes are delineated by inequalities in the

possession of material resources. In the other types of stratification systems,
noneconomic factors (such as race in the former South African caste system) are
generally most important.

4. Class systems are large scale and impersonal. In the other types of stratification
systems, inequalities are expressed primarily in terms of personal relationships
of duty or obligation—between slave and master or lower- and higher-caste
individuals. Class systems, by contrast, operate mainly through large-scale,
impersonal associations, such as pay or working conditions.

ARE CLASS BOUNDARIES WEAKENING?

How much does social class mold our lives, and has its impact changed over time?
Stratification scholars currently grapple with two important debates about the declining
importance of social class. First, they ask whether caste systems will give way to class sys-
tems against the backdrop of globalization. Second, scholars question whether inequality is
declining in class-based societies due in part to the expansion of educational opportunities
and other social policies.
To address the first question, there is some evidence that globalization will hasten the
end of legally sanctioned caste systems throughout the world. Most official caste systems
have already given way to class-based ones in industrial capitalist societies. Modern indus-
trial production requires that people move about freely, work at whatever jobs they are
suited or able to do, and change jobs frequently according to economic conditions. The rigid
restrictions found in caste systems interfere with this necessary freedom. Nonetheless,
elements of caste systems persist even in advanced industrial societies. For example, some
Indian immigrants to the United States seek to arrange traditional marriages for their
children along caste lines, while the relatively small proportion of U.S. marriages that are
interracial suggests the strength of racial barriers. In 2015, 10 percent of all marriages were
between members of different races. This proportion, however, jumped to 17 percent for
newlyweds (Livingston and Brown, 2017).
To address the second question, some evidence suggests that mature capitalist societ-
ies have been increasingly open to movement between classes—at least until recently—
thereby reducing levels of inequality. For example, studies of European nations, the United
States, and Canada suggest that inequality peaked in these countries before World War II,
declined through the 1950s, and remained roughly the same through the 1970s (Berger,

What Is Social Stratification? 201

 1986; Nielsen, 1994). Postwar inequality decreased in part due to economic expansion in
industrial societies, which created opportunities for people at the bottom to move up, and
because of government health insurance, welfare, and other programs aimed at reducing
inequality. As we explore later in this chapter and in Chapter 13 (where we will discuss
the changing nature of the American economy), however, this trend has reversed in recent
years: Inequality has actually been increasing in the United States since the 1970s.

Theories of Stratification in Modern Societies

In this section, we look at some broad theories regarding stratification. Karl Marx and Max
Weber developed the most influential theoretical approaches to studying stratification.
Most subsequent theories of stratification are heavily indebted to their ideas.

MARX: CAPITALISM AND THE ANALYSIS OF CLASS

For many people, the word capitalism refers to a free-market economy, a system in which
economic exchanges are essentially deregulated and occur through supply and demand. In

means of a capitalist system, wealth is privately owned and is invested and reinvested to produce
production profit. But for Marx and his followers, it is impossible to define capitalism without refer-

The means whereby the ence to the classes that emerge through it.
production of material In Marxist terms, classes are groups of people who earn their livelihood in similar
goods is carried on in ways and thus share a common relationship to the means of production—the
a society, including not resources used to produce goods and services. In modern societies, the two main classes
just technology but the
are the bourgeoisie and proletariat. The bourgeoisie, or capitalists, own the means of
social relations among
production. Members of the proletariat, or proletarians, by contrast, earn their living
producers.
by selling their labor to the capitalists. The relationship between classes, according to
Marx, is an exploitative one. In the course of the working day, Marx reasoned, workers
bourgeoisie produce more than is actually needed by employers to repay the cost of hiring them.
People who own the This surplus value is the source of profit, which capitalists are able to put to their own
means of production, use. A group of workers in a clothing factory, say, might be able to produce a hundred
including companies, land, suits a day. Selling half the suits provides enough income for the manufacturer to pay
or stocks (shares), and
the workers’ wages. Income from the sale of the remainder of the garments is taken
use these to generate
as profit.
economic returns, accord-
ing to Marx. Marx believed that the maturing of industrial capitalism would bring about an
increasing gap between the wealth of the capitalist minority and the poverty of the large
proletarian population, and he has been proven correct. Yet, he was not correct about
proletariat everything. In his view, the wages of the working class could never rise far above sub-
People who sell their labor sistence level, while wealth would pile up in the hands of those who owned capital. In
for wages, according to addition, he believed that laborers would face work that was physically wearing and
Marx.
mentally tedious, as is the situation in many factories. At the lowest levels of society,
particularly among those frequently or permanently unemployed, there would develop
surplus value an “accumulation of misery, agony of labor, slavery, ignorance, brutality, moral degrada-
tion” (Marx, 1864/1977).
In Marxist theory, the value
of a worker's labor left Marx was right about the persistence of poverty in industrialized countries and in
over when an employer anticipating that large inequalities of wealth and income would endure. He was wrong in
has repaid the cost of supposing that the income of most of the population would remain extremely low. Most
hiring the worker. people in Western countries today are much better off materially than comparable groups
were in Marx's day.

202 CHAPTER? Stratification, Class, and Inequality

DIGITAL LIFE

Does the Digital Divide Still Matter?

Only a few years ago, the digital divide was a chasm—a large gap in Such disparities matter because Americans are increas-
Internet use that reflected differences in socioeconomic status. At ingly relying on smartphones for more than texting their friends
the turn of the millennium, only 34 percent of those with an annual or posting photos on Instagram. For example, more than half
income under $30,000 used the Internet, compared with 81 per- (53 percent) of young adults report having used a smartphone
cent of households earning more than $79,000. An even larger gap in a job search, and those who are college educated or have
resulted from differences in education, with barely one out of higher incomes are the most likely to do so. While it may not
every five high school dropouts using the Internet, compared with come as a surprise that most job-seeking smartphone use is
nearly four out of every five college graduates (Rainie, 2015). for such basic activities as browsing job listings or contacting
By 2019, these gaps had narrowed considerably. While employers, nearly half have also used their smartphones to
nearly all households earning more than $75,000 today use actually fill out a job application. Interestingly, those who lack a
the Internet (98 percent), 82 percent of those earning under college education are far more likely to use their smartphones
$30,000 do so as well. The educational gap has fallen by a com- to fill out a job application (61 percent) than those who have a
parable amount, and even 73 percent of those over age 65 are college degree (37 percent). Similarly, one-third of those with
now online (Pew Research Center, 2019c, 2019d). The Internet a high school education (or less) rely on their smartphone to
has become as commenplace as the telephone (Rainie, 2015). create a résumé or cover letter, compared with only one-tenth
Or has it? Not all forms of Internet use are equal. While over of those with college degrees. The reason for these differences
80 percent of American adults now own smartphones, there is simple: Job-seekers who never went to college are far less
remains a sizable age gap in ownership as well as smaller (but likely to have broadband Internet at home (Smith, 2015).
significant) gaps based on education and income. For exam- The proliferation of smartphones may indeed level the
ple, 96 percent of young adults (those between the ages of 18 playing field, enabling poorer, less educated adults to com-
and 29) own smartphones, compared with only 53 percent of pensate for lack of broadband access. On the other hand,
adults over 65. Gaps remain between college grads (91 per- because those who are lower on the socioeconomic ladder
cent of whom own smartphones) and those with a high school are also less likely to own a functioning smartphone, they
education or less (72 percent) and between those with house- can be disadvantaged when seeking a job. Moreover, there
hold incomes of over $75,000 (95 percent) and those earning are clear challenges when it comes to using a smartphone
under $30,000 (78 percent); 44 percent of the latter, in fact, to fill out a job application, assemble a résumé, or write an
report having lost their service at one time or another because effective job letter. The digital divide may be narrowing, but
of financial constraints (Pew Research Center, 2019g). inequalities remain.
 WEBER: CLASS, STATUS, AND POWER
There are three main differences between Weber's theory and Marx's. First, according to
Weber, class divisions derive not only from control or lack of control of the means of pro-
duction but also from economic differences that have nothing directly to do with property,
specifically people's skills and credentials, or qualifications. Those in managerial or pro-
fessional occupations earn more and enjoy more favorable conditions at work, for exam-
ple, than people in blue-collar jobs do. The qualifications they possess—such as degrees,
diplomas, and the skills they have acquired—make them more “marketable” than others
without such qualifications.
Second, Weber distinguished another aspect of stratification besides class, which he
status called “status.” According to Weber, status refers to differences among groups in terms
The social honor or prestige of the social honor, or prestige, they are accorded by others. Status distinctions can vary
that a particular group is independent of class divisions. Social honor may be either positive or negative. For
accorded by other members instance, doctors and lawyers have high prestige in American society. Pariah groups,
of a society. Status groups
on the other hand, are negatively privileged status groups subject to discrimination
normally display distinct
that prevents them from taking advantage of opportunities that are open to others. For
styles of life—patterns of
behavior that the members example, members of the “untouchables” caste in India would be treated as pariahs; they
of a group follow. Status are relegated to low-paying work and historically were barred from entering the homes
privilege may be positive of higher-caste persons. Possession of wealth normally tends to confer high status, but
or negative. there are exceptions to this principle, such as Hollywood starlets who earn high salaries
but lack the education or refinement typically associated with “status.” Importantly,
status depends on people's subjective evaluations of social differences, whereas class
pariah groups
is an objective measure.
Groups that suffer from
Third, Weber recognized that social classes also differ with respect to their power,
negative status discrimina-
tion; they are looked down or ability to enact change, command resources, or make decisions. Power is distinct from
on by most other members status and class, but these three dimensions often overlap. For example, on most college
of society. campuses, the president or provost has much greater power to change campus policies
than a cafeteria worker does. Weber's writings are important because they show that other
dimensions of stratification besides class strongly influence people's lives. Most sociolo-
power
gists hold that Weber's scheme offers a more flexible and sophisticated basis for analyzing
The ability of individuals
stratification than Marx’s approach.
or members of a group to
achieve aims or further DAVIS AND MOORE: THE FUNCTIONS OF STRATIFICATION
their interests. Power is
a pervasive element in Kingsley Davis and Wilbert E. Moore (1945) provided a functionalist explanation of strat-
all human relationships. ification, arguing that it has beneficial consequences for society. They claimed that certain
Many conflicts in society positions or roles in society, such as brain surgeons, are functionally more important than
are struggles over power, others, and these positions require people with special skills to perform them. However,
because how much power
only a limited number of individuals in any society have the necessary talents or expe-
an individual or group Is
able to obtain governs how rience to fill these roles. To attract the most qualified people, rewards need to be offered,
far they are able to put such as money, power, and prestige. Davis and Moore determined that because the benefits
their wishes into practice. of different positions in any society must be unequal, then all societies must be stratified.
They concluded that social stratification and social inequality are functional for society
because they ensure that the most qualified people, attracted by lucrative rewards, fill the
roles that are most important to a smoothly functioning society.
Davis and Moore's theory suggests that people's social positions are based solely on
their innate talents and efforts. Not surprisingly, their theory has been criticized by other

204 CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

Applying Sociology to Stratification
CONCEPT APPROACH TO INEQUALITY CURRENT APPLICATION

Marxist Theories The exploitation of working classes The presidential campaigns of Bernie Sanders, which
in capitalist societies are the key to gained wide traction in 2016 and 2020, were inspired
understanding social and economic in part by Marxist ideas.
inequality in the contemporary world.

Weberian Theories Status and power are as important as Journalists, writers, and scholars in an unequal
Class in our understanding of social and society like the United States can hold status and
economic inequality. exert power despite owning little capital.

Functionalist Theories Inequality can be beneficial to society in Entry level jobs in computer science are among
so far as it inspires people to develop the the best paid, resulting in wide disparities between
skills and expertise necessary to excel at graduates in that field and most others. Computer
difficult jobs. science courses are among the most difficult at most
universities, lending credence to a functional theory.

Contradictory Class Professional workers in modern capitalist This theory is of less relevance today than when it
Locations (theory society occupy contradictory positions: they was developed in the 1980s. As Erik Olin Wright has
developed by Erik Olin exert control over the working classes, but observed, both the working class and the shrinking,
Wright in the 1980s, remain subordinate to the upper classes. downwardly mobile middle class of the twenty-first
Snail Abe middle clase century is losing power due to a “capitalist class . . .
was at the height of its so immensely wealthy that they are capable of
litical r) destroying the world as a side effect of their
olitical powe
F F private pursuit of gain.”

sociologists. The United States is not entirely a meritocratic society. Those at the top tend
to have privileged access to economic and cultural resources, such as the highest-quality
education, which help the upper classes transmit their status from one generation to the
next. For those without access to these resources, even those with superior talents, social
inequality is a barrier to reaching their full potential.

ERIK OLIN WRIGHT: CONTRADICTORY CLASS LOCATIONS

The career of the American sociologist Erik Olin Wright illustrates some of the most
important changes in the U.S. class structure and system of inequality over the past
half-century. In the 1980s, Wright was the first to recognize that the massive expansion
of the middle class in American society posed a problem for Marx's theories because Marx
viewed the class structure through the simple lens of owners and workers. Wright did
not believe that middle-class people—and particularly the upper middle classes—could
be understood using that classification. He argued, for example, that upper-middle-class
people such as managers controlled the working class while they were themselves, at the
same time, controlled by capitalist owners. In other words, these managers were essen-
tially exploiting others while also being exploited.

What Is Social Stratification? 205

 This position owes much to Marx but also incorporates ideas from Weber. According
to Wright, there are three dimensions of control over economic resources in modern
capitalist production, and these allow us to identify the major classes:

1. Control over investments or money capital

2. Control over the physical means of production (land or factories and offices)
3. Control over labor power
contradictory
class locations Members of the capitalist class have control over each of these dimensions of the
production system. Members of the working class have control over none of them. Between
Positions in the class
these two main classes, however, are the groups whose position is more ambiguous:
structure, particularly rou-
tine white-collar and lower managers and white-collar workers. These people are in what Wright calls contradictory
managerial jobs, that share class locations, because they can influence some aspects of production but lack control
characteristics with the over others. White-collar and professional employees, for example, must contract their
class positions both above
labor power to employers to make a living, in the same way manual workers do. Yet they
and below them.
have a greater degree of control over the work setting than do most people in blue-collar
jobs. Wright terms the class position of such workers “contradictory” because they are
neither capitalists nor manual workers, yet they share certain common features with each.
A large segment of the population—8s5 to go percent, according to Wright (1997}—

CONCEPT CHECKS falls into the category of those who must sell their labor because they do not control the
means of production. Yet within this population is a great deal of diversity, ranging from
What are the three the traditional manual working class to white-collar workers. To differentiate class loca-
shared characteristics tions within this large population, Wright considers two factors. First, many middle-class
of socially stratified
workers, such as managers and supervisors, enjoy relationships to authority that are more
systems?
privileged than those of the working class. Such individuals assist capitalists in controlling
How is the concept the working class—for example, by monitoring the work of other employees or by con-
of class different from
ducting personnel reviews and evaluations—and are rewarded by earning higher wages
that of caste? ©
and receiving regular promotions. Yet these individuals remain under the control of the
According to Karl Marx,
capitalist owners. In other words, they are both exploiters and the exploited.
what are the two main
classes, and how do they
The second factor that differentiates class locations within the middle classes is the
relate to each other? possession of skills and expertise. According to Wright, middle-class employees possessing
skills that are in demand in the labor market have a specific form of power in the capitalist
What are the three main
differences between system: They can command a higher wage. The lucrative positions available to informa-
Max Weber’s and Karl tion technology (IT) specialists in the knowledge economy illustrate this point. Moreover,
Marx's theories of social Wright argues, because employees with knowledge and skills are more difficult to monitor
stratification?
and control, employers secure their loyalty and cooperation by rewarding them accordingly.
How does social Wright's ideas were central to carrying on the Marxist tradition through much of the past
stratification contribute half-century. Yet, toward the end of his life, he came to believe that a focus on the middle classes
icomcal-maelarent(olaliayomeli
no longer was as important for Marxists. In an interview for this textbook, Wright said, “If |were
society? What is wrong
to write a 50-page text on how to think about class in the twenty-first century, I would begin
with this argument?
by saying the problem of class is not the problem of the poor, the working class, or the middle
What does Erik Olin Wright
class. It's the problem of the ruling class—of a capitalist class that's so immensely wealthy that
mean by “contradictory
class location”? Give they are capable of destroying the world as a side effect of their private pursuit of gain.”
an example of a type of Thus, in Wright's final studies, instead of focusing on the middle classes, he studied
worker who falls in this the democratization of the economy and the ruling class. His last book, published a few
category. months after he passed away, is called How to Be an Anticapitalist in the Twenty-First Century.

206 CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

How |s Social Class Defined
in the United States? <
Social class in the United States is typically defined by some combination of one's income, Understand the social
wealth, educational attainment, and occupational status. In this section, we explore each of causes and consequences
these attributes and describe how they are distributed throughout the U.S. population. We of social class in U.S.
society as well as
also compare and contrast the four major social class groups in the United States. Typical
the complexities
class markers also vary widely based on personal characteristics like ethnicity and race
and challenges of
as well as gender. We will delve further into inequality based on gender and race in defining class.
Chapters 9 and 10, respectively. We will also examine differences in wealth and power
among countries across the globe in Chapter 8.

Income
Income refers to wages and salaries earned from paid occupations, plus unearned money income
(or interest) from investments. One of the most significant changes occurring in Western Payment, usually derived
countries over the past century has been the rising real income of the majority of the working from wages, salaries, or
population. (Real income is income excluding increases owing to inflation, which provides investments.

a fixed standard of comparison from year to year.) One of the most important reasons for
the rise in overall income is increasing productivity—output per worker—facilitated by
technological development in industry. Another reason is almost everything that people
in Western countries consume is now made in countries where wages are extremely low,
keeping costs (and therefore prices) down.
Even though real income has risen in the past century, these earnings have not
been distributed evenly across all groups. In 2018, the top 5 percent of all U.S. house-
holds received 23.1 percent of total income, the top 20 percent obtained 52 percent,
and the bottom 20 percent received only slightly more than 3 percent (U.S. Bureau of
the Census, 2019¢). This gap between the top and bottom tiers of the U.S. class struc-
ture has grown dramatically since the 1970s. Average household income (calculated
in 2018 dollars), meaning the combined earnings of all persons living in a single
household, of the bottom 20 percent of people in the United States was nearly

unchanged from $12,036 in 1977 to $13,775 in 2018 (see Figure 7.1). During the same
period, the richest 20 percent saw their incomes grow by 67 percent, while for the
richest 5 percent of the population, income rose by more than 91 percent (Semega
et al., 2019).

Wealth
Wealth is usually measured in terms of net worth: all the assets one owns (for exam- wealth
ple, cash, savings and checking accounts, investments in stocks and bonds, and real estate Money and material
possessions held by an
properties) minus one’s debts (for example, home mortgages, credit card balances, loans
individual or group.
that need to be repaid). While most people earn their income from their work, the wealthy
often derive the bulk of theirs from interest on their investments, some of them inherited.
Some scholars argue that wealth—not income—'s the real indicator of social class. While
income can vary from year to year based on the number of hours one works or whether

How ls Social Class Defined in the United States? 207

FIGURE 7.1

Mean Household Income by Income Group, 1967-2018

$450,000

Top 5%
$400,000 #-—----

$350,000 +
fm)
a
=
OS S300, 000) aaa
wo

8
aie
S $250,000 ——————_
= Top 20%
ro)
[S)
=
a $200,000 }—
all
{2}
x=
o
3 $150,000 #-—_____-
=5
>

ia
= $100,000 —————— —— Second-highest 20%

Middle 20%
$50,000 Le ot
Second-lowest 20%

Bottom 20%
$0
1967 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 20152018

Source: Semega et al., 2019.

one took leave or was temporarily laid off, wealth tends to be a more enduring measure that
is less susceptible to annual fluctuations.
Today, the average net worth of all American families is only $97,300, while the aver-
age net worth of the top 10 percent has grown to $1.6 million, that of the top 1 percent to
$4 million, and that of the top 0.1 percent to $111 million (Federal Reserve Board, 2020b;
Gold, 2017). Stated somewhat differently, the wealthiest 0.1 percent of Americans (160,700
families) have as much wealth as the bottom go percent (144 million families) (Saez and
Zucman, 2016). There are significant differences in wealth by race. The median net worth
of White households was $171,000 in 2016, compared to $20,700 for Hispanic households
and $17,600 for Black households (Dettling et al., 2017).
What are some of the reasons for racial disparities in wealth? Do Black people simply
have less money with which to purchase assets? To some degree, the answer is yes. The old
adage “it takes money to make money” is a fact of life for those who start with little or no
wealth. Because White Americans, on average, have higher incomes and levels of wealth
than Black Americans, many White people are able to accrue even more wealth, which they
then are able to pass on to their children (Conley, 1999).

208 CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

 But family advantages are not the only factors. Melvin
L. Oliver and Thomas Shapiro (1995) argued that it is eas-
ier for White people to obtain assets even when they have
fewer resources than Black people because discrimination
plays a major role in the racial gap in homeownership.
Black home buyers are rejected for mortgages 60 percent
more often than White home buyers are, even when
they have the same qualifications and creditworthiness. A
recent study found that in 2016, Black people were denied
loans 21 percent of the time, as compared to White peo-
ple, who were denied 8.1 percent of the time (Yale, 2018).
When Black people do receive mortgages, they are more
An estimated 2.5 million foreclosures were completed between
likely to take “subprime” mortgage loans, which charge
January 2007 and the end of 2009. Black and Hispanic
much higher interest rates. Subprime lenders focus on
Americans were disproportionately affected by the subprime
minority communities, whereas prime lenders are unable mortgage crisis.
or unwilling to lend in those communities (Avery and
Canner, 2005). In 2006, of those who took out home loans,
30 percent of Black home buyers took out subprime loans,
YN
compared with 24 percent of Hispanic and 18 percent of
White home buyers. Black and Hispanic home owners
were therefore especially hard hit by the recent recession; many were forced to default
on their mortgage payments and in many cases lost their homes. These issues are partic-
ularly important because homeownership constitutes American families’ primary means
for accumulating wealth. Furthermore, according to a study by the National Bureau of
Economic Research, Black home buyers were 103
percent and Hispanic home buyers were 78 percent
FIGURE 7.2
more likely to have high-cost home mortgages as
compared to White home buyers (Bayer et al., 2018). Median Earnings of Young
Education Adults,* 2018
Sociologists also believe that education, or the num- $80,000
ber of years of schooling a person has completed, is
an important dimension of social stratification. As 70,000 $65,000
we will see later in this chapter, how much educa- 60,000 $54,700 _
tion one receives is often influenced by the social
50,000
class of one’s parents.
Education is one of the strongest predictors of 40,000 $34,900
one’s occupation, income, and wealth later in life. As 30,000
DOLLARS
}—-$27,900
shown in Figure 7.2, the median earnings of mil-
20,000
lennials between the ages of 25 and 35 with bach-
elor's degrees was $54,700, 57 percent higher than 10,000

the median earnings of those with just a high school

for Education Less than High Bachelor's Master's or
diploma ($34,900) (National Center
high school school degree higher degree
Statistics, 2020a). Yet, even college graduates are
*Represents median annual earnings of full-time, year-round workers ages 25-34.
highly stratified with respect to their earnings poten-
tial: Persons whose undergraduate degrees required Source: National Center for Education Statistics, 2020a.
EMPLOYING Corporate Recruiter
YOUR
ps at compa-
SOCIOLOGICAL Every year, millions of college students like you apply for jobs and internshi
places deal with this
nies and organizations across the United States. How do all these
IMAGINATION massive process? Who at these institutions actually chooses the colleges
and universities
and
at which to recruit, sorts through all the incoming applications, referrals and resumes,
decides whom to interview and hire?
Today, most large companies have personnel departments that deal with this end of the
business. They are responsible for everything from choosing the institutions from which
companies recruit to interviewing and selecting qualified applicants, and finally to training
the interns and junior employees who accept their offers. Recruiters, however, do more
than simply find candidates with the required skills, experience, and educational qualifica-
tions to do well at their positions. They must also make sure that the new hires have the
personal qualities and mindset that fits in with the culture of the organization in question,
yet at the same time are sufficiently varied to maintain a healthy, balanced workplace.
It is here that a degree in sociology is quite helpful as it provides the recruiter with a
knowledge of how organizations work, an understanding of social interaction and net-
works, and the ability to make sense of data, statistics, and spreadsheets.
Jeanette Palmer* is a perfect case in point. After graduating from Villanova University
with a degree in sociology, she took a fun job at a children’s publishing start-up, but its low
salary made it impossible for her to make ends meet. Her brother, a software engineer, then
suggested that she try working as a recruiter in his field, a line of work that Jeanette did not
even know existed. She followed his advice and found employment with an independent
recruiter and thus received some basic training and three years of experience—enough

quantitative skills, such as engineering and computer science, tend to have the highest life-
time earnings, while those with degrees that train students to work with children or provide
counseling tend to have the lowest earnings (Hershbein and Kearney, 2014).
The economic benefits of a college education have increased considerably over time: In
1977, for example, the gap between the hourly wages of college graduates and high school grad-
uates was only 28 percent; by 2017, the gap had widened to nearly 50 percent (Economic Policy
Institute, 2018). The typical college graduate will earn more than twice as much as a typical high
school graduate over their working lives—nearly $1.2 million for a college graduate compared
to $580,000 for a high school graduate (Hershbein and Kearney, 2014). Although this growing
“wage premium” has encouraged more Americans to go to college—34 percent of American
adults had bachelor’s degrees in 2017, compared to 16 percent in 1979—1t has also helped widen
the gap between the wealthiest and the poorest workers (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 20172).
Racial differences in levels of education persist, which partly explain why racial differ-
ences in income and wealth also persist. In 2016-2017, the high school graduation rate was 87
percent for White students but just 78 percent for Black students and 80 percent for Hispanic
students. And in 2019, of all people age 25 and older, 92 percent of Whites, 91 percent of Asian
Americans, and 85 percent of African Americans had completed high school, compared to
only 69 percent of Latinos (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2020b). A higher percentage of Asian
and White young adults then go on to attend college: In 2017, 65 percent of Asian Americans

210 CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

to land her at a position at a large hedge fund and financial service firm in New York
City
that hires up to 100 software engineers and interns per year. Here she worked her way up
to manager of the team responsible for selecting all the interns and recent graduates for
the company’s software engineering positions. Her responsibilities include organizing on-
campus interviews, making and closing offers, as well as formulating recruitment strategies
and determining which universities the company should tap for new talent.
Although she is in charge of hiring future software engineers, Jeanette does not actually
need to know anything about their field; her responsibility is not to assess their computer
and programming skills, but rather to find people who will thrive in the company’s culture.
One of the challenges of her job is to ensure that the incoming group is not only outstanding
in terms of performance, but also includes those under-represented in the field. Recruiters speak to job seekers
The decisions that Jeanette makes are largely data-driven and put the statistical skills at TechDay New York, one of
that she learned from her major to good use. Her ability to interpret spreadsheets, cor- the largest startup events in
relate attributes, and deal with what she calls “squishy” data—factors that are difficult to the country.
quantify—are crucial to her job. However, she also relies a fair amount on her basic
sociological intuition. So, for example, she has realized that if she and her team rely
too much on internal referrals when seeking candidates, they will end up with highly
proficient software engineers who are nonetheless too much alike since successful
employees tend to refer those who closely resemble themselves. To remedy this, she
goes to meetings and conferences on women and minorities in engineering, and makes
sure that the company recruits at several new schools each year. Finally, her sociological
understanding of the way in which groups and organizations operate have helped her
develop the leadership skills that make her excel at her job.

*Name has been changed for privacy at the request of the subject

between the ages of 18 and 24 were enrolled in college, compared to 41 percent of Whites,
36 percent of Hispanics, and 36 percent of African Americans (Hussar et al., 2019).

Occupation
In the United States and other industrialized societies, occupation is an important indicator
of one’s social standing. Occupational status depends heavily on one's level of educational
attainment. In fact, in studies where persons are asked to rate jobs in terms of how “pres-
tigious” they are, those requiring the most education are often—but not always—ranked
most highly (see Table 7.2). The top-ranked occupations appear to share one of two charac-
teristics: They require either a fair amount of education or a fair amount of public service.
These rankings have been fairly consistent for nearly four decades (Griswold, 2014). There
than
are some interesting differences by age, however. Millennials seem more inclined
up in
older Americans to value fame: Professional athletes, actors, and entertainers move
2014).
the rankings when responses are separated by age group (Harris Poll,

A Picture of the U.S. Class Structure

ng how far we've
As we have seen so far, social class is a multifaceted concept, comprisi
many assets we pos-
gone in school, how much we earn, what we do for a living, and how
y what social classes
sess. It is partly for this reason that it can be difficult to define precisel

How Is Social Class Defined in the United States? 211

TABLE 7.2

Relative Social Prestige of Select U.S. Occupations

PRESTIGE PRESTIGE PRESTIGE’
OCCUPATION : SCORE OCCUPATION. _ SCORE fotocod 8]27vale), | SCORE

Physician 7.6 Member of the clergy Local delivery truck driver 4.2

Architect Ong Actor Salesperson in a store ay)

Dentist 6.7 Firefighter Deli Hair stylist 3.8

Airline pilot 6.6 Musician in a symphony Day-care aide 3.6

orchestra
Registered nurse 6.5 Waiter/waitress B16

Lawyer 6.4 Electrician Bartender 3.6

‘ence 6.4 Farm manager 5.0 File clerk SES

Computer programmer 6.0 Real estate agent Cashier in a supermarket 3.4

Secondary-school teacher 611 Carpenter Taxi driver | Sr.

Sociologist 61 Auto body repairperson Janitor 3.0

Police officer a) Bank teller Door-to-door salesperson 29

Note: Respondents were asked to rank the occupations’ prestige on a scale of 1-9, with 1 as the least prestigious and 9 as the most prestigious.

Source: Smith and Son, 2014.

like upper, middle, and lower class mean in the United States. There can be wide differences
in the lifestyles and personal characteristics of people even within a single social class
group. Some scholars have gone so far as to argue that social class is a problematic concept
because members of even a single social class “do not share distinct similar, life-defining
experiences” (Kingston, 2001). Despite this important critique, we can highlight some
broad, general characteristics that distinguish the major social strata. Bear in mind that
there are no sharply defined boundaries between the classes, and there is no real agree-
ment among sociologists about where the boundaries should fall.

THE UPPER CLASS

The upper class consists of the richest Americans—those households earning at least
upper class $248,729, or approximately 5 percent of all American adults (Schaeffer, 2020). Most
A social class broadly Americans in the upper class are wealthy but not superrich. They are likely to own a large
composed of the more
suburban home as well as a vacation home, drive expensive cars, vacation abroad, and edu-
affluent members of
cate their children in private schools and colleges. At the lower levels of this group, a large
society, especially those
who have inherited wealth, part of income may come from salaried earnings. This group would include many profes-
own businesses, or hold sionals, from some doctors and lawyers to university administrators and possibly even a
large numbers of stocks few highly compensated professors.
(shares). At the very top of the upper class are the superrich—people who have accumulated
vast fortunes that permit them to enjoy a lifestyle unimaginable to most Americans. If one

212 CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

uses a cutoff of the richest 0.1 percent in terms of income, these
are people whose income
tops $7.3 million (Picchi, 2019). Their wealth stems in large
part from their substantial
investments, including stocks, bonds, and real estate, and the interest
income derived from
those investments. They include people who acquired their wealth
in a variety of ways:
celebrities, professional athletes, heads of major corporations, people who
have made large
amounts of money through investments or real estate, and those fortuna
te enough to
have inherited great wealth from their parents.
A recent book by sociologist Rachel Sherman showed that the superrich and those
below them in the top one percent are conscious of their unique and privileged social-clas
s
position; some give generously to such worthy causes as the fine arts, hospitals, and charities.
(Sherman, 2017). Their homes are often lavish and sometimes filled with collections of
fine
art. Yet, whereas previous generations of wealthy people in America were proud of their
class identity as indicated by such things as being listed in the social register, today’s wealthy
tend to downplay their money, experiencing the “anxieties of affluence” (Sherman, 2017).
Frequently they have attended the same exclusive private secondary schools (to
which they also send their children). They sit on the same corporate boards of directors
and belong to the same private clubs. Sherman found that they contribute large sums of
money to their favorite politicians and are likely to be on a first-name basis with members
of Congress and perhaps even with the president because they are able to give large dona-
tions to political campaigns.
Yet, their reasons for donating to charities and even political
campaigns might be about more than having a significant influence on American politics
(Domhoff, 2013). Many of the wealthiest are sensitive to the moral judgments that are made
about their lifestyles. They thus expend a great deal of energy trying to confirm their moral
worth in others’ eyes. At times, this entails downplaying their wealth and minimizing their
privilege, as well as making grand gestures to “give back” to society (Sherman, 2017)
The turn of the twenty-first century saw extraordinary opportunities for the accu-
mulation of such wealth. Globalization is one reason. Those entrepreneurs who are able to
invest globally often prosper, both by selling products to foreign consumers and by profiting
from the use of low-wage labor in developing countries. Young entrepreneurs with startup
high-tech companies, such as Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg and Yahoo cofounder
Jerry Yang, made legendary fortunes. In 2020, Zuckerberg was the seventh-wealthiest
person in the world, with an estimated net worth of $54.7 billion (Forbes, 2020).
As a consequence of globalization and the information revolution, the number of
superrich Americans has exploded in recent years. At the end of World War II, there were
only 13,000 people worth $1 million or more in the United States. In 2019 there were more
than-18.6 million millionaires in the United States and 614 billionaires (Credit Suisse, 2019;
Forbes, 2020). Unlike “old-money” families such as the Rockefellers or the Vanderbilts, who
accumulated their wealth in earlier generations and thus are viewed as a sort of American
aristocracy, much of this “new wealth” is held by entrepreneurs, including such recent arrivals
as Evan Spiegel, cofounder and CEO of Snapchat, whose net worth is estimated at $1.9 billion.

middle class
THE MIDDLE CLASS
A social class composed
The middle class is a catchall for a diverse group of occupations, lifestyles, and people who broadly of those working
earn stable and sometimes substantial incomes at primarily white-collar jobs and highly in white-collar and highly
skilled blue-collar jobs. It is generally considered to include households with incomes skilled blue-collar jobs.

between $42,000 and $126,000 (dependent on the size of the household) (Snider, 2019;

How Is Social Class Defined in the United States? 213

 Income Inequality
between a country's
Income inequality refers to the unequal distribution of income across the population, or the gap
richest and poorest citizens. One measure of income inequality is the income share held by the top 10 percent of the
population. The greater the share, the higher the level of income inequality.

Income shares held by the top 10% and bottom 10% of population
Top 10% [_] Bottom 10% -

South Africa Se Brazil ee Mexico

Bees cn I |
50.5% - 0.9% 40.4% Te ke 34.8% a 2.2%

United States ; Russia

I I
30.6% 1.6% 29.7%: 2.8% 27.8%

Pakistan Canada Sweden

e (ik :

26.0% 4.0% 25.3% 2.4% 22.9% 3.0%

Distribution of income in the United States” :

Population ed | 1967 2018

a Top 5% fy 17.2% 23.1% : 1967
Hl Top 20% 43.0% 52.0%

a Second-highest 20% : 24.2% 22.6%

| Middle 25% . 17.3% . 14.1%

_ Second-lowest 20% = = ~=—10.8% |8.3% 2018

[_] Bottom 20% 4.0% 5.106

*Gross, household income, not adjusted. :

. Sources: World Bank, 20204; World Income Inequality Database, 2019.
LaMagna, 2018). The American middle class grew throughout
much of the first three-
quarters of the twentieth century then shrank during most of the
past four decades. While
the middle class was once largely White, today it is increasingly diverse,
both racially and
culturally, including African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latinos.
For many years, when Americans were asked to identify their social class,
the majority
claimed to be middle class. The reason was partly the American cultural belief
that the
United States is relatively free of class distinctions; few people want to be identified
as
being too rich or too poor. Most Americans seem to think that others are not very different
from their immediate family, friends, and coworkers (Kelley and Evans, 1995; Simpson
et al., 1988; Vanneman and Cannon, 1987). Because people rarely interact with those
outside of their social class, they tend to see themselves as like “most other people,”
whom they then regard as being “middle class” (Kelley and Evans, 1995). While the pro-
portion of Americans who identify as middle class declined in the years after the 2008
recession, by 2017, it was back up to pre-recession levels, with 62 percent of Americans
identifying as upper middle or middle class (Newport, 2017).
The American middle class can be further subdivided into two groups: the upper
middle class and the lower middle class.

The Upper Middle Class The upper middle class consists of highly educated profes-
sionals (for example, doctors, lawyers, engineers, and professors), mid-level corporate man-
agers, people who own or manage small businesses and retail shops, and some people who
own large farms. Household incomes range quite widely, from about $126,000 to perhaps
$188,000 (Snider, 2019). The upper middle class includes approximately 19 percent of all
American households (Kochhar and Cilluffo, 2018). Its members are likely to be college
educated (as are their children) with advanced degrees. They own comfortable homes,
drive expensive late-model cars, have some savings and investments, and are often active
in local politics and civic organizations. However, they tend not to enjoy the same high-end
luxuries, social connections, or extravagancies as members of the upper class.

The Lower Middle Class The lower middle class consists of trained office workers
(for example, secretaries and bookkeepers), elementary and high school teachers, nurses,
salespeople, police officers, firefighters, and others who provide skilled services. This group, working class
which includes about 40 percent of American households, is the most varied of the social A social class broadly
class strata and may include college-educated persons with relatively modest earnings, composed of people work-
ing in blue- or pink-collar,
such as public elementary school teachers, as well as quite highly paid persons with high
or manual, occupations.
school diplomas only, such as skilled craftsmen (e.g., plumbers) and civil servants with
many years of seniority. Household incomes in this group range from about $31,000 to
$42,000 (Snider, 2019). Members of the lower middle class may own a modest house, blue- and pink-
although many live in rental units. Almost all have a high school education, and some collar jobs
have college degrees. They are rarely politically active beyond exercising their right to vote. Jobs that typically pay low
As of 2016, 11 percent of individuals self-identify as lower class, and another 36 percent wages and often involve
manual or low-skill labor.
self-identify as lower middle class (Pew Research Center, 2016a).
Blue-collar jobs typically
are held by men (e.g.,
THE WORKING CLASS
factory worker), whereas
The working class, about 20 percent of all American households, includes primarily pink-collar jobs are typi-
blue-collar workers, such as factory workers and mechanics, and pink-collar laborers, cally held by women (e.g.,
clerical assistant).
such as clerical aides and sales clerks, and others who earn a modest weekly paycheck at a
job that offers little control over the size of one’s income or working conditions. Household

How Is Social Class Defined in the United States? 215

 incomes range from about $20,000 to $40,000 (Elwell, 2014), and at least two household
members work to make ends meet. Family income is just enough to pay the rent or the
lower class
mortgage, put food on the table, and perhaps save for a summer vacation. As you will see
A social class composed
later in this chapter, many blue-collar jobs in the United States are threatened by globaliza-
of those who work part-
time or not at all and tion, so members of the working class today are likely to feel insecure about their own and
whose household income their family’s future. According to a Gallup poll from 2017, about 30 percent of Americans
is typically low. self-identify as working class (Bird and Newport, 2017).
The working class is racially and ethnically diverse. While older members of the work-
ing class may own a home that was bought several years ago, younger members are likely
to rent. The home or apartment is likely to be in a lower-income suburb or a city neighbor-
hood. The household car, a lower-priced model, is unlikely to be new. Children who gradu-
ate from high school are unlikely to go to college and will attempt to get a job immediately
instead. Most members of the working class are not likely to be politically active even in
their own communities, although they may vote in some elections.
CONCEPT CHECKS
THE LOWER CLASS
Name at least three
components of social The lower class, roughly 29 percent of American households, includes those who work
class. How do Black part-time or not at all; household income is typically lower than $31,000 (Kochhar, 2018;
and White Americans
Snider, 2019). Most lower-class individuals live in cities, although some live in rural areas
differ along these
and earn a little money as farmers or part-time workers. Some manage to find employ-
(oro)an]slelal=ialecya
ment in semiskilled or unskilled manufacturing or service jobs, ranging from making
. How do we explain the
clothing in sweatshops to cleaning houses. Their jobs, when they can find them, are dead-
enduring racial disparity
in wealth? end ones, meaning that years of work are unlikely to lead to promotion or substantially
higher income. Their work is probably part-time and highly unstable, without benefits
What are the major
social class groups such as medical insurance, disability insurance, or Social Security. Even if they are fortunate
in the United States? | enough to find a full-time job, there are no guarantees that it will be around next month or
Describe at least even next week. Many people in the lower class live in poverty. Very few own their own
two ways (other than homes. Most of the lower class rent, and some are homeless. If they own a car at all, it is
income) that these
likely to be a used car. A higher percentage of the lower class is non-White compared with
groups differ from
one another.
other social classes. Its members do not participate in politics, and they seldom vote.

What Are the Causes

> and Consequences of
Recognize why and how the
Social Inequality in the
gap between rich and poor
has increased in recent
fo[-Yot-(o(-f-am WLae( Tait Lave Me-tele¥[-1|
United States?
mobility, and think about The United States prides itself on being a nation of equals. But as we touched on
earlier in
your own mobility. the chapter, during the past 30 years, the gap between the rich and the poor in the
United
States has started to grow. The rich have gotten much, much richer, while middle-cl
ass

216 CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

incomes have stagnated, and the poor have grown
in number. The current gap between the rich and
the poor in the United States is the largest since
the Census Bureau started measuring it in 1947
(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2015b). One statisti-
cal analysis found that the United States had one
of the most unequal distributions of household
income among all industrial countries studied,
while Denmark had the most equal (Organisation
for Economic Co-operation and Development,
2014).

Ethnic Minorities Versus

White Americans
The Occupy Wall Street protests of 2011 drew attention to rising income
There are substantial differences in income based
inequality in the United States.
on race and ethnicity, since minorities in the
United States are more likely to hold the lowest-
paying jobs. The income gaps between White “N
households and Black and Hispanic households
have persisted for more than four decades
(Figure 7.3). In that time, the Black-White income gap has narrowed only modestly, while
the income of Hispanics has fallen relative to that of Whites (Kochhar and Cilluffo, 2018).
In 2018, the median income of White households was $70,642, compared to $41,361 for
Black households and $51,450 for Hispanic households (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2019d).
For Black households, this is a slight improvement over previous years, as a growing
number of Black Americans have gone to college and moved into middle-class occupations.
For Latinos, however, the situation has worsened, as recent immigrants from rural areas
in Mexico and Central America find themselves working at low-wage jobs (U.S. Bureau of
the Census, 2001).
Oliver and Shapiro (1995) found that the “wealth gap” between Black and White
Americans is even greater than the income gap. Recent data show that even though family
wealth rose for both Blacks and Whites from 2013 to 2016, the Black-White gap increased.
In 2016, White families had a median net worth of $171,000—nearly 10 times the median
net worth of Black families, at $17,600 (Dettling et al., 2017). Oliver and Shapiro also found
that when Black people attained educational or occupational levels comparable with that
of Whites, the wealth gap still did not disappear.
Oliver and Shapiro (1995) argued that Black Americans have encountered many barri-
ers to acquiring wealth throughout history. After the Civil War ended slavery in 1865, legal
discrimination (such as mandatory segregation in the South, including school segregation)
tied the vast majority of Blacks to the lowest rungs of the economic ladder. Racial discrim-
ination was made illegal by the Civil Rights Act of 1964; nonetheless, discrimination has
remained, and although some Black Americans have moved into middle-class occupations,
many have remained poor or in low-wage jobs where the opportunities for accumulating
wealth are nonexistent. Less wealth means less social and cultural capital: fewer dollars to
that in
invest in schooling for one’s children, a business, or the stock market—investments

and Consequences of Social Inequality in the United States? 20

What Are the Causes
 FIGURE 7.3

Black and Latino Income as Percentage of White Income

80 ee

a
fe Ww

=3
eee
=e
=o5
i)
elim 60 ___Black household income
ew
re 2)
i oO
Oo
a
lu
a

50

1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2019d.

the long run would create greater wealth for future investments. We will further explore
issues of racial inequality in Chapter 10.

social mobility
Upward or downward
Social Mobility
movement of individuals Social mobility refers to the upward or downward movement of individuals and groups
or groups among different among different class positions as a result of changes in occupation, wealth, or income.
class positions.
There are two ways of studying social mobility. First, we can look at mobility within
people's own careers—how far they move up or down the socioeconomic scale in the

intragenerational course of their working lives. This is called intragenerational mobility. Alternatively,
mobility we can analyze where children are on the scale compared with their parents or grandpar-
Movement up or down a ents. Mobility across the generations is called intergenerational mobility. Sociologists
social stratification hierar- have long studied both types of mobility with increasingly sophisticated methods.
chy within the course of a Unfortunately, with the exception of some recent studies, much of this research has
personal career. been limited to male mobility, particularly that of White males. We look at some of the
research in this section.

intergenerational
OPPORTUNITIES FOR MOBILITY: WHO GETS AHEAD?
mobility
Movement up or down a Is it possible for a young person from a working-class background to transcend
social stratification hierar- class roots and become an upper-class professional? Sociologists have sought
to answer
chy from one generation to this question by trying to understand which social factors are most
influential in
another. determining an individual's status or position in society. Most research
shows that
while the forces of social reproduction are very powerful, it
is possible for people

218 CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

to transcend their roots; social reproduction refers to the processe
s whereby par-
ents pass down to their children a range of resources, including both financial
and social reproduction
cultural capital.
The process whereby
In a classic study of intergenerational mobility in the United States, sociologists Peter
societies have structural
Blau and Otis Dudley Duncan (1967) found that long-range intergenerational
mobility— continuity over time.
that is, from working class to upper middle class—was rare. Why? Blau and Duncan con- Social reproduction is an
cluded that the key factor behind occupational status was educational attainment. A child's important pathway through
education is influenced by family social status; educational attainment, in turn, affects the which parents transmit or
child's social position later in life. Sociologists William Sewell and Robert Hauser (1980) produce values, norms,
and social practices among
later confirmed Blau and Duncan's conclusions. They added to the argument by claim-
their children.
ing that family background affects educational attainment because parents, teachers, and
friends influence children’s educational and career aspirations. These aspirations then
become an important influence on the schooling and careers that children pursue through- cultural capital
out their lives. In other words, aspirations are reproduced from generation to generation Noneconomic or cultural
because parents and children share the social location and social ties that may shape these resources that parents

aspirations. pass down to their chil-

dren, such as language
French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1984, 1988) has also been a major figure in exam-
or knowledge. These
ining the importance of family background to social status, but his emphasis is on the resources contribute to
cultural advantages that parents can provide to their children. Bourdieu argued that among the process of social
the factors responsible for social status, the most important is the transmission of cultural reproduction, according
capital, or the cultural advantages that coming from a “good home” confers. Wealthier fam- to Bourdieu.

ilies are able to afford to send their children to better schools, an economic advantage that
benefits the children’s social status as adults. Parents from the upper and middle classes
downward
are mostly highly educated themselves and tend to be more involved in their children’s mobility
education—+reading to them, helping with homework, purchasing books and learning Social mobility in which
materials, and encouraging their progress. Bourdieu noted that working-class parents are individuals’ wealth,
concerned about their children’s education, but they lack the economic and cultural capital income, or status is lower
to make a difference. than what they or their
parents once had.
Although Bourdieu focused on social status in France, the socioeconomic order in the
United States is similar. Those who already hold positions of wealth and power can ensure
that their children have the best available education, which often leads them into the best short-range
jobs. Studies consistently show that the large majority of people who have “made money” downward
did so on the basis of inheriting or being given at least a modest amount initially—which mobility
they then used to make more. In U.S. society, it's better to start at the top than at the bottom Social mobility that occurs
(Duncan et al., 1998; Jaher, 1973; Rubinstein, 1986); through social reproduction processes, when an individual moves
from one position in the
those who start at the top are able to pass their economic and cultural resources down to
class structure to another
their children.
of nearly equal status.
Race and education play a major part in determining upward mobility. A study on
intergenerational mobility from the Center for American Progress found that 63 percent
of Black children born into the bottom fourth of the U.S. income distribution remained
in the bottom fourth as adults, while only 4 percent made it into the top fourth. Among
White children, 32 percent of those born into the bottom fourth remained there, while
14 percent made it into the top fourth as adults. In other words, while the odds of
upward mobility are not high for anyone, they are far lower for Blacks than they are
for Whites. Differences in education account for at least part of the racial discrepancies:
poor
Because schools remain highly segregated by race in many parts of the country,

What Are the Causes and Consequences of Social Inequality in the United States?
 Black children often do not have the same educational opportunities as White children

CONCEPT CHECKS (Hertz, 2006).

Contrast intragenerational DOWNWARD MOBILITY

‘and intergenerational~ Es Downward mobility occurs when individuals’ own wealth, income, or occupational
mobility.
status is lower than what they or their parents once had. Downward mobility is less
PNecolo)
xefiavomcoed t=lsts}16 common than upward mobility; nevertheless, an estimated one-third of all Americans
studies of mobility in
raised in the middle class—defined as households between the 30th and 7oth percentiles
the United States, how
of the income distribution—fall out of the middle class when they become adults (Acs,
does family background
affect one’s social class 2011). A person with short-range downward mobility moves from one job to another
in adulthood? that is similar in pay and prestige—for example, from a routine office job to semiskilled
According to Pierre blue-collar work. Downward intragenerational mobility is often associated with psycho-
Bourdieu, how does the logical problems and anxieties. Some people are simply unable to sustain the lifestyle
family contribute to the into which they were born. But another source of downward mobility among individuals
transmission of social
arises through no fault of their own. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, and again
class from generation to
in the late 2000s, corporate America was flooded with instances in which middle-aged
generation?
workers lost their jobs because of company mergers, takeovers, or bankruptcies. These
Describe at least two
executives either had difficulty finding new jobs or could only find jobs that paid less
reasons for downward
mobility. than their previous jobs.

How Does Poverty Affect

> Individuals’?
Learn about poverty in In much of this chapter, we have been concerned with inequality between social classes.
the United States today, Yet the fact that there is a gap between those at the top or middle and those at the bottom
explanations for why
does not necessarily mean that people at the bottom are very poor. One could imagine a
it exists, and means
society in which people at the top of the wealth distribution pay taxes that are high enough
for combating it. Learn
how people become to ensure that those at the bottom have adequate resources. Or one could imagine a society
marginalized in a society in which people at the bottom feel less life satisfaction because they don’t have as muchas |
and the forms that this those above them, while at the same time having adequate resources to pursue
education
marginalization takes.
and live healthy lives.
Therefore, in defining poverty, a distinction is usually made between absolute
and rel-
ative poverty. Absolute poverty means that a person or family simply can't get
enough to
eat or perhaps cannot obtain adequate health care and education. People
living in abso-
absolute poverty lute poverty usually do not have access to healthy food, or, in situations
of famine, may
actually starve to death. Absolute poverty is common in the poorer
A state of poverty in which developing countries.
one lacks the minimal In many industrial countries, by contrast, relative poverty is essential
ly a measure of
requirements neces- inequality. It means being poor as compared with the standards of living
of the majority of
sary to sustain a healthy the population.
existence. In the United States, there are many people who do not have the
basic resources needed
to maintain a decent standard of housing and healthy living
conditions. In 2018, 38 million

220 CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

people, or roughly 12 percent of the population, lived below
the poverty line. The rate of child poverty is even worse: one
in six children lives in a household with income levels beneath
the poverty line (Semega et al., 2019). A recent UNICEF study
reported that among the 35 wealthiest nations in the world,
the United States has the seventh-highest child poverty rate,
behind countries including Spain,
Mexico, and Romania
(World Economic Forum, 2017). The largest concentrations
of poverty in the United States are found in the South and
the Southwest, in cities, and in rural areas. Among the poor,
18.5 million Americans (or nearly 6 percent of the U.S. pop-
ulation) live in deep poverty: Their incomes are only half
of the official poverty level, meaning that they live at near-
starvation levels (Stein, 2018). Therefore, the average poverty
Many fast-food workers are counted among the working
rate for the country masks major variations from state to poor. Most earn minimum wage, and many lack health
state. Relatively well-off states such as New Hampshire, benefits due to their part-time work schedules.
Vermont, Minnesota, and Massachusetts have about half as
much poverty as Louisiana, Mississippi, and New Mexico. WN
We are the richest democracy and yet we have one of the
highest childhood poverty rates in the world. At the bottom
of the class system in the United States are therefore the millions of people who live in
poverty. Many do not maintain a proper diet and often live in neighborhoods marked by
high crime rates, exposure to dangerous environmental conditions, and dilapidated homes.
Poor persons are more likely than their richer counterparts to suffer from every possible
health condition, ranging from heart disease to diabetes, and consequently, their average
life expectancy is lower than that of the majority of the population. Thus, they experience
absolute poverty. But unlike many countries in the developing world where poor people do relative poverty
not see much affluence among other people, in the United States the poor are aware of the Poverty defined according
prosperity around them. Therefore, they must live with both absolute and relative poverty. to the living standards of
the majority in any given

Measuring Poverty society.

What does it mean to be poor in the world’s richest nation? The U.S. government currently
calculates a poverty line based on cost estimates for families of different sizes. This results poverty line
ina strict, no-frills budget, which for a family of four in 2020 works out to an annual cash An official government
income of about $26,200, or around $2,000 a month to cover all expenses (U.S. Department measure to define those
living in poverty in the
of Health and Human Services, 2020).
United States.
But how realistic is this formula? Some critics, including the presidential adminis-
tration of Donald Trump, believe it overestimates the amount of poverty. They point out
that the current standard fails to take into account noncash forms of income available to
the poor, such as food stamps, Medicare, Medicaid, and public housing subsidies, as well
as under-the-table pay obtained from work at odd jobs. Others counter that the govern-
ment’s formula greatly underestimates the amount of poverty because it overemphasizes
the proportion of a family budget spent on food and severely underestimates the share
spent on housing. According to some estimates, three-fourths of U.S. families whose
income is $15,000 a year (about what would be earned under the federal minimum wage)
are spending more than half of their income on housing (Joint Center for Housing Studies

How Does Poverty Affect Individuals? 221

 of Harvard University, 2020). Still others observe that this formula dramatically underes-
timates the proportion of older adults (ages 65 and older) who live in poverty (upwards of
7.2 million) because they spend a relatively small proportion of their income on food yet
are faced with high health care costs (Carr, 2010, Cubanski et al., 2018).

Who Are the Poor?

Most Americans think of the poor as people who are unemployed or on welfare. Data on
who the poor actuaily are show that Black and Latino Americans are more likely than
White Americans to live in poverty, but poverty strikes members of all ethnic and racial
backgrounds. Surveys show that Americans are split on whether the poor are responsible
for their plight. A Pew Research Center poll in 2018 found that 52 percent believed that
poverty is the result of circumstances beyond people's control, while 31 percent believed
it is because people do not do enough to lift themselves out of poverty. This represents
a significant shift in opinion from 20 years earlier, when fewer than a third of respon-
dents believed poverty to be caused by conditions beyond one’s control and more than
half believed that the poor were responsible for their own poverty (Dunn, 2018). This shift
in opinion may well reflect the lingering aftermath of the recent recession, which affected
many working- and middle-class Americans, revealing to them that circumstances beyond
one’s control can adversely affect one’s livelihood.

THE WORKING POOR

working poor Many Americans fall into the category of the working poor—that is, people who work
People who work but at least 27 weeks a year but whose earnings are not high enough to lift them above the
whose earnings are not poverty line. The federal minimum wage, the legal floor for wages in the United States,
enough to lift them above was first set in 1938 at $0.25 an hour. Set on July 24, 2009, the federal minimum wage is
the poverty line.
currently $7.25 per hour, although individual states can set higher minimum wages than
the federal standard. As of July 2020, the District of Columbia had the highest minimum
wage, at $15.00 per hour; Washington had a minimum wage of $13.50 and Massachusetts
had a minimum wage of $12.75 (National Conference of State Legislatures, 2020). Although
the federal minimum wage has increased over the years, since 1965, it has failed to keep
up with inflation.
In 2017, there were an estimated 6.9 million individuals among the working poor, or
about 4.5 percent of the labor force. The working poor are disproportionately non-White
and immigrant: Blacks and Hispanics are more than twice as likely as Whites and Asians
to fall into this category. Women and young workers are also more likely to be classified
as working poor than men and older workers. The more education an individual has, the
less likely he or she is to be among the working poor: While 13.7 percent of workers with
less than a high school diploma are working poor, only 1.5 percent of college graduates fall
into this category (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019b).
Most poor people, contrary to popular belief, do not receive welfare payments because
they earn too much to qualify. Only 5 percent of all low-income families with a year-round
,
full-time worker receive welfare benefits, and more than half rely on public health
insur-
ance rather than employer-sponsored insurance. Research on low-wage fast-food
workers
further reveals that many working poor lack adequate education, do not have
health insur-
ance, and are trying to support families on poverty-level wages (Newman, 2000).

222 CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

POVERTY, RACE, AND ETHNICITY FIGURE 7.4

Poverty rates in the United States are much

higher among most racial and ethnic minority
Americans Living in Poverty, 2018
groups than among Whites, even though more 40 —— ———.
than 41 percent of the poor are White (Semega
et al., 2019). As Figure 7.4 shows, Blacks and
Latinos experience more than double the pov- 30

erty rate of Whites. This is because they often

work at the lowest-paying jobs and because of
20
racial discrimination. Asian Americans have
the highest income of any group, but their pov-
erty rate is slightly higher than that of Whites,
reflecting the recent influx of relatively poor LIVING
PERCENTAGE
POVERTY
IN
Asian immigrant groups.
Latinos have somewhat higher incomes 0
than Blacks, although their poverty rate is Hispanic Under 65+
mn 7a Flaee
ispanic age 18
comparable. Nonetheless, the number of Black HEN
Americans living in poverty has declined con-
é ; Source: Semega et al., 2019.
siderably in recent years. In 1959, 55 percent of
Blacks were living in poverty; by 2018, that fig-
ure had dropped to 20.8 percent. A similar pat-
tern holds for Latinos: Poverty grew steadily between 1972 and 1994, peaking at almost
31 percent of the Latino population. By 2018, however, the poverty rate for Latinos had
fallen to 17.6 percent (Semega et al., 2019; Semega et al., 2017).

THE FEMINIZATION OF POVERTY

Much of the growth in poverty is associated with the feminization of poverty, an increase feminization
in the proportion of the poor who are women. Growing rates of divorce, separation, and of poverty
single-parent families have placed women at a particular disadvantage; it is extremely dif- An increase in the
ficult for unskilled or semiskilled, low-income, poorly educated women to raise children by proportion of the poor
who are female.
themselves while also holding down a job that pays enough to raise them out of poverty. As
a result, in 2018, 39.1 percent of all single-parent families with children headed by women
were poor, compared with only 7.6 percent of married couples with children (Semega
et al., 2019).
The feminization of poverty is particularly acute among families headed by
Hispanic women. Although the rate has declined significantly since its peak in the
mid-1980s, 38 percent of all female-headed Hispanic families with children lived
in poverty in 2018. A similar proportion—38 percent—of female-headed African
American families with children also lived in poverty, both considerably higher than
the poverty rates among White (28 percent) and Asian (29 percent) female-headed
households (Fins, 2019).
A single woman attempting to raise children alone is caught in a vicious circle (Edin
and Kefalas, 2005). If she has a job, she must find someone to take care of her children for
free because she cannot afford to hire a babysitter or pay for day care. From her standpoint,
she will take in more money if she accepts welfare payments, supplemented by illegal

How Does Poverty Affect Individuals? 223

 part-time jobs that pay cash not reported to the government, than she would if she found
a regular full-time job paying minimum wage. Even though welfare will not get her out
of poverty, if she finds a regular job, she will lose her welfare altogether, and she and her
family may end up worse off economically.

CHILDREN IN POVERTY
Given the high rates of poverty among families headed by single women, it follows that
children are the principal victims of poverty in the United States. In 2018, 16.2 percent of
children in the United States were living in poverty (Semega et al., 2019). As noted earlier,
the United States ranks seventh among the world’s wealthiest countries with respect to
its child poverty rates (defined as poverty among people under 18). Nonetheless, the child
poverty rate has varied considerably over the last 40 years, declining when the economy
expands or the government increases spending on antipoverty programs and rising when
the economy slows and government antipoverty spending falls. The child poverty rate
declined from 27 percent of all children in 1959 to 14 percent in 1973—a period asso-
ciated with both economic growth and President Lyndon B. Johnson’s War on Poverty
(1963-1969). During the late 1970s and 1980s, as economic growth slowed and cutbacks
were made in government antipoverty programs, child poverty grew, exceeding 20 percent
during much of the period. The economic expansion of the 1990s saw a drop in child pov-
erty rates, and by 2000, the rate had fallen to 16 percent, a 20-year low (U.S. Bureau of the
Census, 2003).
The child poverty rate rose again as a result of the 2008 recession, swelling to
22 percent in 2010. A study by the Annie E. Casey Foundation (2017) found that in
2015, 29 percent of children lived in families where no parent had full-time, year-round
employment. The economic well-being of racial minority children and children of single
mothers is even more dire. In 2017, 10.9 percent of White children were poor compared
with 29 percent of Black children and 25.1 percent of Hispanic children; fully 41 percent of
children in single-parent families headed by a woman are in poverty (Child Trends, 2010).

224 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

THE 65+ POPULATION IN POVERTY
Although relatively few persons ages 65 and older live in poverty (97 percent),
this aggregate
Statistic conceals vast gender, race, and marital status differences in the economic well-being
of
older adults. Older adult poverty rates in 2018 ranged from just 3 percent among White married
men to an astounding 20 percent for Black women who live alone and more than 20 percent
for Hispanic women living alone (Semega et al., 2019). As we noted earlier, these figures may
underestimate how widespread older adult poverty is because poverty rates fail to consider the
high (and rising) costs of medical care, which disproportionately strike older adults (Carr, 2010).
Because older people have for the most part retired from paid work, their income is
based primarily on Social Security and private retirement programs. Social Security and Social Security
Medicare have been especially important in lifting many older adults out of poverty. Yet
A government program
people who depend solely on these two programs for income and health care coverage are that provides economic
likely to live modestly at best. In December 2016, some 41 million retired workers were assistance to persons
receiving Social Security benefits; their average monthly payment was about $1,360 (or faced with unemployment,
disability, or old age.
just over $16,000 a year) (Social Security Administration, 2018). Social Security accounts
for only about 33 percent of the income of the typical retiree; most of the remainder comes
from earnings, investments, and private pension funds. Medicare
A program under the
Explaining Poverty: The Sociological Debate U.S. Social Security
Explanations of poverty can be grouped under two main headings: theories that see poor Administration that
reimburses hospitals and
individuals as responsible for their status and theories that view poverty as produced and
physicians for medical
reproduced by structural forces in society. These competing approaches are sometimes care provided to qualifying
described as “blame the victim” and “blame the system” theories, respectively. We briefly people over 65 years old.
examine each in turn.
There is a long history of attitudes that hold the poor responsible for their own disad-
vantaged positions. Early efforts to address the effects of poverty, such as the poorhouses
of the nineteenth century, were grounded in a belief that poverty was the result of an
inadequacy or pathology of individuals. The poor were seen as those who were unable—
due to lack of skills, moral or physical weakness, absence of motivation, or below-average
ability—to succeed in society. Social standing was taken as a reflection of a person's talent culture of poverty
and effort; those who deserved to succeed did so, while others less capable were doomed to The thesis, popularized by
fail. The existence of winners and losers was regarded as a fact of life. Oscar Lewis, that poverty
is not a result of individ-
Such outlooks enjoyed a renaissance beginning in the 1970s and 1980s, as the politi-
ual inadequacies but is
cal emphasis on individual ambition rewarded those who “succeeded” in society and held
instead the outcome of a
those who did not succeed responsible for the circumstances in which they found them- larger social and cultural
selves. Often, explanations for poverty were sought in the lifestyles of poor people, along atmosphere into which
with the attitudes and outlooks they supposedly espoused. Oscar Lewis (1969) set forth successive generations

one of the most influential of such theories, arguing that a culture of poverty exists among of children are socialized.
The culture of poverty
many poor people. According to Lewis, poverty is not a result of individual inadequacies
refers to the values,
but is a result of a larger social and cultural milieu into which poor children are socialized. beliefs, lifestyles, habits,
The culture of poverty is transmitted across generations because young people from an and traditions that are
early age see little point in aspiring to something more. Instead, they resign themselves common among people
living under conditions of
fatalistically to a life of impoverishment.
material deprivation.
The culture-of-poverty thesis has been taken further by American political scientist
fault of
Charles Murray. According to Murray (1984), individuals who are poor through “no

How Does Poverty Affect Individuals?

 their own’—such as widows or widowers, orphans, or the disabled—fall into a different
category from those who are part of the dependency culture. By this term, Murray meant
dependency
culture poor people who rely on government welfare rather than entering the labor market. He
argued that the growth of the welfare state has created a subculture that undermines
A term popularized by
Charles Murray to describe personal ambition and the capacity for self-help. Rather than orienting themselves toward
individuals who rely on the future and striving to achieve a better life, those dependent on welfare are content
state welfare provision to accept handouts. Welfare, he argued, has eroded people's incentive to work.
rather than entering the An opposite approach to explaining poverty argues that larger social processes pro-
labor market. The depen-
duce conditions of poverty that are difficult for individuals to overcome; structural forces
dency culture is seen as
within society—factors like class, gender, ethnicity, occupational position, and educa-
the outcome of the “pater-
nalistic” welfare state that tion attainment—shape the way in which resources are distributed (Wilson, 1996, 2011).
undermines individual Advocates of these structural explanations argue that the perceived lack of ambition among
ambition and people's the poor is in fact a consequence of their constrained situations, not a cause of it. Reducing
capacity for self-help. poverty is not a matter of changing individual outlooks, they claim, but instead requires
policy measures aimed at distributing income and resources more equally throughout
society. Childcare subsidies, a minimum hourly wage, and guaranteed income levels for
families are examples of policy measures that aim to redress persistent social inequalities.
Both theories have enjoyed broad support, and social scientists consistently encourage
variations of each view in public debates about poverty. Critics of the culture-of-poverty
view accuse its advocates of “individualizing” poverty and blaming the poor for circum-
stances largely beyond their control. They see the poor as victims, not as freeloaders who
are abusing the system. Most sociologists emphasize the systemic or structural causes of
poverty. While individual initiative obviously plays a part, as we have seen in this chapter,
there are major advantages conferred by being born higher up on the income and wealth
ladder—and major disadvantages that stem from being born at the bottom.

social exclusion
The outcome of multiple
Social Exclusion
deprivations that prevent What are the social processes that lead to large numbers of people being marginalized in
individuals or groups a society? The idea of social exclusion refers to new sources of inequality—the ways in
from participating fully in
which individuals may become cut off from involvement in the wider society. It is a broad
the economic, social, and
political life of the society
concept that emphasizes processes—mechanisms of exclusion that can take a number of
in which they live. forms. It may occur in isolated rural communities cut off from many services and oppor-
tunities or in urban neighborhoods marked by high crime rates and substandard housing.
Exclusion and inclusion may be seen in economic, political, and social terms.
agency The concept of social exclusion raises the question of agency. Agency refers to our abil-
The ability to think, ity to think, act. and make choices independently. When dealing with social exclusion, how-
act, and make choices ever, the word exclusion implies that someone or something is being shut out by another ina
independently.
way that is beyond the excluded party's control. Certainly in some instances individuals are
excluded through decisions that lie outside their own control. Insurance companies might

homeless reject an application for a policy on the basis of an applicant's personal history and back-
ground. Employees laid off later in life may be refused further jobs on the basis of their age.
People who have no place
to sleep and either stay in But social exclusion can also result when people deliberately exclude themselve
s from
free shelters or sleep in aspects of mainstream society. Individuals can choose to drop out of school, to
turn down
public places not meant for a job opportunity and become economically inactive, or to abstain from voting
in political
habitation. elections. In considering the phenomenon of social exclusion, we must
once again be con-
scious of the interactions between human agency and responsibility, on
the one hand, and

CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

the role of social forces in shaping people's circumstances,
on the other hand.

HOMELESS PERSONS
No discussion of social exclusion is complete without refer-
ence to the people who are traditionally seen as at the very bot-
tom of the social hierarchy: homeless persons. The growing
problem of homelessness is one of the most distressing signs
of changes in the American stratification system. Homeless ~~
people are a common sight in nearly every U.S. city and town 5
and are increasingly found in rural areas as well. On any
\
given night in 2018, more than half a million (553,000) peo-
More than half a million people are homeless on any given night
ple were homeless (U.S. Department of Housing and Urban in the United States, 60 percent of whom are men.
Development, 2018). Two generations ago, homeless popula-
tions were mainly elderly, alcoholic men who were found on ™
the skid rows of the largest metropolitan areas. Today they
are primarily young single men, often of working age.
The fastest-growing group of homeless people, however, consists of people in
families with children, who make up a third (33 percent) of those currently homeless. In
2017, men comprised 61 percent of the homeless population. An estimated 40 percent of
homeless persons are Black, 22 percent are Hispanic, and 1.2 percent are Native American
(U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, 2018). Only a small proportion CONCEPT CHECKS
of the homeless population are Latino or Asian American immigrants, possibly because
What is the poverty line,
these groups enjoy close-knit family and community ties that provide a measure of
and how does the U.S.
security against homelessness (Waxman and Hinderliter, 1996).
government.calculate
There are many reasons why people become homeless. A survey of 25 cities by the this statistic?
United States Conference of Mayors (2008) identified a lack of affordable housing, poverty,
Describe the demographic
and unemployment as the leading causes of homelessness among families. For single indi- characteristics of the
viduals, substance abuse, lack of affordable housing, and mental illness were identified as poor in the United States.
leading causes of homelessness. One reason for the widespread incidence of such problems Why are women and
among homeless people is that many public psychiatric hospitals have closed their doors. children at a high risk of
The number of beds in state psychiatric hospitals has declined by as many as half a million becoming impoverished
in the United States
since the early 1960s, leaving many mentally ill people with no institutional alternative to
today?
a life on the streets or in homeless shelters. Such problems are compounded by the fact that
Contrast the culture-of-
many homeless people lack family, relatives, or other social networks to provide support.
poverty argument and
The rising cost of housing is another factor, particularly in light of the increased pov-
structural explanations
erty noted elsewhere in this chapter. Declining incomes at the bottom, along with rising for poverty.
rents, create an affordability gap between the cost of housing and what poor people can
Describe the demographic
pay in rents (Dreier and Appelbaum, 1992). Nearly half of all renters today (48 percent) characteristics of the
are cost-burdened, meaning they spend more than 30 percent of their income on rent homeless population
(Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2020). The burden of paying rent in the United States

is extremely difficult for low-income families whose heads work for minimum wage or today. What are the main
missed reasons people become
slightly higher. Paying so much for rent leaves them barely a paycheck away from a
homeless?
rental payment and possible eviction (National Low Income Housing Coalition, 2000).

How Does Poverty Affect Individuals? EVA

 How Does Social
Inequality Affect
? Your Life’
Learn how changes in the Throughout this chapter, we have shown how changes in the American economy affect
American economy have social stratification, emphasizing the importance of both globalization and changes in
led to growing inequality
information technology. We have pointed out that the global spread of an industrial capi-
since the 1970s.
talist economy, driven in part by the information revolution, has helped break down closed
caste systems around the world and replaced them with more open class systems. The
degree to which this process will result in greater equality in countries undergoing capital-
ist development will be explored in the next chapter.
What do these changes hold in store for you? On the one hand, new jobs are opening
up, particularly in high-technology fields that require special training and skills and pay
high wages. A flood of new products is flowing into the United States, many made with
cheap labor that has lowered their costs. This has enabled consumers such as yourself to
buy everything from laptops to cars to athletic shoes at costs lower than you otherwise
would have paid, thereby contributing to a rising standard of living.
But these benefits come with potentially significant costs. Given high levels of job
loss during the recent pandemic and Americans’ demands for low-cost products, you
may find yourself competing for jobs with workers in other countries who will work for
lower wages. This has already been the case for the manufacturing jobs that once pro-
vided the economic foundation for the working class and segments of the middle class.
Companies that once produced in the United States now use factories around the world,
taking advantage of labor costs that are a fraction of those in the United States. Will the
same hold true for other, more highly skilled jobs—jobs in the information economy
itself? Many jobs that require the use of computers—from graphic design to software
engineering—can be done by anyone with a high-speed computer connection, anywhere
in the world. The global spread of tech companies will expand job opportunities for those
with the necessary skills and training—but it will also equally expand global competi-
tion for those jobs.
Partly as a result of these forces, inequality has increased in the United States since the
early 1970s, resulting in a growing gap between the rich and the poor. The global economy
has permitted the accumulation of vast fortunes at the same time that it has contributed to
declining wages, economic hardship, and poverty in the United States. Although the work-
ing class is especially vulnerable to these changes, the middle class is not exempt: A grow-
ing number of middle-class households experienced downward mobility from the late
1970s through the mid-1990s, until a decade of economic growth benefited all segments
of American society. The 2008 recession contributed to the downward mobility of middle-
class Americans, at the time leaving many college graduates with high levels of debt and
few prospects for rewarding employment (Demos, 2010). The slow economic recovery
since that time has improved prospects somewhat, although not equally for all Americans.

228 CHAPTER 7 Stratification, Class, and Inequality

 Research findings on social stratification and mobility may have important impli-
cations for your economic future. A new study of intergenerational income mobility by
CONCEPT CHECKS
Stanford researchers found that young people entering the workforce today are con-
siderably less likely than young people born two generations before them to outearn How has globalization
their parents. While go percent of young people born in the 1940s went on to earn affected the life chances
more than their parents, the same is true of just 50 percent of young people born of young adults in the
United States today?
in the 1980s (Wong, 2016, Chetty et al., 2017). Findings like these, combined with overall
high levels of inequality and stagnant social mobility, help to explain the rise in popu- How has the coronavirus
pandemic affected the
larity of self-identifying socialist political candidates like AOC and Bernie Sanders—
life chances of young
discussed at the beginning of the chapter—who make combating inequality central to
adults in the United
their policy agendas. States today?

jays)
How Does Social Inequality Affect Your Life?
 |
CHAPTER 7 Learning Objectives

The What Is Social

Big Picture Stratification?

Learn about social stratification and how

p. 198 social background affects one’s life chances.
Become acquainted with the most influential
Stratification, Class, theories of stratification.
and Inequality
How Is Social
Class Defined in
the United States?
Understand the social causes and
p. 207 consequences of social class in U.S.
society as well as the complexities and
Thinking Sociologically challenges of defining class.

1. If you were doing your own study of What Are the

status differences in your community, Causes and
how would you measure people's _ Consequences of ;
Social Inequality in Recognize why and how the gap between
social class? Base your answer on the United States? rich and poor has increased in recent
the textbook’s discussion of these 7 decades. Understand social mobility, and
matters to explain why you would take think about your own mobility.
p. 216
the particular measurement approach
you've chosen. What would be its
value(s) and shortcoming(s) compared
with those of alternative measurement
procedures? How Does Poverty Learn about poverty in the United States
Affect Individuals? today, explanations for why it exists, and
2. Using occupation and occupational means for combating it. Learn how people
change as your mobility criteria, view p. 220 become marginalized in a society and the
the social mobility within your family forms that this marginalization takes.
for three generations. As you discuss
the differences in jobs between your
paternal grandfather, your father,
How Does Social
and yourself, apply all these terms
Inequality Affect
correctly: vertical and horizontal
Your Life?
mobility, upward and downward mobility, 3 inequality
intragenerational and intergenerational
mobility. Explain fully why you think
people in your family have moved up,
moved down, or remained at the same
status level.
 | | |
Terms to Know Concept Checks

social stratification 1. What are the three shared characteristics of socially stratified systems?
2. How is the concept of class different from that of caste?
3. According to Karl Marx, what are the two main classes, and how do they
relate to each other?
. What are the three main differences between Max Weber's and Karl Marx's
theories of social stratification?
- How does social stratification contribute to the functioning of society?
What is wrong with this argument?

slavery * caste system * endogamy ® class

- What does Erik Olin Wright mean by “contradictory class location”? Give an
life chances © means of production ¢ example of a type of worker who falls in this category.
bourgeoisie © proletariat * surplus value
status * pariah groups * power

Name at least three components of social class. How do Blacks and Whites
differ along these components?
2. How do we explain the enduring racial disparity in wealth?
3. What are the major social class groups in the United States?
income * wealth * upper class * middle class ¢
Describe at least two ways (other than income) that these groups differ
working class * blue- and pink-collar jobs «
from one another.
lower class

Contrast intragenerational and intergenerational mobility.

social mobility * intragenerational mobility « . According to classic studies of mobility in the United States, how does
intergenerational mobility * social reproduction family background affect one’s social class in adulthood?
. According to Pierre Bourdieu, how does the family contribute to the
cultural capital * downward mobility «
transmission of social class from generation to generation?
short-range downward mobility
Describe at least two reasons for downward mobility.

absolute poverty * relative poverty * poverty . What is the poverty line, and how does the U.S. government calculate
line * working poor ¢ feminization of poverty this statistic?

Social Security * Medicare « culture of poverty . Describe the demographic characteristics of the poor in the United States.

dependency culture * social exclusion * agency . Why are women and children at a high risk of becoming impoverished in
the United States today?
. Contrast the culture-of-poverty argument and structural explanations
for poverty
. Describe the demographic characteristics of the homeless population in the
United States today. What are the main reasons people become homeless?
 >
Dubbed “frost boy” by the Chinese media after
an image of him with icicles in his hair went
viral, 8-year-old Wang Fuman is one of China's
many “left behind” children.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

What is global inequality?

Understand the systematic differences in
wealth and power among countries.

What is daily life like in rich vs. poor

countries?
Recognize the impact of different economic
standards of living on people throughout
the world.

Can poor countries become rich?

Analyze the success of the emerging
economies.

How do sociological theories explain

global inequality?
Learn several sociological theories explaining
why some societies are wealthier than
others as well as how global inequality can
be overcome.

What does rapid globalization mean

for the future of global inequality?
Learn about a few possible scenarios for the
future of global inequality. Understand how the
digital divide and climate change may increase
the gap between rich and poor.

Global Inequality IN
p. 237
 As December 2017 came to an end, powerful winter storms pummeled the United
States, resulting in one of the coldest Januaries in memory. Temperatures fell to
-36 degrees Fahrenheit in parts of Minnesota and hovered in the teens and twenties
along the East Coast. Snow blanketed the East from Maine to Florida, accompanied
by strong winds and icy flooding. Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, and North Carolina
declared states of emergency; more than 300,000 people lost power. Hundreds of flights were
canceled, with many more delayed; icy roadways were closed. This so-called bomb cyclone
was followed by a series of winter storms that ravaged the East Coast—including a powerful
March rainstorm with gale-force winds that knocked out power for 2 million people, flooded
neighborhoods, and resulted in suspended train service and 3,300 flight cancellations. In many
states, schools were closed, and businesses were forced to shut down.

The winter of 2017-2018 was a cold, wet, and miserable experience for many. For some,
the storms brought more than discomfort and inconvenience: As many as two dozen deaths

Global Inequality
were reported as a result of the storms. Yet, at the same time that more than 120 million
Northeasterners were struggling with an arduous winter, half a world away, the residents
of Xinjie County in China’s southwest Yunnan Province were facing their own weather chal-
lenges. In this remote, agricultural area, temperatures had dropped to below freezing, covering
roads and farmlands with frost and ice. .
Forty years ago, four out of every five people in China lived in rural areas. Today, that figure
has fallen to two out of five, but there are still nearly a half-billion Chinese in rural areas (World
Bank, 2018d). Many of these areas are impoverished, far from the economic expansion that has
produced glittering skylines and raised hundreds of millions of Chinese into the middle class.
Although the average yearly wage in China now approaches $9,500, nearly 500 million people
(40 percent of China’s population) survive on less than $5.50 a day—$2,000 a year (Trading
Economics, 2018; Hernandez, 2017). If freezing temperatures were largely an inconvenience
for the majority of Americans in New England and the mid-Atlantic states, they posed a brutal
hardship to millions of Chinese farmers living in ramshackle houses with few modern amenities.
The disparity between China and the United States—indeed, between the old China and
the new China—was brought home by 8-year-old Wang Fuman. Dubbed “frost boy” by Chinese
media, Fuman arrived one day in January 2018 at Zhuanshanbao primary school in Yunnan’s
Xinjie County with icicles in his hair—a white halo of snow framing red, chapped cheeks. Fuman
had trudged through icy mountains and streams for nearly two hours, hatless and gloveless,
before arriving at his school three miles away. The compelling images of frost boy—which
included photos of his swollen and blistered hands alongside a paper quiz with a near-perfect
score—went viral on the Chinese Internet and were picked up by news media around the world,
including the New York Times and BBC News.
While Fuman was hailed as an adorable hero in China—a symbol of the “great strength
and effort of the Chinese nation,” as one newspaper put it—his pluck and plight tell another
story as well: that of the tens of millions of rural children who have been left behind to live
with their grandparents while their parents work in distant cities in the hope of earning a living
(Li and Li, 2018; Hernandez, 2018). Fuman’s father works as a construction worker in a town
250 miles from home, and Fuman’s mother left the family, so Fuman and his sister live with
their grandmother (Hernandez, 2018).
Fuman is not alone in his wintry plight. China’s “left behind” children suffer from malnutri-
tion, live in run-down homes, and lack access to transportation. Many rural schools have closed,
forcing students to walk long distances. While Fuman may be a heroic example of the personal
drive that has helped to elevate millions of Chinese out of poverty, many rural children, con-
fronted by so many challenges, drop out of school (Hernandez, 2018). According to a number
of studies, some 3 million rural Chinese teenagers—one out of every three—leave school every
year. One study of 50,000 students found that by grade 12, two-thirds of rural students had
dropped out (Caixin Media, 2016). In the United States, by way of comparison, only 19 percent of
the population lives in rural areas (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2016c), and among rural students,
80 percent complete high school (National Center for Education Statistics, 2013).
China's president Xi Jinping has declared a “war on poverty,” an ambitious effort to move
70 million people above China’s poverty line ($1.17 a day, or $427 a year) by the
end of 2020.
Impoverished farmers are being moved from rural mud-and-brick huts to newly built housing
in newly built villages; government officials are held responsible for the newly created jobs
the
farmers hope to find (Schmitz, 2017). Whether this effort to create thousands of new jobs
will be
successful remains to be seen, but China's past efforts to raise people out of poverty
have been

CHAPTER 8 Global Inequality

 impressive. According to the World Bank, since China began
market-oriented economic reforms
in 1978, more than 800 million people have been lifted
out of poverty (World Bank, 2018a).
The experience of “frost boy” in rural China, in comparison globalization
with the mostly minor hard-
ships Americans experienced during the winter Storms, The development of social,
is illustrative of gross inequities in
cultural, political, and eco-
health and well-being throughout the globe. Globalization—
the increased economic, political, nomic relationships stretching
and social interconnectedness of the world—has produced opportu
nities for unthinkable wealth worldwide. In current times,
and technological development, as can be found in China's coastal cities. we are all influenced by orga-
Yet at the same time,
globalization has left many, like Fuman and his family, behind. Apart nizations and social networks
from millions of other
children in rural China, there is widespread poverty and suffering in many located thousands of miles
countries throughout
away. A key part of the study
Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean.
of globalization is the emer-
In the previous chapter, we examined the American class structure, noting vast
differ- gence of a world system—for
ences among individuals’ income, wealth, jobs, and quality of life. The same is true in the some purposes, we need to
world
as a whole: Just as we can speak of rich or poor individuals within a country, we can also talk regard the world as forming a
about rich or poor countries in the world system. A country’s position in the global economy single social order.

affects how its people live, work, and even die. In this chapter, we look closely at differences
in wealth and power among countries in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.
global inequality
We examine how differences in economic standards of living affect people throughout the
The systematic differ-
world. We then turn to the emerging economies of the world to understand which countries
ences in wealth and power
are improving their fortunes, and why. This leads us to a discussion of different theories that among countries that have
attempt to explain why global inequality exists and what can be done about it. We conclude by resulted from globalization.
speculating on the future of economic inequality in a global world.

What Is Global Inequality? <

Global inequality refers to the systematic differences in wealth and power that have Understand the systematic
resulted from globalization. Sociology’s challenge is not merely to identify all such differ- differences in wealth and
ences but to explain why they occur—and how they might be overcome. These differences power among countries.

exist alongside differences within countries: Even the wealthiest countries have growing
numbers of poor people. Yet it is important to remember that while some less wealthy
nations, such as China, India, or Mexico, are producing many of the world’s superrich, there
is still a huge difference between being poor in a wealthy nation such as the United States
and starving to death in a poor nation. absolute poverty
In defining poverty, it is important to distinguish between absolute and relative A state of poverty in
poverty (also see Chapter 7). Absolute poverty occurs when persons cannot acquire basic which one lacks the
life needs, including food, clothing, and shelter; starvation is often a way of life for those minimal requirements
in this category. Relative poverty occurs when persons are poor relative to others in their necessary to sustain a
healthy existence.
society; they may struggle to make ends meet while their neighbors can more easily put
food on the table or pay the rent. Most poverty in the United States is relative poverty; most
of the poor are not starving or homeless, and even homeless people are often able to find relative poverty
shelters and food kitchens. By way of contrast, almost everyone in the African country Poverty defined according
of Burundithe poorest country in the world, where yearly income averaged $280 per to the living standards
person in 2018—ives in absolute poverty (World Bank, 2018c). In Burundi, half of the of the majority in any

population is chronically hungry and agricultural production is too poor to meet the given society.

country’s needs (World Food Program U.S.A., 2019).

What Is Global Inequality?

 There are many ways to classify countries in terms of inequality. One simple way is to
compare the wealth produced by each country per average citizen. This approach measures
the value of a country’s yearly output of goods and services produced by its total population
and then divides that total by the number of people in the country. The resulting measure
is termed the per person gross national income (GNI). The World Bank (Prydz and Wadhwa,
2019), an international lending organization that provides loans for development projects in
poorer countries, uses this measure to classify countries as either high income (based on an
annual 2018 average income greater than $12,375), upper middle income ($3,996-$12,375),

lower middle income ($1,026-$3,995), or low income ($1,025 or less). The World Bank in
2019 identified 80 countries (out of 218) as high income, 60 as upper middle income, 47 as
lower middle income, and 31 as low income (Prydz and Wadhwa, 2019).
The infographic on the next page shows how the World Bank (2020a) divides 218
countries and economies, containing more than 7.6 billion people, into four economic
classes. The infographic shows that while nearly half of the world’s population lives in low-
income and lower-middle-income countries, slightly more than half lives in upper-middle-
income or high-income countries. Bear in mind that this classification is based on
average income for each country; therefore, it masks income inequality within each coun-
try. Such differences can be significant, although we do not focus on them in this chapter.
For example, the World Bank classifies India as a lower-middle-income country because its
GNI per person in 2018 was only $2,020. Yet, despite widespread poverty, India also boasts
a large and growing middle class. China, on the other hand, is classified as upper middle
income because its GNI per capita in 2018 was $9,460; it nonetheless has hundreds of
millions of people living in poverty (World Bank, 20202).
Comparing countries on the basis of economic output alone can also be misleading
because GNI includes only goods and services that are produced for cash sale. Many peo-
ple in low-income countries are farmers or herders who produce for their own families
or for barter, involving noncash transactions. The value of their crops and animals is not
taken into account in the statistics. Economies also include paid work that is done “off
the books,” including illegal activities of all sorts; as many as 60 percent of all workers
in the world engage in some type of informal work. While this so-called informal sec-
tor is found in all countries, most of the world’s informal workers are found in poorer
countries (International Labour Organization, 2018). Furthermore, economic output is
not the sole indicator of a country’s worth, since it fails to adequately capture important
noneconomic aspects of people's lives. The United Nations Development Programme
has developed a Multidimensional Poverty Index (MDPI) that provides a broad picture of
one’s quality of life: Measures of health, education, and standard of living are combined
in a single weighted index that is intended to provide a measure of human development
rather than economic development alone (United Nations Development Programme
[UNDP], 2019a). Based on this index, the United States ranks 15th, and Norway is first
(UNDP, 20192).

High-Income Countries
High-income countries are generally those that were the first to industrialize, a process
that began in England some 250 years ago and then spread to mainland Europe, the United
States, and Canada. In the 1970s, Japan joined the ranks of high-income, industrialized
nations, while Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan moved into this category only within

CHAPTER 8 Global Inequality

 Global Inequality
t,

Global inequality refers to the systematic differences in wealth and power that exist among countries. The World Bank
uses per person gross national income (GNI) to classify countries into four economic classes: low income, lower-middle
income, upper-middle income, and high income.

Low Lower-middle Upper-middle High

income income income income

Average gross
national —
income
per capita Ff BZ
(current U.S. $)
$841 $2,242

Total
eeeeyy PELEET EY: YY
population
(in millions)
705 3,023 Relate) 1,210

Annual
population ”,\
+ + + x + +
growth
2.6% 4.4% 0.7% 0.5%

I
expectancy:
at birth
(in years)

Fertility
rate
(average # of Ke) Re)
Me) 2.7
births per woman)

BEE]
rucian aaaa
ananasaaaanane states aut ee
mortality area
ATT A aaa: PYYTINYY)
rate int 4
: 48 37
(# of infant deaths
per 1,000 births)

Source: World Bank, 20208.

 the last decade or so. The reasons for the success of these Asian latecomers to industrializa-
tion are much debated by sociologists and economists; we look at them later in the chapter.
High-income countries are home to 16 percent of the world’s population, or about
1.2 billion people, yet they lay claim to 63 percent of the world’s total GNI. They had an aver-
age income per person of $44,275 in 2018 (World Bank, 20208). High-income countries
offer adequate housing and food, drinkable water, and other comforts unknown in many
parts of the world. Although they often have large numbers of poor people, most of their
inhabitants enjoy a standard of living unimaginable by the majority of the world’s people.

Middle-Income Countries
The middle-income countries (including lower middle and upper middle) are located
primarily in East and Southeast Asia and include the oil-rich countries of the Middle
East and North Africa, a few countries in the Americas (Mexico, some Central American
and Caribbean countries such as Cuba, and most countries in South America), and the
formerly Communist republics that once made up the Soviet Union and its Eastern
European allies (Global Map 8.1). Most of these countries began to industrialize rela-
tively late in the twentieth century and therefore are not yet as industrially developed
(or as wealthy) as the high-income countries. Russia and the other countries that once
composed the Soviet Union, on the other hand, are highly industrialized, although in
many cases their living standards eroded during their transition to capitalism during
the period 1979-1981.
In 2018, middle-income countries were home to 75 percent of the world’s population
(5.7 billion people) but accounted for only 36 percent of the output produced in that year;
their average GNI per person was $5,341, just 12 percent that of high-income countries
(World Bank, 2020e). Although many people in these countries are substantially better
off than their neighbors in low-income countries, most do not enjoy anything resembling
the standard of living common in high-income countries. They
often live in crowded urban neighborhoods, including large
slums that lack reliable water and sewage services; their cities
may suffer from high levels of air and water pollution; and some
still live in rural areas on small farms that provide only a basic
living standard.

Low-Income Countries
Finally, the low-income countries, the world’s poorest, have
mostly agricultural economies; some are just beginning to
industrialize. Scholars debate the reasons for their late indus-
trialization and widespread poverty, as we will see later in
this chapter.
They include much of eastern, western, and sub-Saharan
The low-income island nation of Haiti is still recovering from
Africa; North Korea in East Asia; Nepal in South Asia; and Haiti
a devastating earthquake in 2010. Haiti is one of the poorest
countries in the Americas, with an average life expectancy in the Caribbean. In 2018, the low-income countries accounted
of just 63. for 9 percent of the world’s population (705 million people) and
produced only 0.1 percent of the world’s GNI: their average GNI
“N per person was only $841 in 2018, one-fiftieth the amount of
persons living in high-income countries (World Bank, 2020a).

238 CHAPTER 8 Global Inequality

 GLOBAL MAP 8.1

Rich and Poor Countries: The World by Income in 2020

Like individuals in a country, the countries of the world as a whole can be seen as
economically stratified. In general, those countries
that experienced industrialization the earliest are the richest, while
those that remain agricultural are the poorest. An enormous—and
growing—gulf separates the two groups.

a High: $12,056 or more {i Upper middle: $3,896-$12,055 fl Lower middle: $996-$3,895 HE Low: $995 or less

Source: World Bank, 2020i.

Fertility rates are much higher in low-income countries than they are elsewhere, with
children in large families providing additional farm labor or otherwise contributing to
family income. In wealthy countries, by contrast, smaller families are the norm, and chil-
dren do not typically contribute to parents’ earnings. In fact, there is an inverse relation-
ship between income level and population growth: In general, the poorer the country, the
faster the growth in population. Between 2000 and 2018, the population of high-income
countries increased 12 percent while that of low-income countries increased 61 percent
(World Bank, 2020a). In many of these low-income countries, people struggle with pov-
erty, malnutrition, and even starvation. Most people live in rural areas, although in recent
years, hundreds of millions of people have been moving to huge, densely populated cities,
where they live either in dilapidated housing or on the open streets (see Chapter 15).
Yet during the last 30 years, the overall standard of living in the world has risen
slowly. The average global citizen is better off today than ever before. Illiteracy and infant
mortality rates are down, malnutrition is less common, people are living longer, and
average income is higher. Twenty years ago 60 percent of the world’s population lived in
low-income countries; today, the figure is only 9 percent. The number of people living in
lower-middle-income countries grew from 15 percent to 35 percent; the number living
in upper-middle-income countries grew from 10 percent to 35 percent. Significantly, how-
ever, the number of people living in high-income countries has been fairly constant at

What Is Global Inequality? 239

 remains a fairly
15-16 percent over the same 20-year period; the richest tier of nations
exclusive club (Prydz and Wadhwa, 2019).
(oxo)
\(od=4= aod 2|104 4 Much of this upward movement is the result of the economic success of two
highly
third of the
populous countries, China and India, which together account for more than a
'=-¢o)tclianareVatarom\) (elaCe
1998
Bank measures global. world’s population. After taking inflation into account, China's average income in
was $800; by 2018 it had grown to $9,470, an historically unprecedented 12-fold increase
_ inequality, and discuss
some of the problems in only 20 years. Since China's 1.4 billion people account for nearly one out of every five
associated with measuring persons, the country’s economic success by itself has elevated a significant portion of
global inequality.
the world’s population out of economic poverty. India’s accomplishments are not quite as
Compare and contrast striking, though they still represent a significant improvement for many of the country’s
ialfcd abetiarexolan\ommanlie(el (oe
1.4 billion people: average income in India grew from $410 in 1998 to $2,020 in 2018, a
MaXevoant=eur=]avelm (oNVel avere)
nals)
five-fold increase (Prydz and Wadhwa, 2019).
countries.

What Is Daily Life Like in

> Rich vs. Poor Countries?
Recognize the impact According to the United Nations (UN) Food and Agriculture Organization, 822 million
of different economic people were undernourished in 2018 (2019). The world is no longer predominantly rural:
standards of living
In 2018, 55 percent of the world’s population lived in cities (UN Department of Economic
on people throughout
and Social Affairs, 2018). Many of the poor come from racial, ethnic, or religious groups
the world.
that differ from the dominant groups of their countries, and their poverty is at least in part
the result of discrimination (Narayan, 1999).
An enormous gulf in living standards separates most people in rich countries from
their counterparts in poor ones. Wealth and poverty make life different in a host of ways.
Here we look at the differences among high- and low-income countries in terms of health
and disease, hunger and nutrition, education, and child labor.

Health
People in high-income countries are far healthier than their counterparts in low-income
countries. Low-income countries generally suffer from inadequate health facilities, and
their hospitals and clinics seldom serve the poorest people. People living in low-income
countries also lack proper sanitation, drink polluted water, and run a much greater risk
of contracting infectious diseases. Poor countries also often become dumping grounds
for discarded consumer electronics and other toxic waste from high-income countries,
and they suffer environmental pollution from the factories that manufacture goods for
high-income countries’ corporations and consumers (see Chapter 15 for further discussion).
Because of such poor health conditions, people in low-income countries are more
likely to die in infancy and less likely to live to old age than people in high-income coun-
tries. Children in low-income countries are 26 times more likely to die before they reach
the age of 5 than children in high-income countries; children often die of illnesses that are
readily treated in wealthier countries, such as measles or diarrhea. People in low-income
countries have an average life expectancy of 63 years, compared to 81 years in high-income

240 CHAPTER 8 Global Inequality

Can Apps Heal Global Inequalities?

Think about how you use your smartphone. Maybe you check just a smartphone (Kuo, 2016). The easy-to-dispense Peek eye
the latest news headlines or sports scores. Or maybe you like test displays the letter “E” in varying orientations. Patients, who
to post photos on Instagram. But can you think of ways that you don't need to be able to read English, just indicate the direc-
might use your smartphone to improve the well-being of the tion the letter is facing. The test giver then swipes the screen
millions of people living in poor nations? A number of app devel- in that direction or shakes the phone if the patient can't tell.
opers are doing just that. Despite an enduring digital divide, The test takes about a minute, and results are available instan-
smartphone ownership in developing countries has jumped taneously (Sohn, 2015). In addition to visual acuity tests, the
from just 21 percent in 2013 to 45 percent in 2019, making it app can detect cataracts, glaucoma, and signs of nerve disease
possible for these developers to reach even more people across (CNN, 2016). A clip-on camera adapter, which can be made
the globe (Silver, 2019). with a 3D printer, allows users to take high-resolution images
In 2015, developing regions accounted for approxi- of a person's retina that can then be sent to doctors to diagnose
mately 99 percent of all global maternal deaths (World Health remotely (Kuo. 2016).
Organization, 2015). This is partly due to the fact that nearly Other entrepreneurs are developing apps to aid agricul-
half of all women in low-income countries give birth without tural production in Africa. A competition called Apps4Africa
the help of a skilled health care worker. The Safe Delivery app encouraged young people to develop apps that address the
aims to reduce maternal mortality in developing countries by impact of climate change on various communities. The Grainy
teaching birth attendants how to deal with emergency childbirth Bunch, which was developed in Tanzania, features a national
situations. Video guides and step-by-step instructions educate grain supply chain management system that monitors the pur-
users on how to prevent infection as well as deal with problems chase, storage, distribution, and consumption of grain across
such as prolonged labor and hypertension (Kweifio-Okai, 2015). the entire nation. Similarly, Agro Universe, developed by a
Smartphones have also emerged as a particularly effective team from Uganda, creates a regional marketplace, helping
way to diagnose eye disorders. According to the World Health communities prepare for pest- and drought-induced food
Organization, more than 280 million people around the world shortages by linking communities to farmers with available
have vision problems or are blind; an estimated 90 percent of produce (Fenner, 2012).
these people live in poor nations. However, many lack access Do you believe that apps can play an effective role in solving
to vision care. Developed in Kenya by a British ophthalmolo- some of the problems of global inequality? Why or why not? Can
gist, the Peek (Portable Eye Examination Kit) app enables health you think of an app that would help solve some of the problems
care workers to perform detailed eye exams in the field with of global inequality that you read about in this chapter?
 countries. Still, conditions are improving somewhat. Over the 20-year period from
1998-2018, the child mortality rate in low-income countries dropped by nearly half, from
94 to 48 per 1,000 live births (World Bank, 2020f). In addition, over the same period
of time, average life expectancy at birth increased from 53 to 63 as a result of the wider
availability of modern medical technology, improved sanitation, and rising incomes.
One chilling example of the relationship between global poverty and disease is the Ebola
epidemic that broke out in West Africa in 2014. Ebola is a deadly disease that is spread through
contact with the bodily fluids of infected persons who are showing symptoms. ‘The illness
spread rapidly in part because it was new to this region of Africa and so went unrecognized:
Caregivers, from family members to professional health workers, initially believed it to be
malaria or some other disease that is transmitted by mosquitoes rather than human contact.
Ebola also spread rapidly in West Africa because there were no health care facilities capable
of dealing with the large and growing number of Ebola patients, who need to be completely
isolated and treated by trained medical personnel wearing special (and costly) protective suits.
Many victims lived in remote rural areas that lacked usable roads or other infrastruc-
ture, making it difficult to identify, isolate, and treat them; when they flooded into crowded
cities in search of treatment, the disease quickly spread. The borders between Liberia,
Sierra Leone, and Guinea are open in many places, which made containment of the disease
difficult. And years of war and corrupt governments in this region meant that a concerted
state-led response was unlikely (Fox, 2014). As a result, during the first months of the out-
break, as many as three-quarters of infected victims died. When Ebola is diagnosed early
and treated adequately, the mortality rate can be as low as 30 percent (NPR, 2014).
When the deadly coronavirus broke out in the Chinese city of Wuhan at the end of
December 2019, Chinese officials quarantined the city of 11 million people, imposed severe
travel restrictions within China, and cooperated with the World Health Organization to stem
its spread elsewhere. Yet at the same time, while the Ebola epidemic was largely isolated within
remote African villages, the coronavirus was far more readily spread to other countries: Wuhan
is a cosmopolitan Chinese center of industry and commerce, and by the time the disease was
identified and restrictive measures were put in place, unknowingly infected persons had
traveled elsewhere in China as well as to other countries. As of December 2020, only thirteen
months after the disease was first identified, the World Health Organization reported that the
disease had spread to nearly every country in the world, resulting in nearly 72 million confirmed
cases and over 1.6 million deaths—both numbers rapidly increasing. The United States alone,
by December 2020, accounted for over 15 million confirmed cases and 300,000 deaths (WHO,
2020b). The coronavirus also shuttered businesses around the world, as concerns over wide-
spread contagion and massive numbers of deaths led many countries to adopt strict measures
limiting or even prohibiting most retail activities. This, in turn, disrupted global supply chains,
as factories around the world—themselves often sites of the pandemic—bost their custom-
ers. The result of today’s highly interconnected world was therefore not only the global spread
of a deadly disease, but the deepest global recession since World War II (World Bank, 20208).

Hunger and Malnutrition

People in low-income countries are more likely to suffer malnutrition, starvation, and
famine, which are also major global sources of poor health. Problems of inadequate food
are nothing new. What seems to be new is their pervasiveness—the fact that so many
people in the world today appear to be on the brink of starvation.

242 CHAPTER & Global Inequality

 The UN Food and Agriculture Organization (2019)
estimates that 822 million people, roughly one in nine peo-
ple in the world, suffer from chronic hunger, up from 785
million in 2015—the vast majority of whom live in devel-
oping countries. More than half of the world's hungry are
found in Asia and the Pacific; approximately one-quarter
are in sub-Saharan Africa. In Southern Asia alone, nearly
272 million people are undernourished, representing
15 percent of the population; 23 percent of the population
of sub-Saharan Africa is undernourished. According to
the World Health Organization (2019), nutrition-related
factors contribute to nearly half of all deaths of children
under the age of 5. As of 2018, the UN Food and Agriculture
Organization had listed 33 countries in Africa, the Middle
East, Central and South Asia, the Pacific, and the Caribbean
as in need of external food assistance. South Sudan has been mired in civil war for years, contributing
to famine and severe hunger. Nearly half the population of the
Most hunger today is the result of a combination of : ;
young nation faces food insecurity.
natural and social forces. The majority of people suffering
from chronic hunger live in countries struggling with vio-
lence and conflict. These countries are concentrated in the “N
Near East and North Africa, northern sub-Saharan Africa,
Central America, and Eastern Europe. In many of these
countries, climate change and natural disasters have both contributed to the conflicts and
worsened problems of chronic hunger. In Syria, for example, a long and violent civil war
has left 85 percent of the population in poverty; nearly 7 million people are “acutely food
insecure” and in need of urgent assistance (UN Food and Agriculture Organization, 2017).
Moreover, conditions are predicted to worsen considerably as a result of global climate
change, which will significantly impact agricultural production, especially in the world’s
poorest countries. Absent a concerted effort by all countries to limit greenhouse gas pro-
duction, the worst-case scenario estimates that an additional 165 million people will be
plunged into extreme poverty by 2030 (UN Food and Agriculture Organization, 2016).
The countries affected by malnutrition are for the most part too poor to pay for new
technologies that would increase their food production. Nor can they afford to import suf-
ficient amounts of food from elsewhere in the world. As world hunger grows, the largest
increases in food production occur where hunger is not a pervasive problem, while the
poorest countries—those most in need of food—suffer from the lowest food produc-
tion gains (Bjerga, 2017). In much of Africa, for example, food production per person has
declined. Surplus food produced in high-income countries like the United States is seldom
affordable to the countries that need it most.

Education and Literacy

Education and literacy are important routes to economic development. Lower-income coun-
tries are disadvantaged because they lack high-quality public education systems. Children in
high-income countries get more schooling, and adults in those countries are more likely to be
literate (able to read and write). While virtually all high school-age males and females attend
secondary school in high-income countries, in 2018, only 60 percent in lower-middle-income

What Is Daily Life Like in Rich vs. Poor Countries? 243

 countries and 34 percent in low-income countries did so. In low-income countries, only
71 percent of men and 56 percent of women over the age of 15 are able to read and write.
By way of comparison, virtually everyone in high-income countries is literate (World Bank,
2020d). One reason for these differences is that high-income countries spend a much larger
percentage of their national income on education than low-income countries do.
Education is important for several reasons. First, it contributes to economic growth,
because people with advanced schooling provide the skilled workforce necessary to sup-
port higher-wage industries. Second, education may offer some hope for escaping the cycle
of harsh working conditions and poverty, because poorly educated people are condemned
to low-wage, unskilled jobs. But if a country is not creating jobs—if its economy is stag-
nant, if it is suffering from drought or other extreme climate events, or if it is embroiled
in conflict—then education will have the perverse effect of producing large numbers of
overqualified (and unemployed) people. Finally, at least in higher-income countries, edu-
cated people usually have fewer children, thereby slowing the population explosion that
has contributed to global poverty (see Chapter 15).

Child Labor
In low-income countries, children are often forced to work because of a combination of
family poverty, lack of education, and traditional indifference among some people in many
countries to the plight of those who are poor or who are ethnic minorities. According to

CONCEPT CHECKS the International Labour Organization (ILO), more than 114 million children between the
ages of 5 and 14 are engaged in child labor worldwide, more than 35 million of whom are
Why do people who engaged in hazardous work. The incidence of child labor is highest in low-income countries:
live in high-income 19 percent of all children in low-income countries are engaged in child labor, compared to
countries have better
9 percent for lower-middle-income countries and 7 percent for upper-middle-income coun-
health than those who
tries (ILO, 2017). Most working children labor in agriculture, with the rest in manufactur-
live in low-income
countries? ing, wholesale and retail trade, restaurants and hotels, and a variety of services, including
working as servants in wealthy households. At best, these children work for long hours
What is one global
(or-TU--W0} aoLolo) amal-r-
100ait with little pay and are therefore unable to go to school and develop the skills that might
eventually enable them to escape their lives of poverty. Many, however, work at hazardous
What are two causes of
feo)
of-]mi
alelaye{-amm Colel=)arg
and exploitative jobs under slavelike conditions, suffering a variety of illnesses and injuries.

Can Poor Countries

> Become Rich?
Analyze the success of the By the mid-1970s, a number of low-income countries in East Asia were undergoing pro-
emerging economies. cesses of industrialization that appeared to threaten the global economic dominance of
the United States and Europe (Amsden, 1989). This process began with Japan in the 1950s,
followed by Hong Kong in the 1960s and Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore in the
1970s and 1980s. Other Asian countries began to follow in the 1980s and early 1990s,
most notably China, but also Malaysia, Thailand, and Indonesia. Today, most of these

244 CHAPTER & Global Inequality

 Hong Kong (shown here),
along with Taiwan, South
Korea, and Singapore,
has one of the most
rapidly growing economies
_ on Earth.
r

emerging economies are middle income, and some—such as Hong Kong, South Korea,
Taiwan, and Singapore—have moved up to the high-income category.
China, the world’s most populous country, has one of the most rapidly growing econ-
emerging
economies
omies on the planet. With an average annual compound growth rate of 12 percent between
Developing countries that
1980 and 2010, the Chinese economy more than doubled and today is the world’s second-
over the past two or three
largest economy behind the United States, having surpassed Japan in 2010 (World Bank,
decades have begun to
2020¢). Since 2010, however, China’s annual growth rate has declined, falling to slightly develop a strong industrial
below 7 percent in 2016 and 2017 and still further as a result of the global recession base, such as Singapore
resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic (World Bank, 2017). Still, in comparison with and Hong Kong.

high-income countries, China's performance remains impressive (World Bank, 2018f). The
once low-income (now middle-income) economies of East Asia as a whole averaged 77 per-
cent growth per year during much of the 1980s and 1990s—a rate that has slowed slightly
in recent years but still remains extraordinary by world standards (World Bank, 2018b).
Today, the GNI per person in Singapore is virtually the same as that in the United States.
Economic growth in East Asia was accompanied by important social problems,
including the sometimes violent repression of labor and civil rights, terrible factory
conditions, the exploitation of an increasingly female workforce and immigrant work-
ers from impoverished neighboring countries, and widespread environmental degra-
dation. Many of these atrocities continue today; Foxconn and Pegatron, two of Apple's
biggest suppliers, have been found to badly mistreat workers in their Chinese factories
(Neate, 2013). Nonetheless, owing to the sacrifices of past generations of workers, large
numbers of people in these countries are prospering.
The success of the East Asian emerging economies can be attributed to a combina-
tion of factors. Some of these factors are historical, including those stemming from world
political and economic shifts. Some are cultural. Still others have to do with the ways
these countries pursued economic growth. Sociologists cite five main reasons for the
recent advances of the East Asian emerging economies. First, most were part of colonial
relationships that, though they imposed many hardships, also helped to pave the way for
economic growth. For example, Hong Kong and Singapore were former British colonies;
Britain encouraged industrial development, constructed roads and other transportation
systems, built relatively efficient governmental bureaucracies, and actively developed both
Hong Kong and Singapore as trading centers (Cumings, 1987; Gold, 1986).

Can Poor Countries Become Rich? 245

 Second, the East Asian region benefited from a long period of world economic growth.
Between the 1950s and the mid-1970s, the growing economies of Europe and the United
States provided a big market for the clothing, footwear, and electronics that were increas-
ingly being made in East Asia, creating a window of opportunity for economic develop-
ment (Henderson and Appelbaum, 1992). Third, economic growth in this region took off at
the high point of the Cold War, when the United States and its allies, in an attempt to erect
a defense against Communist China, provided these countries with generous economic aid
that fueled investment in new technologies, such as transistors, semiconductors, and other
electronics, which ultimately contributed to the development of local industries (Amsden,
1989; Castells, 1992; Cumings, 1987, 1997; Evans, 1987; Haggard, 1990; Henderson, 1989;
Mirza, 1986). Fourth, many of the East Asian governments enacted strong policies that kept
labor costs low, encouraged economic development through tax breaks and other economic
policies, and offered free public education—all policies that favored economic growth.
Finally, some have argued that cultural traditions, including a shared Confucian philos-
ophy, contributed to these economic advances. Scholars following Weber (1904/1977), who
viewed the rise of capitalism in Western Europe as a function of the Protestant belief in
thrift, frugality, and hard work, have observed a similar process in Asian economic history.
Confucianism, it is argued, inculcates respect for one's elders and superiors, education, hard
work, and proven accomplishments as keys to advancement, as well as a willingness to sac-
(oxo)
\red=i= med =|=e <> rifice today to earn a greater reward tomorrow. As a result of these values, the Weberian
argument goes, Asian workers and managers are highly loyal to their companies, submissive
What are the five factors
that have facilitated the to authority, hardworking, and success oriented. Workers and capitalists alike are said to be
economic success of frugal. Instead of living lavishly, they are likely to reinvest their wealth in further economic
the East Asian emerging growth (Berger, 1986; Berger and Hsiao, 1988; Helm, 1992; Redding, 1990; Wong, 1986).
economies?
Recent social and cultural changes may undermine the influence of traditional values
What are potential on Asian economic development. For example, thrift, a central Confucian cultural value,
obstaclesto the appears to be on the decline in Japan and the East Asian economies (including China)
continued economic
as young people—raised in the booming prosperity of recent years—increasingly value
success of the emerging
economies? conspicuous consumption over austerity and investment (Helm, 1992).

How Do Sociological
Theories Explain
> Global Inequality?
Learn several sociological
What causes global inequality? How can it be overcome? In this section, we examine four
theories explaining
theories that have been advanced over the years to explain global inequality: neoliberal
why some societies are
wealthier than others theories, dependency theories, world-systems theories, and global capitalism theories.
as well as how global Each approach has strengths and weaknesses. One shortcoming of all of them is that they
inequality can be overcome. frequently give short shrift to the role of women in economic development; they also
emphasize economic factors at the expense of cultural or religious ones.

246 CHAPTER 8 Global inequality

 By drawing on all four theories together, however, we should be able to answer a
key question facing the 84 percent of people in the world who live outside high-income
countries: How can they move up in the world economy?

Neoliberal Theories
Fifty years ago, the most influential theories of global inequality advanced by American
economists and sociologists were based on unquestioned neoliberal assumptions—
assumptions that remain prevalent among economists and corporations today.
Neoliberalism refers to the belief that the best possible economic consequences will result neoliberalism
if individuals and businesses—consumers and producers—are entirely free, uninhibited
The economic belief
by any form of governmental constraint, to make their own economic decisions in a free that free-market forces,
market. The world “liberal” in “neoliberalism” refers to this freedom of economic choice. achieved by minimizing
These ideas were central to economic theory before the role of government was expanded or, ideally, eliminating
government restrictions on
following the Great Depression of the 1930s, and economists revived them later on in
business, provide the only
the century—hence the prefix “neo,” or new. According to neoliberal theory, government route to economic growth.
bureaucracy should not dictate which goods to produce, what prices to charge, how much
workers should be paid, or whether businesses should be prevented from polluting the
environment. Such decisions should be left to businesses themselves, who will respond
to what the market demands. You, the consumer, freely choose from among competing
brands, perhaps taking into account the working and environmental conditions under
which their products are made. Neoliberal economic theories assume that, in the long run,
everyone will be better off if such economic freedom is maximized.
Neoliberal theories inspired U.S. government foreign-aid programs that attempted to
spur economic development in low-income countries by providing money, expert advis-
ers, and technology, paving the way for U.S. corporations to make investments in these
countries. One of the most influential early proponents of such theories was W. W. Rostow,
an economic adviser to former U.S. president John F. Kennedy, whose ideas helped
shape U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America during the 1960s. According to Rostow's
modernization theory, low-income societies could become “modern” (which meant modernization
resembling the United States and other high-income countries) only if they adopted
theory
modern economic institutions, technologies, and cultural values that emphasized savings A version of neoliberal
development theory that
and productive investment. According to Rostow (1961), social institutions and traditional
argues that low-income
cultural values of low-income countries impeded their economic growth. societies develop econom-
One problem, it was argued, was that low-income countries’ economies were overreg- ically only if they give up
ulated by ineffective and often corrupt governments. Another concern was that their pop- their traditional ways and
ulations had cultural values favoring living for today rather than investing in the future, adopt modern economic
institutions, technologies,
under the belief that poverty somehow reflected God's will. For low-income countries to
and cultural values that
“modernize,” they needed to reduce the power and influence of corrupt government officials, emphasize savings and
jettison their traditional values and institutions, and invest in the future. The United States productive investment.
could facilitate this by providing low-cost loans for electrification and road and airport
law-
construction; providing technical assistance in the form of teachers, economic advisors,
yers, and other consultants; and—importantly—get these countries to encourage U.S. firms
to invest in factories and large-scale agricultural production. Opening low-income country
economies to U.S. corporate investment was seen as key to economic growth. Rostow used
case. He
an aeronautical metaphor that policy makers could easily understand to make his
they
argued that “traditional societies” could “take off” into sustained economic growth if

How Do Sociological Theories Explain Global Inequality?

 mass con-
followed his prescriptions finally achieving the “modern” stage he termed “high
sumption.” This transition would occur when countries invested at least 10 percent of their

GNI into productive economic activities—under strict U.S. tutelage, of course.

The World Trade Organization (WTO), currently comprising 164 member countries, is
based on neoliberal principles: It manages a global system of free trade, ensures that free trade
rules are followed by member countries, helps negotiate free trade agreements, and settles
trade disputes when a member claims that free trade rules are being violated (WTO, 2018).
Neoliberal ideas have proven to be detrimental to economic development in poor
countries. During the latter decades of the twentieth century, international lending
institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), loaned money to devel-
oping nations suffering from high rates of inflation, stagnant economic growth, and
dependency
bankrupt governments. The loans were made conditional on the adoption of free-market
theories
policies: Countries that accepted the loans were expected to reduce government services
Marxist theories of
economic development
to balance their budgets and privatize state-owned industries. Significantly reducing
that maintain that the outlays on education, health, and other social programs, along with higher taxes, was
poverty of low-income intended to bring government spending under control. Such so-called structural adjust-
countries stems directly ment programs imposed severe austerity on the poor, among whom these policies
from their exploitation by were understandably unpopular. They were also unsuccessful in promoting economic
wealthy countries and the
development or alleviating poverty (Afshar and Dennis, 1992; Donkor, 1997; Sahn et al.,
multinational corporations
that are based in wealthy 1999; Easterly, 2006; Stiglitz, 2017).
countries.
Dependency Theories
During the 1960s, anumber of theorists questioned neoliberal explanations of global inequal-
core countries
ity. Many of these critics were sociologists and economists from the low-income countries
According to world-
of Latin America and Africa who rejected Rostow’s argument that their countries’ economic
systems theory, the most
advanced industrial coun- poverty was due to their own cultural or institutional failings (Appelbaum, 2017). Building
tries, which take the lion’s on the theories of Karl Marx, (and contrary to Rostow and other neoliberal economists),
share of profits in the they argued that capitalism was the problem, not the solution. In their view, global capitalist
world economic system. economic relations had made poor countries dependent on rich countries, locking them in a
downward spiral of exploitation and poverty—hence the term dependency theory.
To better explain how such exploitative relations worked, dependency theory intro-
peripheral
countries duced new concepts that emphasized the relational nature of powerful rich countries and
relatively powerless poor countries. According to dependency theory, the most advanced
Countries that have a
marginal role in the world industrial countries are best understood as being core within the world economy, in that
economy and are thus they extract the lion's share of profits from weaker countries; the low-income, largely agri-
dependent on the core cultural countries are best understood as comprising a global economic periphery, in that
producing societies for they have a marginal role in the world economy and are thus dependent on the core coun-
their trading relationships.
tries for their trading relationships. The core countries (for example, the United States, Japan,
and the countries of Western Europe) extract wealth, in the form of cheap labor and natural
colonialism resources, from the poorer (and weaker) peripheral countries. In the view of dependency
theory, this becomes a vicious downward cycle, in which the core countries in the world
The process whereby
powerful nations establish economy become richer, while the peripheral countries become increasingly impoverished.
their rule in parts of the Such exploitative core-periphery relations are central to colonialism, a political-
world away from their economic system under which powerful countries establish, for their own profit, rule
home territories. over weaker peoples or countries. Powerful nations have colonized other countries to
procure raw materials needed for their factories and to control markets for the products

CHAPTER 8 Global Inequality

manufactured in those factories. Although colonialism typically took the form of European
countries establishing colonies in North and South America, Africa, and Asia, some Asian
countries (such as Japan) had colonies as well.
Colonialism ended throughout most of the world after World War II, but the exploita-
tion did not: Corporations based in high-income countries have continued to reap enor-
mous profits from their operations in low-income countries. Dependency theorists pointed
out that these global companies, often with the support of the powerful banks and gov-
ernments of rich countries, established factories in low-income countries, using cheap
labor and raw materials to minimize production costs without governmental interfer-
ence. In turn, the low prices set for labor and raw materials prevented poor countries
from accumulating the capital necessary to industrialize themselves. Local businesses
that might have competed with foreign corporations were prevented from doing so.
In this view, poor countries were forced to borrow from rich countries, increasing their Dependency theories
economic dependency. emphasize the role of
Low-income countries are thus seen not as underdeveloped but rather as misdevel- exploitative practices
such as colonialism on
oped (Amin, 1974; Emmanuel, 1972; Frank, 1966, 1969a, 1969b, 1979; Prebisch, 1967, 1971).
the enduring poverty
Because dependency theorists believed that exploitation kept these countries from achiev- of low-income nations.
ing economic growth, some called for revolutionary changes that would push foreign fate(o}al-s-1t-Ma-taar-lini-1e MOlao(-19
corporations out altogether (Frank, 1966, 1969a, 1969b). Dependency theorists regarded the DIV) Cola exolaine] My (-1 Minicom tal
exercise of political and military power as central to enforcing unequal economic relation- twentieth century.

ships. According to this theory, whenever local leaders questioned such unequal arrange-
ments, their voices were quickly suppressed. When people elected a government opposing
“N
these policies, that government was likely to be overthrown by the country's military,
often backed by the armed forces of the industrialized countries whose economic interests
were threatened there. Dependency theorists pointed to many examples, including the role
of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in overthrowing the Marxist government
of Guatemala in 1954 and the socialist government in Chile in 1973 and in undermining
support for the leftist government in Nicaragua in the 1980s.
The Brazilian sociologist Fernando Henrique Cardoso, who served as Brazil's presi-
dent from 1995 to 2002, argued that ending dependency did not always require revolu-
tionary changes, as dependency theorists tended to argue. Rather, he claimed, some degree dependent
of dependent development was possible—that under certain circumstances, dependent
development
countries can still develop economically, although only in ways shaped by their reliance The theory that poor
countries can still develop
on wealthier countries (Cardoso and Faletto, 1979). In particular, the governments of these
economically, but only
countries could help steer a course between dependency and development (Evans, 1979). in ways shaped by their
The‘ rise of the East Asian economies was a case in point, as we have previously noted: reliance on the wealthier
Although Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore and South Korea were the targets of investments countries.
from core countries such as the United States, thanks to strong governments and generally
favorable world economic conditions, they eventually emerged from peripheral status and
global commodity
achieved significant economic development during the 1980s and iggos (Amsden et al.,
chains
1994; Henderson and Appelbaum, 1992; Cumings, 1997; Evans, 1995; World Bank, 1997).
Worldwide networks of
labor and production
World-Systems Theory processes that extend
World-systems theory builds on the concept of global commodity chains, worldwide from raw materials to the
final final consumer.
networks of labor and production processes that extend from raw materials to the
Gereffi et al.,
consumer (Appelbaum and Christerson, 1997; Bair, 2009; Gereffi, 1995, 1996;

How Do Sociological Theories Explain Global Inequality? 249

 ASei NLeZORK AROUND 2011; Hopkins and Wallerstein, 1996). The globalization of
oP) oppansess Fo production through commodity chains began to increase in
WW ad Fl ONG CNTHLS
(ee, K Wey "| MENT the 1970s and accelerated throughout the early twenty-first
KNOW'E USE THE RIGHT PROCEDY
century (Chapter 14). The commodity chain approach
A SPECIFIED

emphasizes the increasingly globalized nature of produc-

QWRES RELATING
APPROPRIATE
BASMAINTAIN GOOD
b THE EXYIAON
tion, as corporations based in high-income countries now
outsource most of their manufacturing to independently
owned contract factories in lower-income countries in
search of the lowest costs and fewest environmental
restrictions. As production goes global, lower-income
countries compete with one another to get the factories.
The most profitable part of the global commodity chain,
typically headquartered in high-income countries, is made
up of the brands that design the goods we all consume and
the giant retailers that sell them. The least profitable part is
found in low-income countries, and includes many of the
small, low-wage factories that actually produce the goods.
Although Nigeria is the largest oil producer in Africa, the
Apple, a giant global corporation whose wide variety
overwhelming majority of the profits generated by the energy
trade go to oil companies and the military government, providing of consumer electronic products source their components
no benefit to the country’s poverty-stricken inhabitants. These from 200 principal suppliers (Apple, 2019), provides an
women are protesting Royal Dutch Shell’s exploitation of excellent example of how commodity chains work. Consider
Nigeria's oil and natural gas resources. the iPhone 11 Pro Max, whose 2020 sales price ranged from

ON $1,000 to $1,450, depending on storage capacity. The iPhone

actually costs only $491 to manufacture once the costs of
all its components are added up. The most profitable part of
its global commodity chain—design, brand identification,
and marketing—is occupied by Apple, which is headquartered in Cupertino, located in
California's famed Silicon Valley. Further down the commodity chain, where actual manu-
facturing occurs, the iPhone's most expensive component, the camera (costing $74 to make),
is manufactured by the Korean corporation Samsung. The numerous suppliers of its other
components span the globe, requiring extremely tight coordination in order for Apple to
meet its delivery goals. Although most people think of the iPhone as being made in China,
what mainly occurs there is its final assembly (costing $21). This represents just 4 percent of

semiperipheral the iPhone's total cost, and only 1-2 percent of its retail price. Moreover, the factories that
countries assemble iPhones in China—along with smartphones, tablets, computers, and other elec-

Countries that supply tronic gadgets for virtually all major consumer electronics corporations—are owned by a
sources of labor and raw global Taiwanese corporation, Foxconn, that employs more than a million workers in China
materials to the core alone (Yang et al., 20109).
industrial countries and While the emergence of globalized commodity chains has resulted in manufacturing
the world economy while
job losses in the United States, it has had the opposite effect in many of the countries where
at the same time profiting
the jobs relocated. In East Asia in particular, commodity chains provided a pathway to
by extracting labor and raw
materials from peripheral economic development. China, for example, began its economic growth as the “world’s fac-
countries, but are not tory,’ manufacturing everything from clothing and athletic shoes to the iPhone 11 Pro Max.
themselves fully industri- Factory work in China is often dangerous and poorly paid; labor unions are controlled by
alized societies. the government, and workers have little choice but to suffer harsh conditions (Appelbaum
and Lichtenstein, 2016). Yet at the same time, for many workers such manufacturing jobs

CHAPTER 8 Global Inequality

have provided the first rung on the economic ladder, preferable to the impoverished rural
lives they left behind. And over several decades, Chinese factory workers became consum-
ers, helping to drive China's emerging economy. The Chinese government invested heavily
in science and technology, and, as we have seen, the Chinese economy took off, raising
hundreds of millions of people out of poverty (Appelbaum et al., 2018).
Immanuel Wallerstein, the originator of world-systems theory, drew on ideas from
both dependency theory and global commodity chains (Hopkins and Wallerstein, 1996). In
Wallerstein’s view, global commodity chains are best understood as containing core and
peripheral activities that result in unequal and exploitative relations between countries. In
our example, Apple's highly profitable design and marketing activities are core, while final
assembly in Foxconn factories is peripheral. Moreover, what constitutes a core or periph-
eral commodity chain activity can change over time: Manufacturing was a highly profitable
core activity in the mid-twentieth century, enabling U.S. workers in unionized factories to
achieve middle-class status. But when manufacturing moved to poor countries, it often
became a peripheral activity, generating low wages and little profit. Wallerstein added a
third category to dependency theory's core and periphery countries: the semiperiphery.
Semiperipheral countries are those that supply labor and raw materials to core industrial
countries in the world economy, while at the same time profiting by extracting labor and
raw materials from peripheral countries. Examples include Mexico in North America;
Argentina, Brazil, and possibly Chile in South America; and some emerging economies of
East Asia. The semiperiphery constitutes a kind of world middle class and therefore offers
the promise of economic growth to poorer countries in the periphery. The commodity-chain
approach emphasizes the
Wallerstein’s world-systems theory sees the world capitalist economic system not
global nature of economic
merely as a collection of independent countries engaged in diplomatic and economic rela- activities. Manufacturing
tions with one another, but rather as a single economic unit (Wallerstein 1974a, 1974), 1979, has shifted to countries
1990, 1996, 2004). The ability of countries to move up, from periphery to semiperiphery or like China.

from semiperiphery to core, is severely limited, but it does sometimes happen. Many East
Asian countries, for example, have moved from the periphery to the semiperiphery—and
“N
some regions of those countries, such as their leading cities, increasingly resemble the core.
China, as previously noted, in world-systems terms seems soon to join the core. The reasons
for such successes are debated, but world-systems theory would attribute them, at least
in part, to these countries’ strong states. Unlike neoliberal theories, world-systems theory
argues that strong governments do not necessarily interfere with economic development,
but rather can be key in promoting it. Considerable research now suggests that in some
regions, such as East Asia, successful economic development has been state-led. Strong gov- world-systems
ernments contributed in various ways to economic growth in the emerging economies of
theory
East Asia during the 1980s and 1990s (Amsden et al., 1994; Appelbaum and Henderson, 1992; Pioneered by Immanuel
Wallerstein, a theory that
Cumings, 1997; Evans, 1995; World Bank, 1997). More recently, the government of China
emphasizes the intercon-
has shown how massive public investment can propel a poor country into upper-middle- nections among countries
income status, raising, as we have seen, hundreds of millions of people out of rural poverty. based on the expansion
The Chinese government has spent trillions of dollars on economic development, including of a capitalist world
in
national networks of high-speed highways and 200 mph trains, large-scale investments economy. This economy is
et al., 2018). made up of core countries,
science and technology, and entire new cities and science parks (Appelbaum
the core semiperipheral countries,
Although the world system changes very slowly, once-powerful countries in
and peripheral countries.
theory,
eventually lose their economic power over others. According to world-systems
d the world
some five centuries ago the Italian city-states of Venice and Genoa dominate

How Do Sociological Theories Explain Global Inequality? 251

 capitalist economy, but eventually, they were superseded by the Dutch, who were then
superseded by the British, who were then, in turn, superseded by the United States. Today,
American dominance may be giving way to a more “multipolar” world where economic
power will be shared among the United States, Europe, and Asia—or perhaps will yield to
a rising China (Arrighi, 1994).

Global Capitalism Theory

The emergence of giant transnational firms that operate in many countries and are loyal to
none has given rise to a fourth theory, one that emphasizes the rising power of stateless
theory of global corporations. The theory of global capitalism argues that a transnational capitalist class
capitalism is increasingly the major player in the global economy today, rather than the nationally ori-
Argues that a transnational ented capitalists of major countries. According to this theory, we have entered a new phase
capitalist class is increas- of global capitalism, characterized not only by global markets, production, and finance but
ingly the major player in also by the emergence of a new capitalist class with global business concerns. The foremost
the global economy today,
proponent of this theory, sociologist William Robinson (2004, 2014, 2019), argues that
rather than the nationally
global dominance is no longer exercised by states but rather by the transnational capitalist
oriented capitalists of
major countries. class, which is more powerful than national capitalist classes; its global interests supersede
any national loyalties. Its power is exerted in part through transnational organizations that
oversee the global economy and promote global business interests (for example, the World
transnational Trade Organization, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank).
capitalist class What makes the transnational capitalist class transnational? First, according to
A social class whose Robinson, its economic interests are global rather than national: The firms it serves have
economic interests are
global shareholders, workers, and markets, and they provide goods and services that are
global rather than national,
who share a globalizing
sourced globally. Second, members of the transnational capitalist class share a globalizing
perspective and similar perspective: They believe in neoliberalism and free trade and oppose efforts of govern-
lifestyles, and who see ments to regulate their activities, arguing instead that they can be trusted to enforce cor-
themselves as cosmopoli- porate codes of conduct that call for responsible labor practices and environmental policies.
tan citizens of the world.
Third, they share similar lifestyles: They send their children to the same (private) schools;
they belong to exclusive clubs where they can play golf together and share business ideas;

global capitalism they have multiple homes in desirable areas around the world; they travel in private jets
to their many homes, offices, and workplaces in different countries; and they attend global
The current transnational
phase of capitalism, elite gatherings such as the annual World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. Finally,
characterized by global they are cosmopolitan: Because of their similar lifestyles that span many countries, they
markets, production, and see themselves as citizens of the world rather than citizens of any particular country.
finance; a transnational Sociologist Leslie Sklair (2000a) has divided the transnational capitalist class
capitalist class whose
into four different (but overlapping) “class fractions”: a corporate fraction that owns
business concerns are
global rather than national;
and controls the major transnational corporations; a state fraction comprised of the
and transnational systems bureaucrats and politicians who staff transnational organizations; a technical fraction
of governance (such as the consisting of the lawyers, accountants, engineers, and other professionals who work
World Trade Organization) for transnational corporations; and a consumerist fraction consisting of merchants,
that promote global busi- advertising media, and marketing specialists who sell the corporations’ products. It is
ness interests.
important to recognize that the transnational capitalist class operates not only in the
economic sphere, but also politically (through its ability to shape national policies to
better serve its global interests) and culturally (by fostering a global belief in the value
of consumerism).

252 CHAPTER 8 Global Inequality

TABLE 8.1

Applying Sociology to Global Inequality

APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING GLOBAL
THEORY
INEQUALITY CONTEMPORARY APPLICATION

Neoliberal Theories Developing countries can improve their economies “Modernization theory,” which called for U.S.
and lower inequality by opening their economies investment in Latin America under the 1960s
and markets to foreign investment, reducing the Alliance for Progress; most recently, free market
role of their governments, and adopting “western” policies of the International Monetary Fund and
institutions and cultural values. the World Bank.

Dependency Theories Inequality and poverty in developing countries Bangladesh's economy is dependent on
results from exploitation by rich countries; economic apparel factories that make clothing for
development can only occur if they control their foreign brands such as H&M and Gap; the
own economies and—in extreme cases—engage result is low pay, dangerous working conditions,
in revolution. and lack of funds to invest in Bangladesh's
development.

World-Systems The world economic system is comprised The rapid economic growth of China, which
Theory of core countries that extract wealth from has emerged as a world power in the
poorer countries; a periphery that yields wealth twenty-first century, is evidence that a strong
to richer countries; and a semiperiphery that state dedicated to economic growth can be
extracts wealth from the periphery and yields successful.
wealth to the core. Economic development
requires a strong state that is committed
to development.

The Theory of Global Global economic domination by core countries Giant corporations such as Walmart now have
Capitalism has been replaced by the growing power of giant more economic power than most countries,
transnational corporations, who increasingly whose economies (and therefore politicians
control the global economy and shape the policies and businesspeople) are beholden to them.
of national governments.

Evaluating Global Theories of Inequality

Each of the four theories of global inequality has strengths and weaknesses. Together, they
enable us to better understand the causes of and cures for global inequality:

1. Neoliberal theories recommend the adoption of modern capitalist institu-

tions to promote economic development. They further argue that countries can
develop economically only if they open their borders to trade, and they cite
evidence to support this argument. But neoliberal theories overlook economic
ties between poor countries and wealthy ones—ties that can impede economic
growth under some conditions and enhance it under others. They blame low-in-
come countries for their poverty rather than acknowledging outside factors,
such as the business operations of more powerful nations. Neoliberal theories

How Do Sociological Theories Explain Global Inequality? 293

EMPLOYING
YOUR |
YoYo fe)Mole](ofVE
IMAGINATION

Global Inequality
 Former Brazilian president
Fernando Henrique Cardoso
takes part in a debate before
the release of one of his books.
Cardoso’s experience as a
sociologist proved useful when
he served as president
for
two terms.

e///]

which sougnt to show that economically dependent countries could indeed develop under
certain conditions, proved sufficiently popular to help him get elected to two terms

< Q.

public sociology involves fighting for global equality as an

; )
® < w 1 ®
> >.D iC 77) c
4
~ 4? QO. from Ethiopia with her family when she was three years
sid. She became a gun control activist while in middle school, and in high school joined
Zero Hour, a youth-led climate justice movement that combined her passion for such
ociologically interlinked problems as climate change, civil war, human rights, and refu-
gees. After graduating from high school Mengistu enrolled at Howard University, where

suble-major in political science and sociology should equip her well to be a

more informed activist (Kagubare, 2019; Hirsh, 2020)
And activists often become scholars themselves—as exemplified by Jenny Chan,
a young Hong Kong activist who became head of Students and Scholars Against

Corporate Misbehavior (SACOM). Chan played a key role in exposing abuses in Chinas
f
largest consumer electronics factory (at the time the sole maker of iPhones), where

overworked assembly line workers were committing suicide by jumping from their

dormitory roofs. Foxconn, the global corporation that owned the factory, installed nets

to discourage workers from jumping, rather than addressing their concerns Chan and

her colleagues reported what was happening, and when the New York Times and other

major media outlets picked it up, Foxconn and Apple were forced to address the work
ers’ concerns (Chan and Ngai, 2010; Ngai and Chan, 2012). Chan, who had majored in

sociology at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, went on to earn her PhD at Oxford

University in 2014, and become an assistant professor of sociology at Hong Kong

Polytechnic University
Public sociology can take many forms. Do any of these appeal to you?

How Do Sociological Theories Explain Global Inequality? 258

 also ignore the ways government can work with the private sector to spur eco-
nomic development. Finally, they fail to explain why some countries take off
economically while others remain grounded in poverty and underdevelopment.

Dependency theories emphasize how wealthy nations have exploited poor ones.
Although these theories account for much of the economic poverty throughout
the world, they cannot explain the occasional success stories, such as the rapidly
expanding economies of China and East Asia, that have prospered despite the
presence of multinational corporations. To take these developments into account,
an offshoot of dependency theory—called “dependent development’—argues
that under certain circumstances (e.g., when there is an emergent working-class
movement, a middle class oriented toward domestic development, the availabil-
ity of abundant natural resources), some development is possible, although it is
always constrained by more powerful core nations (Cardoso and Faletto, 1979).

World-systems theory analyzes the world economy as a whole, taking into

account the complex global web of political and economic relationships that influ-
ence development and inequality in poor and rich nations alike. Building on the
notion of global commodity chains as well as dependency theory, it is well suited
to understanding the global economy at a time when businesses are increasingly
free to set up operations anywhere, enabling them to accrue economic impor-
tance rivaling that of many countries, and where strong states often play a role in
fostering economic growth. One challenge that world-systems theory faces lies
in the difficulty of modeling a complex and interdependent world economy. It has
also been criticized for emphasizing economic and political forces at the expense
of cultural ones, such as the combination of nationalism and religious belief that
is currently reshaping the Middle East. Finally, world-systems theory has been
CONCEPT CHECKS said to place too much emphasis on the role of nation-states in a world economy
increasingly shaped by transnational corporations that operate independently of
Describe the main
national borders (Robinson, 2004; Sklair, 2002b).
assumptions of
neoliberal theories of Global capitalism theory emphasizes the importance of an emerging and
global inequality.
increasingly powerful transnational capitalist class, which is reshaping the world
Why are dependency economy in its interests. This class lacks national loyalty. Rather, its members see
theories of global
themselves as world citizens, sharing similar lifestyles, beliefs, and experiences.
inequalities often
The theory of global capitalism argues that this class also dominates the global
criticized?
institutions that oversee and manage the world economy. The power of national
Compare and contrast
capitalists, and the governments that serve their interests, has been severely
core, peripheral, and
weakened, as national capitalists are absorbed into the transnational capitalist
semiperipheral nations.
class. One criticism of this approach is that it overemphasizes the economic and
How do world-systems
political power of global capitalism; observers point to the power of national
theory and the theory of
foA(o)
of-|mror=]oNic=] ane lintels business and non-business actors in such countries as China, which have devel-
in their view of the role oped a form of national capitalism in which the state plays a highly effective role.
of individual countries Like world-systems theory, global capitalism theory also downplays the ongoing
in the global economic importance of nationalism and religious belief in world politics.
system?

256 CHAPTER 8 Global Inequality

What Does Rapid
Globalization Mean for
the Future of Global
Inequality”? <
Today the social and economic forces leading to a single global capitalist economy appear to Learn about a few possible
be irreversible. What does rapid globalization mean for the future of global inequality? No scenarios for the future
sociologist knows for certain, but many possible scenarios exist. In one, our world might of global inequality.
Understand how the digital
be dominated by large global corporations, with workers everywhere competing with one
divide and climate change
another in one global marketplace. Such a scenario would likely involve falling wages for
may increase the gap
large numbers of people in today’s high-income countries and rising wages for a few in between rich and poor.
low-income countries—a development that could adversely affect your own job prospects
(see again Robinson, 2004, 2014, 2019; Sklair, 2000). There might be a general leveling out
of average income around the world, although at a level much lower than the incomes cur-
rently enjoyed in the United States and other industrialized nations. In this scenario, the
polarization between the haves and the have-nots would grow, as the whole world would
be increasingly divided into those who benefit from the global economy and those who do
not. While hopefully your career would enable you to fall into the category of those who
benefit, can you say with certainty that this would be the case? Moreover, such polarization
could fuel conflict among ethnic groups and even among nations, as those suffering from
economic globalization would blame others for their plight. Many European countries
and the United States are now experiencing such polarization, exemplified by the rise of
anti-immigrant and nationalist movements.
In another, more hopeful scenario, a global economy could mean greater opportu-
nity for everyone, as the benefits of modern technology stimulate worldwide economic
growth. In the most optimistic view, the republics of the former Soviet Union as well
as the formerly socialist countries of Eastern Europe will eventually advance into the
ranks of the high-income countries. Economic growth will spread to Latin America,
Africa, and the rest of the world. Because capitalism requires that workers be mobile,
any: remaining caste systems around the world will be replaced by class-based ones,
providing enhanced opportunities for upward mobility. According to this scenario,
the more economically successful East Asian emerging economies, such as Hong Kong,
Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore, and China, are only a sign of things to come.
One challenge to this more hopeful scenario is the technology gap that divides rich and
poor countries, making it even more difficult for poor countries to catch up. As many as
4 billion people in the world lack Internet access at a time when economic gains increas-
ingly depend on it (Shenglin et al. 2018). This “digital divide” is not only a result of
the disparity in wealth between nations but it also reinforces those disparities. Poor coun-
tries cannot easily afford modern technology, yet they face major barriers to overcoming
poverty without it; they are caught in a vicious downward spiral from which it is difficult

What Does Rapid Globalization Mean for the Future of Global Inequality?
 to escape. As access to the Internet and cell phones become increasingly widespread, the
technology gap between rich and poor nations may well be reduced, contributing to a
rising economic tide for a growing number of people in low-income countries.
What, then, is the future of global inequality? It is difficult to be entirely optimistic.
Slowing economic growth coupled with rising inequality has threatened the future of the
European Union (EU), once thought to be a pillar of the global economy. Britain, in 2016,
voted to leave the EU (the so-called Brexit vote) when a majority of voters concluded that
EU economic and immigration policies were not in their best interest; the divorce finally
became official in early 2020. The emergence of far-right nationalist parties throughout
Europe, many of which have achieved electoral success in recent years, suggests that
Britain may not be the only country to consider such an action. In March 2018, the party
that received the largest number of votes in Italy's national elections was the Five Star
Movement, a youthful party that is environmentalist, populist, critical of what it sees as the
destructive aspects of globalization, and skeptical of the EU. Strongly nationalist parties
also earned a large percentage of the vote, leading observers to conclude that the elections
may encourage Italy to rethink its relationship to the EU as well (Monti, 2018).
Another concern is that environmental problems resulting from global climate change
will result in violent conflicts in many poor countries, displacing millions and creating
immigration challenges in Europe and the United States. Yemen and African countries
such as Nigeria, Somalia, and South Sudan currently face their worst drought in 70 years,
threatening mass starvation. A recent study by the UN High Commission on Refugees
(2017) reported that “20 million people live in areas where harvests have failed and mal-
nutrition rates are increasing, particularly among young children. One million people are
now on the brink of famine.” The brutal civil war in Syria, which began in 2011, has many
causes, but important among them is climate change: The combination of a growing pop-
ulation, drought, and water shortages has led to agricultural failures and growing food
insecurity, raising tensions and contributing to the conflict (Glieck, 2014). As of early 2018,
the war had claimed an estimated 400,000 lives and created more than 11 million refugees
(CNN, 2018; World Vision, 2018; UN High Commission on Refugees, 2018). Environmental
changes have contributed to other conflicts in the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa.
One detailed study concluded that low-income areas will be hardest hit by climate
change—and least able to mitigate the effects of rising temperatures, drought, and water
shortages (Calvin et al., 2016). Many of those affected by drought and warfare have sought
refuge in Europe; this in turn has spurred an anti-immigrant backlash and the rise of
nationalist political parties in many countries.
In 2018, the Center for Climate and Security—a nonpartisan group of U.S.-based
military, national security, homeland security, intelligence, and foreign policy experts—
issued a report titled A Responsibility to Prepare: Strengthening National and Homeland
Security in the Face of aChanging Climate. The provocative title is a response to then U.S.
Defense Secretary James Mattis’s concern that “changes in the climate pose direct
threats, such as sea level rise and increased storm surges, which could inundate coastal
military and civilian infrastructure. Dramatic changes in food, water and energy avail-
ability also increase the likelihood of instability and state failure across the globe”
(Center for Climate and Security, 2018). The poor are least able to cope with the effects
of climate change, increasing the gap between rich and poor, particularly in the poor-
est countries. Poverty and growing inequality are a prescription for civil strife, which

258 CHAPTER 8 Global Inequality

is why Mattis sees global instability abroad, as much as coastal flooding at home,
as
threatening national security.
In China, global warming may prove to be of some benefit to the children “left behind”;
warmer winters might mean fewer “frost boys” to catch the world’s attention. But climate
change may also affect crops, such as wheat, buckwheat, and potatoes, that are adapted to
current climates, resulting in increased rural poverty and worsening inequality.
The future of global inequality remains an open question—one whose answer will
depend, in large part, on whether global economic expansion can be sustained in the face
of ecological constraints and a global economy that has proven to be surprisingly fragile.
It remains to be seen whether the countries of the world will learn from one another and
CONCEPT CHECKS
work together to create better lives for their peoples. Technological advances, including
widespread use of the Internet and frequent media reports of tragedy in poorer parts of the What is the role of
world, including the story of Wang Fuman, may raise awareness of the startling economic technology in deepening
existing global
and health inequalities in the world today. A well-informed awareness of global inequality
inequalities?
may be an essential step toward eliminating the vast gap between the haves and have-
How might climate
nots and developing social programs to eradicate the problems of hunger and disease that
change exacerbate
plague poorer societies.
global inequality?

Boo
What Does Rapid Globalization Mean for the Future of Global Inequality?
CHAPTER 8 Learning Objectives

The Understand the systematic differences in

Big Picture
What Is Global wealth and power among countries.
Inequality?

p. 235
Global Inequality -

What Is Daily Life Recognize the impact of different economic

Eiken eet standards of living on people throughout

Poor Countries? the world.

Thinking Sociologically p. 240

1. Concisely review the four theories

offered in this chapter that explain why Can Poor Countries
Analyze the success of the emerging
there are gaps between nations’ Become Rich?
economies.
economic developments and resulting
global inequality: neoliberal theories, p. 244
dependency theories, world-systems,
and global capitalism theory. Briefly
discuss the distinctive characteristics
of each theory and how each differs
from the others. Which theory do you How Do Sociological
Theories Explain Learn several sociological theories explaining
feel offers the most explanatory
power to addressing economic Global Inequality? why some societies are wealthier than others

developmental gaps? as well as how global inequality can be

p. 246 overcome

2. This chapter states that global economic

inequality has personal relevance
and importance to people in advanced,
affluent economies. Briefly review
this argument. Explain carefully
whether you were persuaded by it.
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

1. Explain how the World Bank measures global inequality, and discuss some
of the problems associated with measuring global inequality.
2. Compare-and contrast high-income, middle-income, and low-income
global inequality * absolute poverty « relative countries.
poverty

1. Why do people who live in high-income countries have better health

than those who live in low-income countries?
2. What is one global cause of poor health?
3. What are two causes of global hunger today?

emerging economies 1. What are the five factors that have facilitated the economic success of the
East Asian emerging economies?
2. What are potential obstacles to the continued economic success of the
emerging economies?

modernization theory * neoliberalism

e dependency theories * colonialism
e world-systems theory * core countries
¢ peripheral countries * semiperipheral countries 1. Describe the main assumptions of neoliberal theories of global inequality
¢ global commodity chains * theory of global 2. Why are dependency theories of global inequalities often criticized?
capitalism * transnational capitalist class 3. Compare and contrast core, peripheral, and semiperipheral nations
4. How do world-systems theory and the theory of global capitalism differ in
their view of the role of individual countries in the global economic system?
 >
Protesters in Los Angeles participate in the
second annual Women's March on January 20,
2018. Just a few months before, the #MeToo
hashtag went viral, sparking a nationwide
conversation about sexual violence.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

Are gender differences due to nature,

nurture, or both?
Evatuate the extent to which differences
between women and men are the result of bio-
logical factors or social and cultural influences.
Understand the concept of the gender binary and
learn what it means to identify as nonbinary.

How do gender inequalities play out

(5 el in social institutions?
eC a eC & : : . Recognize that gender differences are a part
: . of our social structure and create inequalities
-. ; between women and men. Learn the forms
|
‘a eC J | T ; these inequalities take in social institutions
such as the workplace, the family, the educa-
tional system, and the political system in the
United States and globally.

Why are women targets of violence?

Learn about the specific ways that women are
targets of physical and sexual violence in the
United States and globally.

Oia How does social theory explain

gender inequality?
Think about various explanations for gender
inequality. Learn some feminist theories
. bea «@
Ceececcvecegeseeceececeeceeseseeeseees

about how to achieve gender equality.

How can we reduce gender-based

aggression?
Gender Inequality “N Learn how women and men are challenging
p. 281
sexism and sexual violence in the workplace
and on college campuses.
 The entertainment industry was rocked in 2017 when dozens of women, including

high-powered actresses Salma Hayek, Angelina Jolie, Lupita Nyong’o, and Gwyneth
Paltrow, came forward with horrifying tales of sexual harassment and abuse at the

hands of star-making Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein. More than 80 women have
since come forward with allegations that the Miramax entertainment company cofounder behaved
inappropriately; some reported rapes or attempted rapes, while others found their careers derailed
after they rebuffed Weinstein’s advances (Saad, 2017). The public confessions of these actresses
emboldened countless other women (and men) to report their experiences of mistreatment at the
hands of powerful actors like Kevin Spacey and media stars like Today Show host Matt Lauer.
But sexual harassment in the workplace isn't limited to the glamorous world of enter-
tainment. Nearly every industry, ranging from the hospitality business to Silicon Valley to Wall
Street, is the site of rampant sexual harassment. Gender-based discrimination plagues work-
places of all stripes, from the offices of pathbreaking start-ups like Uber to the assembly lines

Gender Inequality
 Equal
at Ford Motor Company—the latter of which reached a $10 million settlement with the
Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) in August 2017 for sexual and racial harassment
whom
at two Chicago plants (Chira and Einhorn, 2017). Women assembly-line workers, most of
are Black or Latina, were berated as “fresh meat,” had their breasts and buttocks grabbed by
male coworkers, and were given the devastating choice of having sex with their supervisors
or else finding themselves fired. As line worker Miyoshi Morris told the New York Times, “| slept
with [my supervisor] because | needed myjob.”
That same year, Susan Fowler, a 26-year-old engineer at Uber, blew the whistle on the
tech company’s culture of harassment. Women engineers (who made up just 6 percent of
Uber’s workforce by the time Fowler left) were regularly propositioned or harassed by their
male colleagues, and their reports to human resources staff fell on deaf ears; instead of disci-
plining the offenders, Uber simply told the women they could quit (Dowd, 2017). Fowler sought
justice by publishing a tell-all blog post on her experience, which ultimately led to the firing of
20 Uber corporate employees and the resignation of the company’s CEO. In the wake of these
events, the #MeToo hashtag spread like wildfire on social media, revealing just how wide-
spread sexual harassment and abuse are, especially in the workplace.
As we see later in this chapter, the demeaning, demoralizing, and even dangerous treatment
of women in almost every industry may partly explain why women account for less than 30 percent
of all senior officers and only 6 percent of CEOs in finance (Catalyst, 2017), less than 10 percent of
all film directors (Lauzen, 2017), and just 17 percent of managers in the automotive industry (U.S.
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 2017). A casual observer who sees statistics like
these might conclude that women are not cut out for high-powered positions or jobs in cutthroat
industries or that they simply prefer to work in other fields. Yet sociology helps us look beyond indi-
vidual skills and preferences and enables us to understand the systemic ways in which factors like
gender shape one’s access to power, resources, and opportunities. Explaining societal differences
and inequalities between women and men is now one of the most central topics in sociology.
In this chapter, we take a sociological approach to the exploration of gender differences and
gender inequality. Gender is a way for society to divide people into two categories: “men” and
“women.” Not all persons, however, fit neatly into one of these two categories, as we discuss later
in this chapter (Davis, 2015a; Heine, 2013). According to this socially created division, men and
women have different identities and social roles, and they are expected to think and act in certain
ways across most life domains. Gender also serves as a social status; in almost all societies, men’s
roles are valued more than women’s roles (Bem, 1993). Men and women are not only different but
also unequal in terms of power, prestige, and wealth. Despite the advances that many women have
intersectionality made in the United States and other Western societies, this remains true today.
Sociologists are interested in explaining how society differentiates between women and
A sociological perspective
that holds that our multiple men and how these differences serve as the basis for social inequalities (Chafetz, 1990). Yet
group memberships affect sociologists recognize that gender alone does not shape our life experiences. Rather, there are
our lives in ways that are pronounced differences in women’s and men’s lives on the basis of race, social class, age, birth
distinct from the effects of
cohort, religion, nation of origin, sexual orientation, and even one’s marital or parental status
any single group member-
(Choo and Ferree, 2010). The challenges women face in wealthy Western nations also vary
ship. For example, the
experience of a Black markedly from those experienced by women in the Global South, underscoring the importance
female may be distinct of intersectionality, or the ways that women’s (and men’s) multiple identities and social loca-
from that of a White female tions shape their experiences (Mohanty, 2013).
or a Black male. In this chapter, we examine the origins of gender differences and assess the debate over
the role of biological factors versus social influences in the formation of gender roles. We also

264 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

look to other cultures for evidence on this debate. Then we review
the various forms of gender
inequality that exist in U.S. society and throughout the globe, focusing
in particular on major
social institutions, including the educational system, the workplac gender binary
e, the family, and the gov-
ernment. Next, we examine how and why women The classification of
are more likely than men to be the targets
sex and gender into two
of sexual violence, whether in the family, at work, or at the hands of strangers
. We review the discrete, opposite, and
various forms of feminism and assess prospects for future change toward a gender-equal nonoverlapping forms of
society. We conclude the chapter by examining some theories of gender inequality and masculine and feminine.
applying
them to the lives of women like Susan Fowler and Miyoshi Morris.

Sex

Are Gender Differences The biological and anatomical

differences distinguishing
females from males.

Uue to Nature, Nurture,

or Both? <
Are differences between boys and girls, and between men and women, due to nature, nur- Evaluate the extent to
ture, or some combination of the two? As we first noted in Chapter 2, scholars have long which differences between
women and men are the
debated the degree to which innate biological characteristics have an enduring impact on
result of biological factors
our gender identities as “feminine” or “masculine” and the social roles based on those iden-
or social and cultural
tities. In recent decades, scholars have further challenged the notion that gender identities differences. Understand
fit neatly into the masculine-feminine dichotomy. Rather, gender scholars are striving to the concept of the gender
better understand persons who do not conform with the gender binary, instead blend- binary and learn what
ing two gender identities, alternating fluidly between them, or eschewing a single gender it means to identify as
nonbinary.
identity altogether (Olson-Kennedy et al., 2016). No one would argue that our behaviors
are purely instinctive or hardwired. Yet scholars disagree on the extent to which gender
differences are the product of learning and socialization.
Before we review the relative influences of nature and nurture, we first need to make
an important distinction between sex and gender. Sex refers to physical differences of the
gender
body, whereas gender concerns the psychological, social, and cultural differences between Social expectations about
behavior regarded as
males and females. This distinction is fundamental because many differences between
appropriate for the mem-
males and females are not biological in origin. While sex is something we are born with,
bers of each sex. Gender
gender is something that we both learn and do. Sex and gender historically have been refers not to the physical
viewed as a binary, meaning the two categories of male and female, or masculine and attributes distinguishing
feminine, are seen as distinctive and nonoverlapping—even opposing (Lorber, 1996). men and women but to
socially formed traits of
However, sex and gender can be fuzzy and overlapping categories, and the boundaries
masculinity and femininity.
demarcating “male” and “female” behaviors, traits, and even bodies are fluid and evolving.
Small yet rising numbers of people now identify as nonbinary and possess gender identi-
ties that are not exclusively masculine or feminine. nonbinary
A gender identity that does
The Role of Biology not fit squarely into the
male/female gender binary
To what extent are differences in the behavior of women and men the result of biology?
classification.
Some researchers hold that innate differences in behavior appear in some form in all cul-
tures and that the findings of sociobiology point strongly in this direction (Goldberg, 1999;

Are Gender Differences Due to Nature, Nurture, or Both? 265

 Eagly and Wood, 2011). Such researchers are likely to draw attention to the fact that, for
example, in almost all cultures, men rather than women take part in hunting and warfare.
Surely, they argue, this indicates that men possess biologically based tendencies toward
aggression that women lack. In comparing the kinds of jobs that women and men typically
hold, they might point out that women are better suited than men for jobs like store cashier
or clerical assistant. Ringing up purchases and assisting with office tasks are more passive
occupations than being a stock handler or store security guard, positions that require more
physical strength and aggressiveness.
Most social scientists are unconvinced by these arguments and even view them as
potentially dangerous. In her classic book The Lenses of Gender, Sandra Lipsitz Bem (1993)
biological notes that this kind of biological essentialism rationalizes and legitimizes gender dif-
essentialism ferences as the natural and inevitable consequences of the intrinsic biological natures of
The view that differences women and men. As such, social influences are neglected or minimized. Social scientists
between men and women who renounce biological essentialism would argue that the level of aggressiveness that
are natural and inevita-
men display varies widely across cultures and that women are expected to be more passive
ble consequences of the
or gentle in some cultures than they are in others (Elshtain, 1981).
intrinsic biological natures
of men and women. Furthermore, some argue that women are just as aggressive as men, but they express
their aggression using strategies that are consistent with gender socialization. For instance,
women commonly use “interpersonal aggression,” such as malicious gossip or “bad mouth-
ing,” rather than engaging in physical fights (Bjorkqvist et al., 2006). Other data suggest that
as gender roles change over time, girls may become more physically aggressive. A national
study conducted by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration
(2010) found that 19 percent of adolescent females got into a serious fight at school or work
in the past year, 14 percent participated in a group-against-group fight, and nearly 6 per-
cent attacked another person with the intent to seriously hurt them. Theories of “natural
difference” are often grounded in data on animal behavior, critics point out, rather than
anthropological or historical evidence about human behavior, which reveals variation over
time and place.
Despite critiques of the “nature” perspective, the hypothesis that biological factors
shape some behavior patterns cannot be wholly dismissed. Studies document persuasively
that biological factors—including genetics, hormones, and brain physiology—differ by
sex and that these biological differences are associated with some social behaviors and
aptitudes, including language skills, interpersonal interactions, and physical strength.
However, nearly all social scientists agree that theories based solely on innate predis-
position neglect the vital role of social interaction and social contexts in shaping human
behavior.
What does the research show? Some studies show differences in hormonal makeup
between the sexes, with the male sex hormone, testosterone, associated with a propensity
for violence (Archer, 1991). Yet the production of testosterone is shaped by social context;
for instance, animal studies show that providing monkeys with opportunities to domi-
nate others actually increases their testosterone levels. This means that aggressive behavior
may affect the production of the hormone rather than the hormone causing increased
aggression—thus underscoring the importance of social context. In other words, there
might be slight biological differences between men and women, but these small differences
may be exacerbated and amplified by social contexts that promote behaviors consistent
with gendered stereotypes and expectations.

266 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

 Another source of information comes from the experience of identical
twins, who
derive from a single egg and thus have exactly the same genetic makeup. In one
particularly
infamous case in the 1960s, Bruce Reimer, one of a pair of identical male twins,
was seri-
ously injured while being circumcised, while his brother Brian was not. Psychologist John
Money convinced the twins’ parents that it would be best to reconstruct Bruce’s genitals
as female. He was thereafter raised as a girl, Brenda. The twins at 6 years old demonstrated
typical male and female traits as found in Western culture, and for a brief time, this case was
treated as a conclusive demonstration of the overriding influence of social learning on gender
differences. However, when Brenda was a teenager, she felt profound unease about the
gender identity she had been assigned after the botched surgery. Brenda eventually made
the decision to go back to living as a male; he took the name David, married a woman, and
adopted children. But after struggling with marital woes, financial instability, and the grief
of losing his brother Brian to suicide, David ultimately killed himself (Colapinto, 2001).
Technological advances in the last two decades have provided a new source of data
for understanding biological influences on gender: Brain imaging research has identified
several key differences between men’s and women's brains (Brizendine, 2006, 2010). For
example, Douglas Burman and colleagues (2008) found that the brains of school-age girls
The process of gender
were more highly “activated,” or worked harder, than the brains of school-age boys when
socialization begins at
presented with spelling and writing tasks. This greater level of activation has been asso-
birth, when babies are
ciated with greater accuracy in performing such tasks. The authors do not conclude that immediately assigned to a
girls’ language skills are superior to those of boys, yet they do argue that their data show gender category.
that girls and boys learn language in different ways. A mounting body of research con-
cludes that gender differences in brain functioning may contribute, in part, to a wide range “N
of social outcomes, including differences in communication style and the expression of
empathy, depression, anxiety, and fear. However, most scholars conducting this research
are careful to point out that biological differences are almost always exacerbated or fos-
tered by social contexts and norms (McCarthy, 2015).

Gender Socialization
Another explanation for gender differences is gender socialization, or ways that individ- gender
uals learn gender roles from socializing agents such as family, peers, schools, and the media
socialization
(as discussed in Chapter 4). Through contact with various agents of socialization, children The learning of gender
roles through social factors
gradually internalize the social norms and expectations that are seen to correspond with
such as schooling, peers,
their sex. In other words, gender differences are not biologically determined; they are cul-
the media, and family.
turally produced. The concept of gender socialization teaches us that gender inequalities
result because men and women are socialized into different roles.
People create gender through social interactions with others, such as family members,
friends, and colleagues. This process begins at birth when doctors, nurses, and family mem-
bers assign an infant to a gender category on the basis of physical characteristics. Babies are
immediately dressed in a way that marks the gender category; for instance, a girl may wear
a little pink bow while a boy may wear a sailor suit. “Parents don't want to be constantly
asked if their child is a boy or a girl” (Lorber, 1994). Once the child is marked as male or
female, everyone who interacts with the child will treat it in accordance with its gender.
They do so on the basis of society's assumptions, which lead people to treat women and
men differently, even as opposites, reifying the gender binary (Zosuls et al., 2009).

Are Gender Differences Due to Nature, Nurture, or Both?

 Gender socialization is very powerful, and challenges to it can upset one’s sense of order.
Think about the controversy surrounding Leo Davis. This Brooklyn kindergartner was born
male but has always been drawn to Barbie dolls, pastel colors, and girls’ clothing. His parents
describe him as “gender expansive” and encourage his choices to wear dresses, a beloved
pink track suit, or sparkly clothes to school (Harris, 2017). Yet, once Leo got to school, he
found that his classmates and teachers questioned his gender, his choice of which bath-
room to use, and the clothes he wore, creating what his parents considered to be a hostile
environment. His parents ultimately sued the New York City Department of Education to
help ensure that their child would feel safe and protected at school. As sociological studies
repeatedly show, once a gender is “assigned,” society expects individuals to act like “females”
and “males.” These expectations are fulfilled and reproduced in the practices of everyday life,
and challenges to these expectations are not yet widely accepted (Bourdieu, 1990; Lorber,
1994). Violations of these expectations may lead to confusion, if not outright hostility.

The Social Construction of Gender

In recent years, socialization and gender role theories have been criticized by a growing
number of sociologists. Rather than seeing sex as biologically determined and gender as
culturally learned, they argue that we should view both sex and gender as socially con-
structed products. Scholars who focus on gender roles and role learning accept that there
is a biological basis for some gender differences. Adherents to socialization perspectives
believe that the biological distinction between the sexes is the starting point for differ-
ences that become culturally elaborated and amplified in society. In contrast, theorists who
social believe in the social construction of gender reject biological bases for gender differences.
construction Proponents of this view argue that gender identities emerge in relation to perceived
of gender sex differences in societies and cultures, which in turn shape and even perpetuate those
A perspective holding that differences. For example, a society in which cultural ideas of masculinity are characterized
gender differences are
by physical strength, stoicism, and tough attitudes will encourage men to cultivate a spe-
a product of social and
cific body image and set of mannerisms (Butler, 1989; Connell, 1987; Scott and Morgan,
cultural norms and expec-
tations rather than biology. 1993). Men who fail to comply with what scholars call hegemonic masculinity, or the
social norms dictating that men should be strong, self-reliant, competitive, and unemo-
tional, may be subtly sanctioned for not enacting gender roles in ways that are consistent
hegemonic with prevailing cultural norms (Messerschmidt and Messner, 2018).
masculinity
Social norms dictating DOING GENDER
that men should be strong,
According to social constructionist perspectives, gender is not something that we are but
self-reliant, competitive,
something that we “do,” or a role that we perform (West and Zimmerman, 1987). That means
and unemotional.
that we learn how to present ourselves as “male,” “female,” or nonbinary through our choice
of behaviors, clothing, hairstyle, stance, body language, and tone of voice (Westbrook and
Schilt, 2014). For example, a number of scholars have uncovered the discouraging finding
that some young heterosexual women “play dumb,” both because they believe it is consis-
tent with gendered expectations for how girls should act and because they believe that
doing so may help bolster feelings of masculinity among the boys they are hoping to attract
as romantic partners (Gove et al., 1980). At the same time, young men feel great pressure
to be strong, confident, and funny to attract a partner. As sociologist Maria do Mar Pereira
discovered in her 2014 qualitative study of 14-year-old boys and girls, “one of the pres-
sures is that young men must be more dominant—cleverer, stronger, taller, funnier—than

268 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

young women, and that being in a relationship with a woman who is more intelligent will
undermine their masculinity” (University of Warwick, 2014).
Persons who identify as nonbinary also are strategic in how they choose to behave
and present themselves. For instance, studies of selfies show that depending on the social
context, individuals may choose to “pass” as male or female or, alternatively, emphasize
gender ambiguity in their appearance. Some called attention to their hairstyle, which often
was short-cropped or buzzed in the back or on the sides, with longer or colorful hair on
top or in the front. As one person wrote in the caption to their selfie, “So I tried short ‘guy’
hair and hated it. I tried longer ‘girl’ hair and liked it better but not the best. Then I tried a
compromise <3” (Darwin, 2017).
How we “do gender” varies further by race, social class, and social context, underscor-
ing the importance of intersectionality. We selectively choose to enact different aspects
of gender expectations based on what we think will work best in a particular setting. For
example, sociologist Nikki Jones (2009) found that young inner-city African American
women adjusted their voices, stances, walks, and styles of speaking in different situations,
thus giving off the impression of being “aggressive,” “good,” or “pretty” when they thought
a particular type of femininity would “pay off.” Jones described the ways that 22-year-old
Kiara would “do gender.” Kiara was hoping to collect signatures for a petition to stop a new
development in a poor neighborhood adjacent to her own. As Jones (2009) described,

[Kiara] confidently, assertively, even aggressively approaches men on the

street to sign her petition and then draws on normative expectations of
manhood andfemininity to encourage them to add their names to the list:
Babies and women are in danger, she tells them, letting the implication
that real men would sign up to protect babies and women hang in the air.
She switches from aggressive to demure just long enough toflirt with a
man passing by on the street and then to defiant when she passes the police
station on the corner. “They don't give a fuck!” she declares loudly.

Kiara’s behavior shows the complexities of gendered expectations in contemporary

social life.

Cross-Cultural and Historical Findings

If gender differences were mostly the result of biology, we could expect gender roles not
to vary much from culture to culture or across historical time periods. However, one set
of findings that helps show how gender roles are in fact socially constructed comes from
anthropologists who have studied gender in other eras and cultures.

NEW GUINEA
In her classic New Guinea study Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies, Margaret
ions—
Mead (1935/1963) observed such wide variability among gender role prescript
roundly
and such marked differences from gender roles in the United States—that she
tribes in
rejected claims to the universality of gender roles. Mead studied three separate
characteri stics
New Guinea. In Arapesh society, both men and women generally exhibited
role. Both sexes
and behaviors that would typically be associated with the Western female
lly responsive to the
among the Arapesh were passive, gentle, unaggressive, and emotiona

Differences Due to Nature, Nurture, or Both? 269

Are Gender
 needs of others. In contrast, Mead found that in another group, the Mundugumor, both
men and women were characteristically aggressive, suspicious, and, from a Western
observer's perspective, excessively cruel, especially toward children. In both cultures,
however, men and women were expected to behave very similarly. In a third group, the
Tchambuli, gender roles were almost exactly reversed from the roles traditionally assigned
to males and females in Western society. Women “managed the business affairs of life,”
while “the men... painted, gossiped and had temper tantrums” (Mead, 1972).

THE !KUNG
Among the !Kung of the Kalahari Desert, who refer to themselves as Zhun/twasi or “the
real people,” it is very common for both men and women to engage in child care (Shostak,
1981). Owing to the nonconfrontational parenting practices of the !Kung, who oppose vio-
lent conflict and physical punishment, children learn that aggressive behavior will not be
tolerated by either men or women. Although the !Kung abide by the seemingly traditional
arrangement whereby “men hunt and women gather,” the vast majority of their food actu-
ally comes from the gathering activities of women (see Draper, as cited in Renzetti and
Curran, 2003). Women return from their gathering expeditions armed not only with food
for the community but also with valuable information for hunters.
cisgender
A person whose gender
THE BACHA POSH IN AFGHANISTAN
identity matches their In contemporary Afghanistan, boys are so highly prized that families with only daughters
biological sex. Statistically,
often experience shame and pity; as a result, some parents choose to transform one of their
this is the most common
young daughters into a son. The parents cut the girl's hair short, dress her in boys’ clothes,
gender, including persons
who are born female who change her name to a boy's name, and encourage her to participate in “boys’ activities” like
identify as female and bicycling and playing cricket. These children are called bacha posh, which translates into
persons born male who “dressed up as a boy.”
identify as male. Parents of bacha posh believe that boys are afforded so many advantages in Afghan cul-
ture that it is helpful, rather than cruel, to transform their girls into boys. A bacha posh can

270 Gender Inequality

more easily receive an education, work outside the home,
and escort her sisters in public,
allowing freedoms that are unheard of for girls in a society that strictly
segregates men and
women. In most cases, a return to womanhood takes place when the
child enters puberty, a
decision almost always made by her parents (Nordberg, 2010). Although historica
l research
shows that this practice may have originated as early as 100 years ago, with women
dis-
guising themselves as men to fight during periods of wartime, the practice is
believed to
be much more common today. Families that are struggling financially often need to
send
a child to work; because girls are not allowed to work, they may opt to turn one of their
daughters into a bacha posh.

BLURRING THE BOUNDARIES BETWEEN THE GENDERS

The gender binary, or the belief that only two genders (i.e., male and female) exist, is not
universal. The Spaniards who came to both North and South America in the seventeenth
century noticed Indigenous men who had taken on the mannerisms of women and women
who occupied male roles. Several Native American cultures honor these persons of “inte-
grated genders.” For example, the Navajo term nddleehi literally means “one who con-
stantly transforms” and refers to a male-bodied person with a feminine nature, a special
gift according to Navajo culture. The Navajo believe that to maintain harmony, there must
be a balanced interrelationship between the feminine and the masculine within a single
individual. Native activists working to renew their cultural heritage adopted the English
term two-spirit as useful shorthand to describe the entire spectrum of gender and sexual aM (0)1(=100) 91-19-40)Wm BEla)(or-)
Roem won a historic
expression (Nibley, 2011).
election to Virginia’s House
In the contemporary United States, growing numbers of young adults—even those
of Delegates, becoming the
as young as 5-year-old Leo Davis—are challenging the male-female dichotomy and first openly transgender
embracing both genders or switching between the two. Eschewing labels such as “male” state legislator.
or “female,” a small but growing number of people are instead choosing to identify as non-
binary, adopting diverse terms like “androgyne,” “genderqueer,”
nu
“genderfluid,”
” bb
“bigender,” “N
“agender,” or “non-cis” (Schulman, 2013). “Non-cis” is shorthand for “non-cisgender.” The
term cis is Latin for “on the same side as”; thus, cisgender refers to a person whose gender
identity matches their biological sex, for example, a person born male who identifies as a
man. Some people ultimately choose to identify as a gender different than the one assigned
at birth; people who describe themselves as transgender may include those who live as a transgender
person of the opposite gender or who use medical assistance to physically transition from A person who identi-
one gender or sex category to the other. Celebrities like Olympic athlete Caitlyn (formerly fies as or expresses a
Bruce) Jenner and Jazz Jennings, the young transgender girl who is the focus of the real- gender identity that differs
from their sex at birth.
ity show I Am Jazz, as well as recently elected state legislator Danica Roem, have drawn
Transgender persons differ
national and international attention to the experiences of transgender persons. from nonbinary persons,
Although sociologists do not know for certain precisely how many individuals define who may have a fluid
their gender in ways beyond the male-female dichotomy, researchers are making import- identity that shifts between

ant strides. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention plans to measure diverse non- male and female or who
may identify as neither
binary gender identities for the first time in its Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) of
male nor female.
U.S. high school students (Center for American Progress, 2016). Studies based on smaller
or regional samples estimate that 1.5 percent of people under 18 and just 0.6 percent of
adults ages 18 to 64 identify as nonbinary, although surveys have also found that as many
as 5 percent answered “don't know” when asked about their gender identity (Almeida et al.,
2009; Meerwijk and Sevelius, 2017).

Are Gender Differences Due to Nature, Nurture, or Both?

 Other nations are ahead of the United States in this regard and have begun to col-
lect official statistics on persons who identify as “third gender” or “third sex,” terms that
encompass diverse experiences, from identifying as transgender or nonbinary to being
intersex. Intersex persons encompass those possessing both male and female genitalia and
CONCEPT CHECKS
those with ambiguous genitalia. In 2011, Nepal became the first country to include a third
What is the difference gender category in its national census; India soon followed (Bochenek and Knight, 2012).
between sex and In 2015, New Zealand added the third gender category of “gender diverse” to its national
gender? statistics system (Price, 2015).
How do both biology In Germany, parents now have the option of not specifying a child’s sex in birth reg-
and gender socialization istries. The intention is to allow babies born with biological characteristics of both sexes
contribute to differences to make a choice about who they are once they get older. Under this new law, “individuals
between men and women?
can... opt to remain outside the gender binary altogether” (Heine, 2013). Some Canadian
What does it mean to say territories allow a nonbinary identification on birth certificates, while the nation allows
that gender is something
residents to indicate their sex as such on their passports (Busby, 2017). In 2017, both the
IWV-tamre (oral CThZ-M-1a =)C-18019)(2
District of Columbia and the state of Oregon began allowing residents to indicate their
of a way that you have
“done gender” in your gender as nonbinary, using an “X” rather than the standard “M/F” on their driver's licenses.
daily life. That same year, California became the first U.S. state to offer a nonbinary category on birth
How can studies of _ certificates (Caron, 2017). As of 2019, 11 U.S. states issued nonbinary identification and
gender in other cultures some states issued nonbinary birth certificates (Savage, 20109).
contribute to the Taken together, anthropological and sociological studies of gender reveal that
argument that gender is
culture, not biology, underlies gender differences. Sociologists have noted that while soci-
socially constructed?
ety teaches “masculine” and “feminine” gender roles, such an approach does not explain
What is a nonbinary where these roles come from or how they can be changed. For this, we need to delve into
gender identity? How does
classic and contemporary theoretical perspectives that shed light on how gender roles and
it challenge the male-
female sex dichotomy?
gendered inequalities are built into social institutions (Lorber, 1994).

How Do Gender
Inequalities Play Out in
> Social Institutions?
Recognize that gender Anthropologists and historians have found that most groups, collectives, and societies
differences are a part
throughout history differentiate between women’s and men’s roles and afford more status,
of our social structure
and create inequalities respect, and prestige to the latter. Of course, most societies can point to specific instances
between women and men. in which women have more social, economic, or political power than men do. A key theme
Learn the forms these of intersectionality is that multiple overlapping identities like race, class, and gender shape
inequalities take in social opportunities and experiences. For instance, in 2015, White women ages 25 to 35 were
institutions such as the
more than twice as likely as Black men of the same age to have a college degree (Reeves
workplace, the family, the
and Guyot, 2017). However, on the whole, men tend to have more power and privilege than
educational system, and
the political system in the women across most domains and societies.
United States and globally. Furthermore, the gender divide almost universally holds women responsible for
child rearing and the maintenance of the home, while political and military
activities

272 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

tend to be resoundingly male. Nowhere in the world do men have primary
responsibil-
ity for the rearing of children. Although men certainly care for children,
stay-at-home
dads make up a small statistical minority, barely reaching 4 percent in the intersex
United States
today (Kramer et al., 2015). Just because women and men perform different tasks An individual possessing
or
both male and female geni-
have different responsibilities in societies does not necessarily mean that women
are talia. Although statistically
unequal to men. However, if the work and activities of women and men are valued
rare, this subpopulation is
differently, then the division of labor between them can become the basis for unequal of great interest to gender
gender relations. scholars.
Male dominance in a society is usually referred to as patriarchy. Although men are
favored in all of the world’s societies, the degree of patriarchy varies widely across cultures.
In the United States, women have made tremendous progress in several realms, especially
patriarchy
education and work outside the home. Yet, throughout the world, many cultures exist The dominance of and
privilege afforded to men
where women suffer tremendous disadvantages relative to men. For instance, Yemen has
over women. All known
been ranked last in terms of women’s equality by the World Economic Forum. The nation societies are patriarchal,
has no female members of parliament, less than 10 percent of ministerial positions are held although there are vari-
by women, and the gender gap in literacy and school attendance rates is among the widest ations in the degree and
nature of the power men
in the world. In sharp contrast, Iceland has been ranked first, with its cultural and politi-
exercise and are bestowed
cal emphasis on gender equality, excellent women’s health, and near-gender parity on key
relative to women.
economic and educational indicators (World Economic Forum, 2017).
Sociologists define gender inequality as the differences in status, power, and prestige
that women and men have in groups, collectives, and societies. In thinking about gender gender inequality
inequality between men and women, we can ask the following questions: Do women and The differences in status,
men have equal access to valued societal resources such as food, money, power, and time? power, and prestige that
Second, do women and men have similar life options? Third, are women’s and men’s roles women and men have in
groups, collectives, and
and activities valued similarly? We examine various forms of gender inequality in edu-
societies.
cational systems, the workplace, the home, and politics in the following sections. As you
read, keep these questions in mind.

Education
If you look around your college campus, you might notice roughly equal numbers of
men and women and may think that gender no longer affects whether and how one
receives an education. There is some truth to this. College campuses today are roughly
fifty-fifty when it comes to the number of men and women filling undergraduate class-
rooms; in fact, women slightly outnumber men on college campuses today (56 percent to
44 percent) (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2020b). This gender gap is
much larger among Black and Latino students than it is among White students. As of
2018, there were about 40 percent fewer Black males enrolled than females, and about
30 percent fewer Latino males than females. (NCES, 2020b). Yet aggregate numbers are
only part of the story. As we will see next, subtle dynamics, starting in primary school,
teach boys and girls different skills and direct young men and women into divergent
career paths.

UNEQUAL TREATMENT IN THE CLASSROOM

Sociologists have found that schools help foster gender differences in outlook and behavior.
Studies document that teachers interact differently—and often inequitably—with their
male and female students. These interactions differ in at least two ways: the frequency of

How Do Gender Inequalities Play Out in Social Institutions?

 teacher-student interactions and the content of those interac-
PRA Tap

tions. Both of the patterns are based on—and perpetuate—

traditional assumptions about male and female behavior
and traits.
One study showed that regardless of the sex of the teacher,
male students interacted more with their teachers than female
students did. Boys received more teacher attention and instruc-
tional time than girls did. This was due in part to the fact that
boys were more demanding than girls (American Association
of University Women, 1992). Another study reported that boys
were eight times more likely to call out answers in class, thus

_Male students get more attention from their teachers than grabbing their teachers’ attention. This research also showed
female students do. By treating their male and female that even when boys did not voluntarily participate in class,
students differently, teachers—and schools—reinforce teachers were more likely to solicit information from them
traditional gender roles. than from girls. When girls tried to bring attention to them-

VAN selves by calling out in class without raising their hands, they
were reprimanded (Sadker and Sadker, 1994). Boys were also
disadvantaged in important ways. Because of their rowdy
behavior, they were more often scolded and punished than the
female students were. These patterns can have long-term effects; punishment, especially the
most severe forms like school suspension, is linked with poorer grades, lower graduation
rates, and ultimately poorer prospects for gainful employment (e.g., Shollenberger, 2014).
This differential treatment of boys and girls perpetuates stereotypical gender role
behavior. Girls are trained to be quiet and well behaved and to turn to others for answers,
whereas boys are encouraged to be inquisitive, outspoken, active problem solvers.

THE GENDERING OF COLLEGE MAJORS

College is a time of exploration, when students take both general education classes and
specialized classes within their chosen majors that prepare them for a career after gradua-
tion. Men and women differ dramatically in the majors they choose, opting for fields that
are consistent with gender-typed socialization; even in the twenty-first century, women
are more likely to focus on fields associated with caring and nurturing, whereas men tend
to pursue fields that emphasize logic and analysis. Yet the majors women tend to choose
are precisely those fields that garner the lowest earnings after graduation, while the majors
men choose generate high economic returns.
A research study by Glassdoor (Chamberlain and Jayaraman, 2017) that spanned 2010
to 2017 found that women dominated college majors such as social work (85 percent),
healthcare administration (84 percent), nursing (80 percent), and education (66 percent). By
contrast, men dominated engineering fields such as mechanical engineering (89 percent),
civil engineering (83 percent), and computer science and engineering (74 percent). Feminist
scholars note that this stark gender segregation among college majors is one important
reason for the persistent gender gap in pay. Glassdoor (Berry, 2018) ranked college majors
based on median base salary and found that social work (median annual salary $41,656),
health care administration ($42,000), and education ($43,000) were among the lowest
ranked. Comparatively, engineering fields dominated heavily by men drew a median base
salary of between $61,000 (civil engineering) and $68,438 (electrical engineering).

CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

TABLE 9.1

The Gendering of College Majors

MAJORS WITH HIGHEST CONCENTRATION OF WOMEN MAJORS WITH HIGHEST CONCENTRATION OF MEN

Median Earnings Percentage Women Median Earnings Percentage Men

Early Childhood $37,500 99 Naval Architecture and $92,400 97
Education Marine Engineering
eae $34,800 93 Mechanical Engineering $88,430 94
Assistant Related Technologies

Speech-Language $79,120 96 Construction Services $70,000 92

Therapist i :
Electrical and Electronics $59,080 91
Nursing $73,300 88 Installers and Repairers

Industrial Production $105,480 78

Elementary $59,420 80 Managers
Education :
Mechanical Engineering $88,430 o3
Nutrition Sci $61,2 .
a “oe * Mining and Geological $91,160 90
. Engineering
Special Needs $61,030 87
Education Electrical and Electronics $101,250 89
Engineers

Sources: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2020c, 2020h.

Research on how young people choose their majors consistently shows that subtle
forces, including input from parents, friends, and guidance counselors; a lack of same-sex
role models; active encouragement (or discouragement) from teachers; and limited expo-
sure to particular fields of study tend to channel women into “female-typed” majors and
men into “male-typed” majors (Morgan et al., 2013; Porter and Umbach, 2006).

Women and the Workplace

Rates of employment of women outside the home, for all social classes, were quite low
until well into the twentieth century in the United States. Even as late as 1910, more than
one-third of gainfully employed women were maids or house servants. The female labor
force consisted mainly of young single women and children. When women or girls worked
in factories or offices, employers often sent their wages straight home to their parents.
When they married, they withdrew from the labor force.
Since the turn of the twentieth century, women’s participation in the paid labor force
has risen more or less continuously, especially in the past 50 years (see Figure 9.1). In 2018,
57.1 percent of women ages 16 and older were in the labor force, compared to 38 percent in
1960 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics [BLS], 2019c). An even greater change in the rate of
labor force participation has occurred among married mothers of young children. In 1975,
only 39 percent of married women with children under 3 years old were in the labor force;
this figure had increased to 62.2 percent by 2018 (BLS, 20200).

How Do Gender Inequalities Play Out in Social Institutions?

FIGURE 9.1

Women’s Participation in the Labor Force in the United States

70 - —

peak : Women’s
oe as 7. ; labor force*
participation
50 : ee : 7 a ag Screed colin sD dega geome jv _ rate

40 - - —~

PERCENTAGE
30 : : e i Women as a
percentage
of the total
S)
2 | | | : |
| labor force*

rs)

O
1948 1952 1956 1960 1964 1968 1972 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 2016

*Women in the labor force as a percentage of all civilian women age 16 and over.
**Women in the labor force as a percentage of the total workforce (both men and women) age 16 and over.

Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2018e.

How can we explain this increase? One driver of women’s increased entry into the
labor force was the increase in demand for clerical and service workers as the U.S. economy
expanded and changed after 1940 (Oppenheimer, 1970). From 1940 until the mid- to late
1960s, labor force activity increased among women who were past their prime child-
rearing years. During the 1970s and 1980s, as the marriage age rose, birthrates declined,
and women's educational attainment increased, the growth in labor force participation
spread to younger women. Many women now postpone family formation to complete
their education and establish themselves in the labor force. Despite family obligations,
today a majority of women of all educational levels now work outside the home during
their child-rearing years (Damaske and Frech, 2016).

INEQUALITIES AT WORK
Until recently, women workers were overwhelmingly concentrated in routine, poorly paid
occupations. The fate of the occupation of clerk (office worker) provides a good illustration.
In 1850 in the United States, clerks held responsible positions that required accountancy
skills and carried managerial responsibilities; less than 1 percent were women. The twen-
tieth century saw a general mechanization of office work (starting with the introduction
of the typewriter in the late nineteenth century), accompanied by a marked downgrad
ing

276 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

of the status of clerk—in tandem with an analogous occupation, secretary—into
a rou-
tine, low-paid occupation. Women filled these occupations as the pay and prestige of such
jobs declined (Reskin and Roos, 1990). Today, most secretaries and clerks are women.
gender typing
Once
an occupation has become gender typed—once it is seen as mainly a “man’s job” or a Designation of occupations
as male or female, with
“woman's job’"—inertia sets in.
“women’s” occupations,
Women have recently made some inroads into occupations once defined as “men’s jobs.” such as secretarial and
By the 1990s, women constituted a majority of workers in previously male-dominated retail positions, having
professions such as accounting, journalism, psychology, public service, and bartending. lower status and pay and
In fields such as law, medicine, and engineering, their proportion has risen substantially “men’s” occupations, such
as managerial and profes-
since 1970. While employment in professional and managerial occupations has steadily
sional positions, having
increased to be the largest occupational category for women workers (31.4 million in 2017), higher status and pay.
significant numbers of women workers are still employed in sales and office administrative
support positions (20.6 million in 2017) (BLS, 2018b).
Another important economic trend since the 1970s has been the narrowing of the sex segregation
gender gap in earnings (see Figure 9.2). Between 1979 and 2018, the ratio of women’s to The concentration of
men’s median weekly earnings among full-time, year-round workers increased from 62 men and women in
different occupations.
percent to 81 percent (BLS, 2019e). Moreover, this ratio increased among all races and
These differences are
ethnic groups (BLS, 2018c). Some researchers have noted that the narrowing gender gap
believed to contribute to
is less a result of improvement in women's economic standing and more a reflection of the gender pay gap.
men’s declining economic standing. The 2008 recession was dubbed the “he-cession” or
“man-cession” because the types of jobs and industries hardest hit were those in which
men were overrepresented, such as construction and finance (Rampell, 2009). As men’s
earnings erode, the female—male earnings ratio starts to inch upward.
Sociologists have identified many
reasons why a gender pay gap persists.
Although direct discrimination is cer- FIGURE 9.2
tainly one explanation, there are other,
more subtle reasons why women typ- The Gender Pay Gap, 1979-2018
ically earn less than their male coun- Women's earnings as a percentage of men’s, for full-time wage and salary workers,
terparts. Many sociologists point to 1979-2018 annual averages.
sex segregation—or the concentra-
90
tion of men and women in different
occupations—as an important cause of
80
the gender gap in earnings. While the
Equal Pay Act of 1963 holds that men
and women must earn equal pay for 70

performing equal work, women tend

to hold different jobs, typically jobs 60

that are dominated by women. ‘These PERCENTAGE

MEN'S
OF
WOMEN’S
A
AS
EARNINGS
jobs, on average, pay less than occupa- 50
tions dominated by men. For instance,
according to data from the Bureau of 1994 1997 2000 2003 2006 2009 2012 2015 2018
1979 1982 1985 1988 1991
Labor Statistics, occupations with the
highest proportions of women include Note: Percentages are calculated from annual averages of median usual weekly earnings for
full-time wage and salary workers
secretary, child-care worker, hairdresser,
payroll clerk, receptionist, dental hygienist,
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019e.
 speech-language pathologist, elementary and middle
school teacher, maid and household cleaner, and nurse
(BLS, 2019i). This is not surprising, given what we
learned earlier about the concentration of women in
health- and education-related college majors.

THE GLASS CEILING

Although women are increasingly moving into “tradi-
tionally male” jobs, their entry into such jobs is not nec-
essarily accompanied by increases in pay—or increases
in occupational mobility—because of the “glass ceiling.”
The glass ceiling is a promotion barrier that prevents
women’s upward mobility within an organization. The
glass ceiling is particularly problematic for women who
Nearly 90 percent of registered nurses are female. Occupations that
work in male-dominated occupations and professions.
are dominated by women typically pay less than occupations held
mainly by men. Women's progress is blocked not because they lack
innate ability or basic qualifications but because they
aN do not have the sponsorship of well-placed, powerful
senior colleagues to articulate their value to the orga-
nization or profession (Baker and Cangemi, 2016). As a
result, women tend to progress to mid-level management positions, but they do not, in
proportionate numbers, move beyond mid-management. The obstacles women face as they
strive to rise through the career ranks are exemplified by recent high-visibility lawsuits on
Wall Street where women have successfully sued their employers for discrimination. For
instance, Judy Calibuso and her colleagues at Merrill Lynch charged that their employer
gave higher-profile and more profitable clients to their male peers, leading to bigger annual
bonuses and more rapid promotions. Despite their requests for more challenging and
lucrative opportunities, Calibuso and her coworkers hit a glass ceiling and were forced to
watch their male colleagues climb past them in the corporate ranks (McGeehan, 2013).
Even in female-dominated fields, women are often left behind in less prestigious and
lower-paying jobs while their male colleagues ascend the corporate ladder. Sociologist

glass ceiling Christine Williams (1992, 1993) has written about the “glass escalator,” whereby men—
especially heterosexual White men—in traditionally female occupations are placed on a
A promotion barrier
that prevents women’s fast track to promotion. For instance, male teachers may be more likely to become prin-
upward mobility within cipals, and male cashiers or restaurant workers are tracked into managerial positions at
an organization. higher and faster rates than their female colleagues. Men who are accelerated through the
ranks are not necessarily looking for or asking for promotions; rather, the promotions often
are based on employers’ stereotypical beliefs regarding men’s superior leadership capabili-
sexual
ties or dedication to their careers over their family responsibilities (Goudreau, 2012).
harassment
Unwanted or repeated sex- SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN THE WORKPLACE
ual advances, remarks, or
behaviors that are offen- Economic disadvantage, lack of mentorship, barriers to promotion, and the effort required
sive to the recipient and to balance work and family are not the only challenges women workers face. Another per-
cause discomfort or inter- vasive obstacle is sexual harassment, a topic brought into sharp focus by the #MeToo move-
fere with job performance. ment. Sexual harassment is unwanted or repeated sexual advances, remarks, or behaviors
that are offensive to the recipient and cause discomfort or interfere with job performance.

28 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

Power imbalances facilitate harassment; even though
women can and do sexually harass
subordinates, because men usually hold positions of authorit
y, it is more common for men
to harass women (Uggen and Blackstone, 2004). Those power
imbalances were stunningly
apparent in the Harvey Weinstein sexual harassment case. A Hollyw
ood magnate with
the power to launch or destroy careers, Weinstein allegedly “blackli
sted” actresses that
rejected his advances, including Oscar winner Mira Sorvino, telling other
directors not to
hire them.
Harassment clearly takes a toll on its victims’ emotional well-being, yet it also
can
do long-lasting harm to their careers. A recent mixed-methods study tracked participan
ts
in the multiwave Youth Development Study and carried out open-ended interviews. The
researchers discovered that many women left their jobs to escape harassment and menac-
ing work environments; these workplace exits, in turn, increased the women’s financial
stress and hurt their career prospects in the longer term (McLaughlin et al., 2017). The
researchers spoke to a former advertising agency project manager named Lisa, who told
them after she was harassed repeatedly by a coworker: “I quit, and I didn’t have a job. That's
it, I'm outta here. I'll eat rice and live in the dark if I have to” (p. 345). Other women quit
rewarding jobs to take less desirable positions that felt safer or jobs where they would have
minimal contact with other people to reduce their risk of further mistreatment. As Pam, a
former accountant, told the interviewers, she switched to a job in tech even though “I had
no interest in computer hardware whatsoever. . . . 1went to a position where I am pretty
much solitary. | work by myself. Which is the way that I want it” (p. 347). Yet these strat-
egies, seen as self-protective in the short term, ultimately took a toll on Pam's and Lisa’s
career prospects and financial stability.
U.S. courts have identified two types of sexual harassment. One is the quid pro quo,
in which a supervisor demands sexual acts from a worker as a condition of employment
or promises work-related benefits in exchange for sexual acts. That was the experience
of Ford Motor Company worker Miyoshi Morris. The young mother’s shift started at
6:00 A.M., and she hadn't been able to find a day-care center open early enough to take her
children at that hour. Her manager in the paint department told Miyoshi that he would
rearrange her work schedule—in exchange for sex. As Miyoshi told the New York Times, “I
was So lost, afraid, and realizing I had children to care for.” She recalled thinking at that time,
“Where else are you going to go and make this kind of money?” (Chira and Einhorn, 2017).
The other type of sexual harassment is the “hostile work environment,” in which a pat-
tern of sexual language, circulation of lewd imagery, or sexual advances makes a worker so
uncomfortable that it is difficult for the worker to do their job (Padavic and Reskin, 2002).
Many of the women plaintiffs in the Ford Motor suit experienced intolerable hostility in
the workplace: They were repeatedly groped or bitten by coworkers, were called vulgar
nicknames, had male coworkers rub up against them, or witnessed male coworkers grab
their crotches when their female coworkers walked by. Making matters worse, women
who reported these indignities to their supervisors were ignored or even punished, losing
basic privileges like bathroom breaks or being threatened with demotion or job loss
(Chira and Einhorn, 2017).
Historically, women have been reluctant to report these incidents. Sociologists have
observed that “the great majority of women who are abused by behavior that fits legal defi-
nitions of sexual harassment—and who are traumatized by the experience—do not label
what has happened to them as sexual harassment” (Paludi and Barickman, 1991). Women's

How Do Gender Inequalities Play Out in Social Institutions?

 reluctance to report harassment is due to the following factors: (1) Many still do not recog-
nize that sexual harassment is an actionable offense; (2) victims may be reluctant to come
will
forward with complaints, fearing that they will not be believed, that their charges
not be taken seriously, or that they will be subject to reprisals; and (3) it may be difficult to
differentiate between harassment and joking on the job (Giuffre and Williams, 1994). The
#MeToo movement may be a watershed moment, ushering in a time when women feel
supported and empowered enough to report experiences of workplace harassment.

ECONOMIC INEQUALITY IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE

The United States is not alone in having a history of gender inequality in the workplace.
Across the globe, men outpace women in most workplace and economic indicators. Most
nations, however, like the United States, have witnessed tremendous strides in women's
economic progress in recent decades. Some scholars and activists argue that women’s eco-
nomic empowerment has contributed in large part to China's meteoric rise as an economic
power. An estimated 80 percent of the factory workers in China’s Guangdong province are
female, and 38 percent of the world’s self-made women billionaires are Chinese (Kristof
and WuDunn, 2009; Forbes, 2017).
The International Labour Organization (2016) found that the gap between the labor
force participation rates of men and women decreased only slightly between 1995 and
2015, mainly because both women’s and men’s participation rates have fallen. In 2015,
76 percent of men but just 50 percent of women participated in the global workforce.
Women have higher labor force participation rates in high-income countries. In most
European nations, for instance, more than two-thirds of the female adult population
participates in the labor market and the male-female gap in labor force participation
rates is less than 15 percent on average. This is especially true in nations with extensive
social benefits (such as paid maternity leave) and where part-time work is possible. In
North Africa and Southern Asia, by contrast, the gender gap in labor force participation
is nearly 50 percent.
The feminization of the global workforce has brought with it the increased exploita-
tion of young, uneducated, largely rural women around the world. These women labor
under conditions that are often unsafe and unhealthy, at low pay, and with nonexistent
job security. For instance, the collapse of the Rana Plaza building in Bangladesh in 2013
tragically illustrated the unsafe work conditions facing garment workers, most of whom
are women, in parts of the developing world. More than 1,000 workers died in the building
collapse, many of whom had been toiling for low wages in a building that had been deemed
an unsafe structure.
At the other end of the occupational spectrum, a recent study by the International
Labour Organization concludes that women throughout the world still encounter a glass
ceiling that restricts their movement into top positions. Globally, 29 percent of senior
management roles are held by women (Grant Thornton, 2020). In recognition of these low
rates, several national governments have recently passed legislation to increase women’s
participation in the highest echelons of business. In Japan, for example, women have been
particularly likely to face barriers to career advancement, especially in professional and
managerial positions (Cunningham, 2013; Simms, 2013). However, policy makers in Japan
have recently recognized that this is a tremendous loss of worker potential, especially
when low birthrates mean that the nation may soon face a dearth of young workers. The

280 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

 Gender Inequality
The Gender Inequality Index (GII), which is used to compare gender inequality across countries,
looks at women’s
educational attainment, labor force participation, and representation in governmental bodies, among
other metrics.
In-the graphic below, the countries’ GIl rankings are displayed in the
circles.

Switzerland Canada China United States Turkey Rwanda India

% of female population 25+ with at least some secondary education

cc a <=:

Source: United Nations Development Programme, 2019c.

 Japanese government has formally stated goals to increase women’s representation in man-
agement. Their target is to have women hold 30 percent of all upper-management positions
in major corporations, a near-tripling of the current rate of 13 percent (Cunningham, 2013;
Smith, 2019).

THE “MOTHERHOOD PENALTY”

One key factor affecting women’s careers is the perception that for female employees, work
comes second to having children. Research by Stanford University sociologist Shelley
Correll and colleagues (2007) found that mothers are 44 percent less likely to be hired than
childless women with the same work experience and qualifications. Not only that, but
mothers are offered significantly lower starting pay for the same jobs than equally qual-
ified women without children (an average of $11,000 lower in this study). This earnings
gap between the two groups—teferred to as the “motherhood penalty"—+eflects a belief
by employers in traditional gender roles and notions of parenthood. Because women are
still considered the primary caregivers, they are perceived by employers as less reliable
and less productive workers.
Public policies may be effective in counteracting the obstacles imposed by employers’
stereotypical views of mothers in the workplace. A team of sociologists led by Michelle
Budig (2012) explored the ways in which attitudes toward working mothers and pub-
lic policies such as parental leave or public child care affected the earnings of women
workers in 22 countries. They found that the “motherhood penalty” varied widely across
countries, gaps were smallest in nations where cultural attitudes supported maternal
employment and the government provided job-protected parental leave and publicly
funded child care.

282 Gender Inequality

 HOUSEWORK AND THE SECOND SHIFT FIGURE 9.3
The struggles facing women workers do not end once they set The Second Shift
foot in their homes. Women throughout the world also perform
housework and child care both before and after the paid work day, MM Childcare MM Housework — ll Paid work
dubbed the “second shift” by sociologist Arlie Hochschild. As a
oa
result, women work longer hours than men do in most countries.
Although there have been revolutionary changes in women’s
status in recent decades in the United States, including the entry
of women into male-dominated professions, one area of work has
lagged far behind: housework. Because of the increased numbers
of married women in the workforce and the resulting change
in status, it was presumed that men would contribute more to
housework. And while men now do more housework than they
did three decades ago, a large gender gap persists. As Figure 9.3
AVERAGE
NUMBER
PER
HOURS
OF
WEEK
shows, women still put in significantly more time than their
male counterparts (Sayer and Pepin, 2019).
Further investigation shows that it is the intersection of Mothers Fathers Mothers Fathers
gender, marital status, and parental status that most powerfully
1965 2011
shapes housework. A recent study showed that whereas women
Source: Pew Research Center, 2013a.
save their husbands an hour of housework a week, husbands cre-
ate an additional seven hours of housework for their wives every
week. Childless women do an average of 10 hours of housework
a week before marriage and 17 hours after marriage. Childless men, by contrast, do eight
hours before marriage and seven hours afterward. Married women with more than three
second shift
kids are the most overworked, reporting an average of about 28 hours per week, while
The excessive work hours
married men with more than three kids logged only 10 hours (Mixon, 2008).
borne by women relative
Some sociologists have suggested that this phenomenon is best explained as a result of to men; these hours are
economic forces: Household work is exchanged for economic support. Because women typ- typically spent on domes-
ically earn less than men, they are more likely to remain economically dependent on their tic chores before and
husbands and thus perform the bulk of the housework. Until the earnings gap is narrowed, after a day of work outside
the home.
women in heterosexual unions will likely remain in their dependent position. Recent evi-
dence suggests that same-sex couples maintain a much more egalitarian division of labor
in the home in terms of both housework and child care, perhaps reflecting the fact that housework
partners in same-sex relationships tend to have less of a pronounced earnings gap than do
Unpaid work carried out
heterosexual partners (Goldberg et al., 2012). For example, one recent study of 103 same- in the home, usually by
sex and 122 different-sex couples found that same-sex couples tend to share more duties women, such as cooking,
and assign chores based on each partner's personal preference, whereas different-sex cou- cleaning, and shopping.
Also called “domestic labor.”
ples tend to revert to traditional gender roles, with women, lower earners, and those with
fewer work hours bearing the brunt of stereotypical female chores (Matos, 2015).
In the coming decades, experts anticipate that we may see greater gender equity when
it comes to housework and child care. A recent study of young adults between the ages
of 18 and 32 in the United States found that the majority of respondents—tegardless of
gender or education levet—aspired to a romantic relationship in which they would share
earning and household/caregiving responsibilities equally with their partners (Pedulla
and Thébaud, 2015). According to a report by the Pew Research Center, 56 percent of adults

How Do Gender Inequalities Play Out in Social Institutions? 283

 believe that sharing chores is very important to a successful
marriage (Geiger, 2016).

Gender Inequality in Politics

Women are playing an increasingly important role in US:
politics, though they are still far from achieving full equality.
Before 1993, there were only two women in the U.S. Senate
(of total 100 Senate members) and 29 in the U.S. House of
Representatives (out of 435). Less than a decade later—in 2001—
there were 13 women in the Senate and 59 in the House. In
2020, 126 women held seats in the U.S. Congress, comprising
In 2017, Kamala Harris was sworn in as senator of California,
24 percent of the 535 members; 25 women (25 percent) serve
becoming the state’s first Black senator and only the second
in the Senate, and 101 women (23 percent) serve in the House.
Black woman to ever serve in the Senate. In 2020, she
became the first Black and South Asian American woman to
Only nine state governors are women (Congressional Research
be elected vice president of the United States. Service, 2020; Center for American Women and Politics, 2020A<).
The U.S. Supreme Court had its first woman justice appointed
“N in 1981 and its second 12 years later. Three women currently
occupy seats on the Supreme Court—Elena Kagan, Sonia
Sotomayor, and Amy Coney Barrett—marking an all-time high.
Hopes for electing the first female president of the United States were dashed in
November 2016 when Hillary Clinton, the Democratic candidate for president, lost to
Republican candidate Donald Trump. The reasons behind this outcome are many and
complex, yet compelling data point to sexism as an important contributor. The gender gap
in voting was much wider in 2016 than it had been in past presidential elections, with
fully 54 percent of women but just 41 percent of men supporting Clinton (Zillman, 2016).
Political scientists have also examined other characteristics of those who voted for Clinton
versus Trump and found that attitudes on a “hostile sexism” scale correlated strongly with
support for Trump. For instance, people more likely to endorse beliefs like “Many women
are actually seeking special favors, such as hiring policies that favor women over men,
under the guise of asking for equality” were more likely to support Trump over Clinton
(Schaffner et al., 2017).
Like Hillary Clinton, the vast majority of women politicians are affiliated with the
Democratic Party. In the U.S. Congress, 83 percent of women are Democrats, and 61 per-
cent of women in state legislatures are Democrats (Congressional Research Service, 2020;
Center for American Women and Politics, 2020a). However, the Republican Party promi-
nently features women leaders, including Alaska senator Lisa Murkowski and Maine
senator Susan Collins.
Typically, the more local the political office, the more likely it is to be occupied by
a woman. Men outnumber women in politics at all levels, but the gender gap is smaller
among mayors and elected members of city and county governing boards. In most states,
women are more likely to serve as representatives at the local level than the state level
and even less likely to serve as senators or members of the House of Representatives. The
farther from home the political office, the more likely it is to be regarded as “man's work,”
providing a living wage, full-time employment, and a lifetime career. The costs of running
for local office are typically far lower than a campaign for a higher office, which can require
funds beyond the reach of many women (Conway, 2004).

284 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

 The number of women running for public office increased dramatically start-
ing in 2017. Many of these women were newcomers to politics who were disappoin
ted
by Hillary Clinton's loss, infuriated by boastful claims by President Trump that
he had
grabbed women’s genitals against their will, and inspired by women's marches to work CONCEPT CHECKS
toward gender-equal policies. According to the Center for American Women and Politics,
the number of women exploring runs for governor on the heels of the Trump election What are two
explanations for
eclipsed the all-time high set in 1994, and the number of Democratic women intending to
the stark gender
challenge incumbents in the U.S. House of Representatives spiked during the same period segregation in college
(Alter, 2018). majors? How does this
segregation contribute
GENDER AND POLITICS: GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE to the gender pay gap?

Women are playing an increasing role in politics throughout the world. Yet of the 193 coun- Describe at least three
examples of how gender
tries that belong to the United Nations, only 19 are presently headed by women. More than
inequalities emerge in
87 countries have chosen a female head of state or government at some point in their his- the workplace. How
tory; the United States is not among them (Council on Foreign Relations, 2020). As of 2019, would a sociologist
women made up only 24 percent of the combined membership of the national legislatures explain these
throughout the world (Atske et al., 2019). In Rwanda, women represent 56 percent of the inequities?

national legislature—the highest proportion of any country. Regionally, female represen- How do inequalities in
tation in national legislatures is highest in the Nordic countries (42.5 percent); in the Arab the home, especially
with regard to
states, the figure is just 19 percent (United Nations Women, 20109).
housework and child
The United Nations ranks countries according to a measure of gender inequality, called care, reflect larger
the Gender Inequality Index (GII), which covers three dimensions of inequality: reproduc- gender inequities in
tive health, including maternal mortality rate; empowerment, including shares of seats in society?
parliament held by women; and participation in the labor force (see the “Globalization by What are some
the Numbers” infographic on p. 281). By this measure, in 2018, the United States ranked important differences
42nd out of 188 countries—behind the Scandinavian and other northern and western between men’s and
women’s political
European countries as well as Canada, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Japan, and
participation in the
China (United Nations Development Programme, 20194). United States?

Why Are Women largets

of Violence? <
Violence directed against women is found in many societies, including the United States. Learn about the specific
ways that women are
One out of three women worldwide has been beaten, coerced into sex, or abused in some
targets of physical and
other way—most often by someone she knows, including her husband or a male relative sexual violence in the
(World Health Organization [WHO], 2017). And as we read earlier in this chapter, sexual United States and globally.
violence in the workplace is pervasive yet has only recently captured national attention.
Although sexual assault at the hands of strangers triggers panic and public concern,
intimate partner violence (IPV), or violence committed against women by their roman-
tic partners, is the most common form of violence against women, we will discuss this
topic more fully in Chapter 11. The prevalence of intimate partner violence is highest in
Southeast Asia at 38 percent, compared to 23 percent in high-income countries (WHO,

Why Are Women Targets of Violence? 285

DIGITAL LIFE

“His” and “Hers” Apps?

Our face-to-face interactions at school, at work, in the family, more similar than different when it comes to their digital lives.
and in our everyday lives are powerfully shaped by gender. But More resent research from Pew, however, found that when it
how does gender shape our digital lives? Do men and women comes to the most popular apps, the breakdown of users does
use the same apps? vary somewhat between women and men. Women are mod-
A study by Pew (Purcell, 2011) asked American adults what erately more likely to use Facebook and Instagram, and much
kinds of apps they had downloaded onto their smartphones. more likely to use Pinterest, while men are more likely to use
Overall, the most popular were apps that provided regular YouTube and Reddit (Perrin and Anderson, 2019).
updates on news, weather, sports, or finances (74 percent); that The specific ways in which people use social network-
helped people communicate with family and friends (67 per- ing sites and play games online differs by gender in ways
cent); and that helped them learn about something they were that are consistent with gender socialization. Another study
interested in (64 percent). Not surprisingly, apps with more (Wagstaff, 2012) found that men outnumber women four to one
specific functions were less popular: Only 48 percent of peo- on “male-themed” video games that feature things like gangs,
ple had downloaded apps that helped them with work-related mobsters, and war. By contrast, puzzles and word games like
tasks, 46 percent used apps that helped them shop, 43 percent Words with Friends or “family-themed” games are downloaded
watched movies or TV on their smartphones, and only 29 per- more frequently by women. Women are also much more likely
cent used apps that helped them manage their health. to use apps associated with fashion and home design. For
The study found gender differences on just two dimensions. example, 42 percent of women on the Internet use Pinterest,
Men are more likely than women to use apps that help them compared with 15 percent of men (Perrin and Anderson, 2019).
with work-related tasks (56 percent vs. 39 percent) and that What are your favorite apps? Do you think that your identity
advise them in making purchases (51 percent vs. 42 percent). as male or female has shaped your preferences for particular
The results of the Pew study suggest that men and women are apps? Why or why not?

Men are more likely than women to play violent

video games, whereas women favor puzzles,
word games, andfashion-oriented sites and apps.
2017). In 2018 alone, 7,166 women in India were killed or driven
to suicide in dowry-related
disputes; in cases such as these, husbands or in-laws will subject their
brides to harassment
and torture in an effort to extort more resources and property
as part of their bridal dow-
ries (National Crime Records Bureau, 2020). According to the United
Nations Population
Fund, an estimated 5,000 women worldwide are the victims of “honor
killings’—the
murder of a family member who is thought to have brought shame or dishono
r on the
family—each year (United Nations, 2011). Globally, it is estimated that as many
as 34 per-
cent of murdered women are killed by their intimate partners (United Nations Office
on
Drugs and Crime, 2018).
Ritualized violence is also a common experience for women throughout the world. For
example, more than 200 million girls and women alive today have been subjected to geni-
tal cutting, a practice that is intended to control women’s sexuality (UNICEF, 2016). In addi-
tion, millions of women and girls throughout the world are “missing” from the expected
demographic, partly as the result of female infanticide in cultures where boys are more infanticide
highly valued than girls (World Health Organization, 2000).
The intentional killing of a
The trafficking of women for forced prostitution, which has been characterized as newborn. Female babies
the largest slave trade in recent history, appears to be a growing problem (Basu, 2014). are more likely than male
The International Labour Organization and Walk Free Foundation (2017) estimate that babies to be murdered

24.9 million people worldwide are subject to forced labor as a result of human trafficking. in cultures that devalue
women.
About 15 percent are sexually exploited, and 99 percent of those persons are women or girls.
In the United States, many scholars argue that the increased depiction of violence in
movies, on television, and elsewhere in American popular culture contributes to a cli-
mate that normalizes male aggression against women. The most common manifestation of
violence against women is sexual assault, although stalking, cyberstalking, and sexual
harassment are increasingly seen as forms of psychological (if not physical) violence as well.

Rape
Rape can be sociologically defined as the forcing of nonconsensual vaginal, oral, or anal rape
intercourse. As one researcher observed, between consensual sex and rape lies “a conti- The forcing of nonconsen-
nuum of pressure, threat, coercion, and force” (Kelly, 1987). Common to all forms of rape is sual vaginal, oral, or
the lack of consent: At least in principle, “no” means “no” when it comes to sexual relations anal intercourse.

in most courts of law in the United States. The vast majority of sexual assaults are commit-
ted by men against women, although mounting evidence suggests that men also are vic-
tims, and gay men and transgender women are particularly vulnerable. Early research has
documented cases in which women take sexual advantage of young men who may be inse-
cure, intoxicated, or of a lower-status position (Anderson and Struckman-Johnson, 1998).
It is difficult to know with accuracy how many rapes actually occur, since rapes so
often go unreported. According to the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence
Survey, nearly one in five women (19.3 percent) and 1,7 percent of men have been raped in
their lifetimes. When a broader definition of victimization is used to encompass all forms
of sexual violence, including unwanted sexual contact, these statistics jump to 44 percent
of women and 23 percent of men (Smith et al., 2017). Although all sexual assault is taboo,
young men are particularly reluctant to come forward and report their experiences. Many
feel stifled because they have internalized the belief that men should be strong, stoic, and
able to defend themselves, while those assaulted by other men fear the stigma associated
with sex between two men (Kassie, 2015).

Why Are Women Targets of Violence? 287

 Rape is an act of violence that a perpetrator commits to wield power and control over
their victims. Sexual assault is often carefully planned rather than performed on the spur
rape culture
of the moment to satisfy some uncontrollable sexual desire. Many rapes involve beat-
Social context in which
ings, knifings, and even murder. In some instances, sexual assault 1s facilitated by alcohol
attitudes and norms per-
petuate the treatment of or drinks spiked with “date-rape” drugs, including the sedative Rohypnol (ie., “roofies”)
women as sexual objects (Michigan Department of Community Health, 2002). Even when rape leaves no physical
and instill in men a sense wounds, it is a highly traumatic violation that leaves long-lasting psychological scars.
of sexual entitlement. Most rapes are committed by relatives (fathers or stepfathers, brothers, uncles), part-
ners, or acquaintances. Among college students, most rapes are likely to be committed
by boyfriends, former boyfriends, or classmates (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2017). The
toxic masculinity
National Institute of Justice’s Campus Sexual Assault Study presents a chilling picture
A cluster of potentially
of violence against women on campuses across the country (Krebs et al., 2007). The study
destructive values or
behaviors that historically asked college women about their experience with rape, coerced sex, and unwanted sexual
have been part of boys’ contact. Among the female students surveyed, 3.4 percent reported having been raped
socialization, such as since entering college. A previous study conducted by the same organization found that
devaluation of and aggres- for both completed and attempted rapes, 90 percent of offenders were known to their
sion toward women.
victims (Fisher et al., 2000). The incidences of other forms of victimization were substan-
tially higher than that of rape. Overall, 29 percent of female students reported having
experienced some kind of attempted or completed sexual assault (Krebs et al., 2007).

Sexual Violence against Women: Evidence of

“Rape Culture”?
Some feminist scholars claim that men are socialized to regard women as sexual objects,
to feel a sense of sexual entitlement, and to instill fear in women by dominating them. This
socialization context, described as a rape culture by Susan
Brownmiller (1986), may make men insensitive to the differ-
ence between consensual and nonconsensual sex and thus
contribute to the high levels of sexual violence against women.
Rape culture is closely tied to the concept of toxic masculin-
ity, or a cluster of potentially destructive values or behaviors
that have historically been a part of boys’ socialization, includ-
ing “domination, the devaluation of women, homophobia and
wanton violence” (Kupers, 2005).
The fact that “acquaintance rapes” occur suggests that at
least some men are likely to feel entitled to sexual access to a
woman if they already know her. A survey of nearly 270,000
first-year college students reported that 55 percent of male
students agreed with the statement “If two people really like
each other, it’s all right for them to have sex even if they've
Emma Sulkowicz, a student at Columbia University, ‘carried known each other only for a very short time.” Only 31 per-
a 50-pound mattress for her entire senior year, drawing cent of female students were in agreement, suggesting a rather
attention to the issue of rape on college campuses. large gender gap concerning notions of sexual entitlement
(American Council on Education, 2001). When a man goes out
“N on a date with sex on his mind, he may force his attentions on
an unwilling partner, overcoming her resistance through the

288 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

use of alcohol, persistence, or both. While such an act may
not be legally defined as rape,
many women would experience it as such.
In the past decade, college campuses have witnessed myriad
acts that reveal the per-
vasiveness of rape culture. For instance, in September 2014, a picture
from a frat party at
a large southern public university went viral. The photo featured a large Loto]
|[od= 2 maed|=104,¢-)
banner with the
following words in bright red letters: “no means yes, yes means anal” (Kingkad
e, 2014). Name three different
When outrage followed on campus and administrators reached out to the
frat brothers, ratare komeyanal) (-aler=
their half-hearted apology letter read, “What was written on the prop for the party
was against women. -
an inappropriate attempt at humor by 18- to 21-year-old men. In no way do I believe
that How common is
the sign reflected our views towards our female guests or rape culture in general” (Sharp violence against
et al., 2017). Yet this episode was not an isolated incident or just a boyish prank; rather, it women?
exemplifies socialization into the norms of toxic masculinity. In his book Guyland (2008), Why are women more
gender scholar Michael Kimmel explains why rape culture is so rampant on college cam- likely than men to be -
puses today. Young men are insecure with their own masculinity and even threatened by the targets of sexual
the rising numbers of highly competent women on campus. These men, says Kimmel, “are violence?

endlessly trying to prove their masculinity to the other guys.” Taking sexual advantage of What is rape
women enables insecure men to demonstrate their masculinity while maintaining power culture, and why is
it SO pervasive in
over women (Kimmel, 2010).
contemporary society?

How Does Social Theory

Explain Gender Inequality? <
Investigating and accounting for gender inequality has become a central concern of Think about various

sociologists. Many theoretical perspectives have been advanced to explain men’s enduring explanations for gender
inequality. Learn some
dominance over women in the realms of economics, politics, the family, and elsewhere.
feminist theories about
In this section, we review the main theoretical approaches to explaining the nature of
how to achieve gender
gender inequality at societal levels. equality.

Functionalist Approaches
As we saw in Chapter 1, the functionalist approach sees society as a system of interlinked
parts that, when in balance, operate smoothly to produce social solidarity. Thus, functional-
ist and functionalist-inspired perspectives on gender seek to show that gender differences
contribute to social stability and integration. Though such views once commanded great
support, they have been heavily criticized for neglecting social tensions at the expense of
consensus and for promoting a conservative view of the social world.
Talcott Parsons, a leading functionalist thinker, concerned himself with the role of
the family in industrial societies (Parsons and Bales, 1955). He was particularly interested
in the socialization of children and believed that stable, supportive families are the key
to successful socialization. In Parsons’s view, the family operates most efficiently with
a clear-cut gendered division of labor in which females act in “expressive” roles, provid-
ing care and security to children and offering them emotional support, and men perform

How Does Social Theory Explain Gender Inequality? 289

EMPLOYING Domestic Violence Advocate
YOUR
SOCIOLOGICAL Oppression of and violence against women is a pervasive problem
worldwide. Women are

IMAGINATION
be sexually assaulted by
more likely than men to be sexually harassed in the workforce, to
and sexual violence
strangers and acquaintances, and to experience physical, emotional,
harassment
at the hands of romantic partners. As you have learned in this chapter, sexual
but rather are
and abuse are not simply the case of one “bad boss” or “angry spouse”
mascu-
linked to pervasive and deeply entrenched social forces like a culture of toxic
gender
linity and history of patriarchy. For these reasons, students of the sociology of
on
are especially well equipped to work as domestic violence advocates. This professi
both
requires a sociological imagination and the understanding that domestic violence is
a personal trouble and a social issue.
The specific duties may vary based on setting, but in general domestic violence
advocates provide immediate crisis intervention, counseling, safety planning, sup-
port, information, and referrals to victims of domestic violence. They may provide

counseling in person, or they may work on an agency hotline that victims can call
when crisis strikes. Some may work directly with victims and their children at safe
homes where the victims live temporarily after fleeing their abusers. Discretion and
courage are also important characteristics in this job, as safe houses are typically
“secret” locations so that abusers and their friends cannot locate and threaten vic-
tims with further harm. Advocates also need excellent interviewing and writing skills,
as they may complete client intake at shelters, conduct interviews in hospital

emergency departments, accompany victims to court and assist with restraining

order hearings, and help them to secure other services they may need, such as public
assistance for food and housing, support from child welfare offices, or airline tickets
to safe and undisclosed locations where they can live free from fear of their abus-
ers. A desire for learning and personal growth are important as well, as advocates
often need to take classes to keep them up-to-date regarding new local policies,
programs, and information regarding best practices for working with victims of
gender-based violence.

“instrumental” roles, namely, being the family breadwinners. This complementary division
of labor, springing from a biological distinction between the sexes, would ensure the soli-
darity of the family, according to Parsons.
Feminists have sharply criticized claims of a biological basis to the gendered division
of labor, arguing that there is nothing natural or inevitable about the allocation of tasks in
society. Women are not prevented from pursuing occupations on the basis of any biologi-
cal features; rather, humans are socialized into roles that are culturally expected of them.
Parsons’s notions of the “expressive” female have been attacked by feminists and other
sociologists who see his views as condoning the subordination of women in the home.
There is no basis to the belief that the “expressive” female is necessary for the smooth oper-
ation of the family—~ather, it is a role that is promoted largely for the convenience of men.
In addition, cross-cultural and historical studies show that even though most societies
distinguish between men’s and women's roles, the degree to which they differentiate tasks

290 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

 Domestic violence advocate
Carol Leaphart holds a domestic
violence awareness session at

Guantanamo Bay's Fleet and

Family Support Center.

Domestic violence advocates work with a wide variety of clients; victims of gender
based violence may be male or female, gay or straight, cisgender or nonbinary, and from
every ethnic, racial, religious, and socioeconomic group. For this reason, a knowledge of
intersectionality helps advocates to understand the distinctive needs of their clients. For
instance, partners in same-sex relationships may be wary of reporting abuse for fear of
having their relationship “outed” publicly (Ristock, 2011). Men who are abused by female
partners may feel embarrassed, believe they will be ridiculed, or fear that they will lose
contact with their children if they sever their relationship with their abuser (Hines and
40\\
Douglas, 2010). Black women may be reluctant to reach out to authorities out of distrust
and fear that they or their partner will be victimized by law enforcement officers (Mills,

1998), while undocumented persons may fear that they or their partner will be deported
(Alvarez and Fedock, 2018). Upper-middle-class victims may worry about the loss of
social status and prestige if it becomes known their partner is abusive (Weitzman, 2000).
Understanding the social, economic, and political forces that give rise to gender-based
violence and the distinctive concerns facing different subgroups of victims is critical to

work as a domestic violence advocate

as exclusively male or female and assign different tasks and responsibilities to women
and men can vary greatly across time and place (Baxter, 1997; Gornick and Meyers, 2004). feminist theories
Thus, gender inequalities do not seem to be fixed or static.
A sociological perspec-
tive that emphasizes the
Feminist Approaches centrality of gender in
The feminist movement has given rise to theoretical approaches that attempt to explain analyzing the social world
and particularly the experi-
gender inequalities and set forth agendas for overcoming those inequalities. As we learned
ence of women. There are
in Chapter 1, feminist theories related to gender inequality contrast markedly with one many strands of feminist
another. Feminist sociologists are all concerned with women’s unequal position in society, theory, but they all seek to
but their explanations for it vary substantially. Competing schools of feminism have sought explain gender inequalities

to explain gender inequalities through a variety of deeply embedded social processes, such as in society and to work to
overcome them.
sexism, patriarchy, capitalism, and racism. In the following sections, we look at the arguments
behind four main feminist perspectives: liberal, radical, Black, and transnational feminism.

How Does Social Theory Explain Gender Inequality? 291

 LIBERAL FEMINISM
liberal feminism Liberal feminism looks for explanations of gender inequalities in social and cultural atti-
Form of feminist theory tudes. Unlike radical feminists, liberal feminists do not see women’s subordination as part
that believes that gender of a larger system or structure. Instead, they draw attention to many separate factors that
inequality is produced by contribute to inequalities between men and women. For example, liberal feminists are con-
unequal access to civil
cerned with sexism and discrimination against women in the workplace, educational insti-
rights and certain social
tutions, and the media. They tend to focus their energies on establishing and protecting equal
resources, such as edu-
cation and employment, opportunities for women through legislation and other democratic means. Legal advances
based on sex. Liberal such as the Equal Pay Act of 1963 and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 were actively supported
feminists tend to seek by liberal feminists, who argued that enshrining equality in law is key to eliminating dis-
solutions through changes crimination against women. Liberal feminists seek to work through the existing system to
in legislation that ensure
bring about reforms in a gradual way. In this respect, they are more moderate in their aims
that the rights of individuals
and methods than radical feminists, who call for an overthrow of the existing system.
are protected.
While liberal feminists have contributed greatly to the advancement of women over the
past century, critics charge that they have not been successful in dealing with the root causes
of gender inequality and do not acknowledge the systemic nature of women’s oppression in
society. They say that by focusing too much on the independent deprivations that women
suffer—sexism, discrimination, the glass ceiling and glass escalator, unequal pay—iberal
feminists draw only a partial picture of gender inequality. Radical feminists accuse liberal
feminists of encouraging women to accept an unequal society and its competitive character.

RADICAL FEMINISM
radical feminism At the heart of radical feminism is the belief that men are responsible for and benefit from
Form of feminist theory the exploitation of women. The analysis of patriarchy—the systematic domination of females
that believes that gender by males—is of central concern to this branch of feminism. Patriarchy is viewed as a universal
inequality is the result phenomenon that has existed across time and cultures. Radical feminists often concentrate on
of male domination in
the family as one of the primary sources of women’s oppression. They argue that men exploit
all aspects of social and
women by relying on the free domestic labor that women provide in the home and that, as a
economic life.
group, men deny women access to positions of power and influence in society (Tong, 2009).
Radical feminists differ in their interpretations of the basis of patriarchy, but most
agree that it involves the appropriation of women’s bodies and sexuality in some form.
Because women are biologically able to give birth to children, they become dependent on
men for protection and livelihood. As such, the nuclear family is viewed as the site that
generates “biological inequality” between women and men. Other radical feminists point
to male violence against women as central to male supremacy. According to such a view,
domestic violence, rape, and sexual harassment are all part of the systemic oppression of
women rather than isolated cases with their own psychological or criminal roots.
Radical feminists believe that gender equality can be attained only by overthrowing
the patriarchal order, because patriarchy is a systemic phenomenon. The use of patriarchy
as a concept for explaining gender inequality has been popular with many feminist theo-
rists. In asserting that “the personal is political,” radical feminists have drawn widespread
attention to the many linked dimensions of women’s oppression.
Many objections can be raised to radical feminist views. The main one, perhaps, is
that the concept of patriarchy as it has been used is inadequate as a general explanation for
women’s oppression. Radical feminists have tended to claim that patriarchy has existed
throughout history and across cultures—that it is a universal phenomenon. Critics argue

2972 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

TABLE 9.2

Applying Sociology to Gender

CONCEPT APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING GENDER CONTEMPORARY APPLICATION

Social Gender identities are not pre-determined but A husband who loses his job may refuse to
Constructionist emerge in relation to perceived sex differences in do housework as a way to “do gender” and
Approaches societies and cultures, which in turn shape and even re-assert his masculine identity. This places a
perpetuate those differences. burden on his wife, and perpetuates gendered
social roles.

Socialization Gendered identities and behaviors are learned, via A young girl who likes to play football is
Approaches processes of reinforcement and imitation—similar to admonished to “act more ladylike.” She may learn
other forms of learning. to stop playing in traditionally masculine sports
and seek out more traditionally feminine ones.

Functionalist Gender differences, and, specifically, men’s and In the mid-twentieth century, many Americans
Approaches women’s specialization in different tasks, contribute believed it was “best” for the family and an
to social stability and integration. efficient division of labor if men were the
primary breadwinners and women were the
primary caregivers.

Feminist Approaches Everyday gender differences have their roots in Feminist social policies hold that paying men
men’s and women’s unequal positions in society. and women equally for equal work, paying
Social changes must focus on eradicating women’s women for care work, and promoting equity in
disadvantages. Precisely how these differences the workplace and education are ways to move
can be remedied, and other intersecting sources of toward gender equality in society.
differences like race, are emphasized in subtypes
of feminist approaches including liberal, radical,
socialist, Black, transnational, and postmodernist.

however, that such a concept of patriarchy does not leave room for historical or cultural
variations. It also ignores the important influence that race, class, or ethnicity may have on
the nature of women’s subordination. In other words, it is not possible to see patriarchy
as a universal phenomenon; doing so risks biological reductionism—attributing all the
complexities of gender inequality to a simple distinction between men and women.

BLACK FEMINISM AND TRANSNATIONAL FEMINISM

Do the versions of feminism outlined above apply equally to the experiences of both White
and non-White women? Many Black feminists and feminists from the Global South claim
they do not. They argue that ethnic and cross-national differences among women are not
considered by the main feminist schools of thought, which are oriented to the dilemmas of
White, predominantly middle-class women living in industrialized societies. It is not valid,
they claim, to generalize theories about women's subordination as a whole from the expe-
rience of a specific group of women. These views exemplify the themes of intersectionality:
Women’s and men’s experiences are inextricably linked to their race, ethnicity, region, and
socioeconomic location (Collins, 2009; McCall, 2005).

How Does Social Theory Explain Gender Inequality?

 This dissatisfaction has led to the emergence of a Black feminism focused on the
particular problems facing Black women. The writings of African American feminists
emphasize the influence of the powerful legacy of slavery, segregation, and the civil rights
movement on gender inequalities in the Black community. They point out that early Black
suffragettes supported the campaign for women's rights but realized that the question of
(oko)
\(ed=iosaed 5 |=X0443) race could not be ignored. Black feminists contend, therefore, that any theory of gender
equality that does not take racism into account cannot be expected to explain Black
Contrast functionalist
women's oppression adequately. Some also argue that Black women are multiply disad-
FTaeii-yanviales\ar-]®) ©)cey-(el ales
vantaged on the basis of their color, their sex, and their class position. When these three
to understanding gender
inequality. factors interact, they reinforce and intensify one another (Brewer, 1993).
Transnational feminism, by contrast, focuses primarily on intersections among
What are the key ideas
of liberal feminism? nationhood, race, gender, sexuality, and economic exploitation against the contemporary
What are the critiques backdrop of global capitalism. This perspective recognizes that global processes, including
of this perspective? colonialism, racism, and imperialism, shape gender relations and hierarchies in powerful
What are the key ideas ways (Mohanty, 2003). Pioneers of transnational feminism recognize that the key themes
(olin a-(elKor-]@i-lanvial Saag of liberal feminism, such as concerns about equal pay for equal work or the division of
What are the critiques household labor, are not relevant for many women in the Global South. Scholars working
of this perspective?
in this tradition often have a strong human rights orientation and see research as integral
What are the key ideas to social change. For instance, by understanding the processes through which female agri-
of Black feminism?
cultural workers in Brazil are subordinated, transnational feminists can work to increase
What are the critiques
these women’s bargaining power (Thayer, 2010).
of this perspective?

How Can We Reduce

> Gender-Based Aggression?
Learn how women and As we have seen throughout this chapter, women tend to fare worse than men with
men are challenging respect to education, earnings, power, risk of sexual violence, workplace discrimination
sexism and sexual
and harassment, and political representation. Although the severity of the gender gap var-
violence in the workplace
ies widely across nations, and even across subgroups within a single nation, the evidence
and on college campuses.
and theories we have reviewed clearly reveal that gender inequalities are widespread. The
processes through which inequalities are perpetuated may be subtle—so subtle, in fact, —
that we may not easily detect them in our everyday lives. For instance, an off-color joke at
a frat party may at first blush seem an “inappropriate attempt at humor” yet, upon further
analysis, may perpetuate a culture that normalizes sexual aggression against women.
The experiences of Ford Motor Company workers like Miyoshi Morris and Hollywood
actresses like Mira Sorvino also underscore the ways in which power differentials are at
the root of gender-based discrimination and mistreatment. Morris's boss in the Ford paint
department had the power to adjust her work schedule so that she could meet her child
care obligations, yet he exploited this power by demanding sex. Likewise, Hollywood pro-
ducer Harvey Weinstein exerted power over his victims; his casting of young actresses
in
plum movie roles hinged on whether they would have sexual relations with him.
Those
who begged off lost roles not only in Weinstein’s films but in the films of other directors
over whom Weinstein had control.

294 CHAPTER 9 Gender Inequality

 Yet while vast power differentials exist on the basis of gender in
the United States and
worldwide, the intensity and breadth of these differentials depend on factors beyond gender,
Black feminism
such as one's social class, race, or parental status. In this way, the concept of intersectionality
[apres Creare
strand of feminis
helps us understand the diversity of men's and women's experiences. Wealthy
and well-con- theory that highlights the
nected actresses might have a financial cushion that allows them to quit
an acting role multiple disadvantages of
should the professional climate become uncomfortable or unsafe. Women with
fewer eco- gender, class, and race that
nomic resources, however, find that their choices are much more constrain shape the experiences of
ed; women like
Miyoshi Morris, who worry about feeding their children, simply cannot afford to lose their non-White women. Black
jobs, rendering them particularly vulnerable to the threats of predatory bosses. Creating feminists reject the idea
of a single, unified gender
an environment in which those who have been victimized or exploited feel empowered to
oppression that is experi-
speak up, know that their words will be heeded, and receive support from their employers enced evenly by all women.
and industries is a critical step toward eradicating gender violence. Initiatives like the Time’s
Up movement, which set up a legal defense fund to support those who have been victimized
by workplace sexual harassment, are an indication that cultural change is possible.
suffragettes
Standing up to gender-based violence and exploitation isn't limited to the assembly line or Members of early women’s
movements who pressed
Hollywood. Students and administrators on college campuses also are saying “time's up” and
for equal voting rights for
are learning about safe and effective ways to call out and stop gender violence (Zimmerman, women and men.
2016). About a decade ago, the University of Kentucky implemented its Green Dot Bystander
Intervention program. The program shows students how to intervene and defuse the situa- transnational
tion if they see an uncomfortable or potentially violent interaction on campus. Rather than feminism
assuming that someone else will step in, students learn how to get away from (or help a A branch of feminist theory
friend escape) a potential sexual aggressor or how to get help from a campus security guard that highlights the ways in
if they feel a situation spiraling out of control. Researchers have found that these kinds of which global processes—
programs work: A study at the University of Kentucky found that gender-based violence on including colonialism, racism,
campus—including sexual assault, harassment, stalking, and dating violence—was cut in ~ and imperialism—shape gen-
der relations and hierarchies.
half for those who participated in the training program (Coker et al., 2011).
Yet some critics have pointed out that it’s not enough to teach women how to avoid sexual
assault. The more important goal is to change male students’ beliefs about sexual violence and
entitlement. One approach that some schools are taking is to target student athletes, recogniz-
ing that some sports normalize and thrive on aggression and other behaviors that exemplify
hegemonic masculinity. The NCAA (National Collegiate Athletic Association) has ramped up
its efforts to reform a culture of gendered violence in college sports. In August 2017, the asso-
ciation implemented a new policy requiring coaches and student athletes to undergo annual
CONCEPT CHECKS
training in sexual violence prevention. All coaches and athletes at the more than 1,100 NCAA
member schools also must have information about their schools’ policies regarding sexual How did gender
violence prevention, and the athletic department must demonstrate knowledge of and compli- inequality in the
ance with those policies. Experts like Jessica Luther, author of Unsportsmanlike Conduct: College workplace affect the
women workers in the
Football and the Politics of Rape, believe that more needs to be done but that the NCAA's move
Ford Motor Company
“helps to legitimize [sexual violence] as something the public should care about” (Gibbs, 2017).
plant versus actresses
The sociological study of gender has helped us understand how power imbalances Tam mlelinvanieleteKa
on the basis of gender emerge and at the same time provides a road map for how these
Describe at least one
imbalances may be resolved. By recognizing the sources of gendered power imbalances, campus-based program
the distinctive pressures placed on men and women to comply with often-outdated gender designed to fight sexual
expectations, and the way these inequities affect our lives, we are using our sociological violence at colleges and
universities.
imaginations to understand and ultimately fight gender inequalities.

How Can We Reduce Gender-Based Aggression? ONS:

CHAPTER 9 Learning Objectives

The
Evaluate the extent to which differences
Are Gender between women and men are the result
of biological factors or social and cultural

Big Picture
Differences Due
influences. Understand the concept of the
to Nature, Nurture,
gender binary, and learn what it means to
or Both?
identify as nonbinary.

Gender Inequality p. 265

Recognize that gender differences are

a part of our social structure and create
How Do Gender inequalities. between women and men.
Inequalities Play Out Learn the forms these inequalities take in
in Social Institutions? social institutions such as the workplace,
Thinking Sociologically the family, the educational system, and
p. 272 the political system in the United States
and globally.

1. What does cross-cultural evidence

from tribal societies suggest about
the differences in gender roles?
Why Are Women
Explain.
Targets of Violence?

2.Why are women of minority racial and Learn about the specific ways that women
p. 285
ethnic groups and White women likely are targets of physical and sexual violence
to think differently about gender in the United States and globally.
inequality? Explain.

3. Do you think Judy Calibuso had a

compelling case in the Merrill Lynch
How Does Social
Theory Explain
lawsuit? Why or why not? What kind
Gender Inequality?
of evidence would be needed to make
Think about various explanations for gender
a reasonable judgment in that case?
p. 289 inequality. Learn some feminist theories
about how to achieve gender equality.
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

1. What is the difference between sex and gender?

2. How do both biology and gender socialization contribute to differences
between men and women?
3. What does it mean to say that gender is something we "do"? Give an example
of a way that you have “done gender” in your daily life.
4. How can studies of gender in other cultures contribute to the argument
that gender is socially constructed?
gender binary * sex * gender * nonbinary 5. What is a nonbinary gender identity? How does it challenge the male-female
* biological essentialism * gender socialization sex dichotomy?
* social construction of gender * hegemonic
masculinity * cisgender © transgender « intersex

1. What are two explanations for the stark gender segregation in college
majors? How does this segregation contribute to the gender pay gap?
2. Describe at least three examples of how gender inequalities emerge in the
patriarchy * gender inequality * gender typing workplace. How would a sociologist explain these inequities?
sex segregation ¢ glass ceiling * sexual 3. How do inequalities in the home, especially with regard to housework and
harassment * second shift * housework childcare, reflect larger gender inequities in society?
4. What are some important differences between men’s and women’s political
participation in the United States?

1. Name three different kinds of violence against women.

infanticide * rape * rape culture * toxic masculinity 2. How common is violence against women?
3. Why are women more likely than men to be the targets of sexual violence?
4. What is rape culture, and why is it so pervasive in contemporary society?

1. Contrast functionalist and feminist approaches to understanding gender

® radical inequality
feminist theories © liberal feminism
are the key ideas of liberal feminism? What are the critiques of this
feminism © Black feminism © suffragettes © 2. What
spective?
perspectiv e
transnational feminism
3. What are the key ideas of radical feminism? What are the critiques of this
perspective?
4. What are the key ideas of Black feminism? What are the critiques of this
ry
perspective:
10
THE BIG QUESTIONS

What are race and ethnicity?

Understand that race is a social and political
construction and how it differs from ethnic-
ity. Learn what constitutes a minority group
according to the sociological perspective.

Why do racial and ethnic

antagonism exist?
Learn the leading psychological theories and
sociological interpretations of prejudice and
discrimination. Recognize the importance
of the historical roots, particularly in the
expansion of Western colonialism, of ethnic
conflict. Understand the different models for a
multiethnic society.

How does racism operate in American

society today?
Understand how racism is not only enacted by

Race, Ethnicity,
individuals but embedded in our institutions.
Learn how racial inequality is maintained
by both overt acts of racial hatred and color
blindness. Understand the concepts of White

and Racism —
privilege and microaggressions.

What are the origins and nature of

ethnic diversity in the United States?
Familiarize yourself with the history and social

A
dimensions of ethnic relations in America.

How do race and ethnicity affect the

life chances of different groups?
Learn how racial and ethnic inequality
is reflected in terms of educational and
occupational attainment, income, health,
residential segregation, and political power.

How do sociologists explain

racial inequality?
Learn the leading theories—cultural, economic,
and discrimination—sociologists use to
understand the sources of ethnic and racial
inequality.
 Early one May morning in Central Park during the recent COVID-19 crisis, Christian
Cooper noticed a cocker spaniel freely running around the Ramble, a heavily wooded
area within the park where dogs must be leashed. Cooper, a New York-based sci-
ence writer and editor who came to the Ramble regularly to birdwatch, was used to
the problem. Much to his annoyance, dog owners often ignored the signs and let their animals
loose, thereby endangering the ground-dwelling birds who nested there. To deal with such
situations, Cooper had come up with a clever strategy: if people ignored his entreaties to
restrain their dogs, he would offer the latter some biscuits and thus invariably anger the owners,
who would respond by quickly leashing their pets and pulling them away from this stranger.
Before resorting to his cache of biscuits, however, Cooper called out to the young woman
accompanying the dog: “Ma’am, dogs in the Ramble have to be on the leash at all times. The
sign is right there.” The woman protested, insisting that her dog needed his exercise and that
he couldn't get it at the dog run because it was closed. Unrelenting, Cooper pointed out that

Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

 she could take her pet to another part of the park, where it could run free, to which she replied
that that might endanger it. Annoyed, Cooper told her: “Look, if you're going to do what you
want, I’m going to do what | want, but you're not going to like it,” and proceeded to offer the dog
some treats. The woman responded with outrage, grabbing her Cocker Spaniel and screaming
“Don't touch my dog!” Taken aback by the violence of her reaction, Cooper began video record-
ing the altercation on his iPhone, which incensed the woman further and made her shout:
“I'm taking a picture and calling the cops! I’m going to tell them there’s an African American
man threatening my life!” The video, which Cooper later posted on Facebook, showed her
distraught, telling the police repeatedly that she was in Central Park, in the Ramble, where an
African American man was recording her and threatening her and her dog. Although Cooper
remained perfectly calm throughout the video and even asked her to “Please call the cops,” the
woman grew increasingly agitated and ended her 911 call by screaming: “Please send the cops
immediately!” Thereupon, both seem to have parted ways since the police, who arrived shortly
afterwards, found no one at the scene (NPR, 2020).
Cooper posted the video on social media because, as he later explained, he “thought it
was important to document things...Unfortunately, we live in an era with things like Ahmaud
Arbery [a Black jogger shot to death by a former cop and his son while out for a run in
Brunswick, Georgia, in February 2020]...where black men are seen as targets. This woman
thought she could exploit that to her advantage, and | wasn't having it.”
The tape quickly went viral and by nightfall was all over the news. Within twenty-four
hours the woman, who by now had been identified as Amy Cooper, was fired from her job at
the investment firm Franklin Templeton, which posted a public statement on Twitter, and forced
to surrender her dog to the animal shelter from which she had adopted it years before.
Speaking to CNN on the day following the incident, Amy Cooper publicly apologized to
Christian Cooper but insisted that she wasn’t racist and had not meant to harm him or the
African American community in any way. She admitted too that she knew that dogs had to be
leashed in that part of the park. Although Christian Cooper stated that he was willing to accept
her apology if it was sincere and she promised to restrain her dog in the Ramble henceforth,
others were not so easily appeased, especially after she tweeted that the incident was destroy-
ing her life (Vera and Ly, 2020).
Given the timing of the episode—May 25, 2020, barely twelve hours before the murder of
an unarmed Black man, George Floyd, at the hands of the Minneapolis police—many were quick
to point out the danger in which Amy Cooper had placed the Black birdwatcher simply by phon-
ing 911. Trevor Noah, host of the popular Daily Show, for example, maintained that the woman
“blatantly knew how to use the power of her whiteness to threaten the life of another man and
his blackness” (Noah, 2020). In a Forbes article that appeared shortly after the incident, Terina
Allen argued that Amy Cooper had consciously broken park rules, knowing that she, a White
woman, was unlikely to get into trouble for doing so, and had called the police as retaliation
for Christian Cooper's challenge to her White privilege, trusting that the cops would take her
word over his; indeed, she continued to present herself as a victim in her apology, claiming
that the episode was “destroying her life.” Allen compared the case to that of Emmett Till, an
African American 14-year-old, who had been kidnapped, tortured, and killed in Mississippi in
1955 after a White female salesperson had lied that his inappropriate actions had “scared her
to death” (Allen, 2020). The birdwatcher’s video sparked endless discussion about false police
reports made by White people about Black people—so much so that six weeks later, New York
District Attorney Cyrus R. Vance charged Amy Cooper with filing a false report, a misdemeanor

300 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

punishable by up to a year’s imprisonment. To many, however,
Amy Cooper went beyond being
an individual guilty of a racist act and became a metaphor
for the White female professional in
general—the yoga pants-clad “Karen” whose politically correct
veneer vanishes as soon as her
White privilege is threatened in any way by people of color.

What Are Race and

Ethnicity? <
In your daily life, you have no doubt used the terms race and ethnicity many times, but do
Understand that race
you know what they mean? In fact, defining these terms is very difficult, not least because is a social and political
they take on different meanings in scientific and social contexts. construction and how it
differs from ethnicity.
Learn what constitutes a
Race
minority group according
Many people mistakenly think that humans can be readily separated into biologically to the sociological
different races. Yet, in biological terms, there are no clear-cut races. We therefore define perspective.

race as a socially constructed category based on the belief in fundamental human differ-
ences associated with phenotype and ancestry (Monk, 2016).
Differences in physical type among groups of human beings arise from population
inbreeding, which varies according to the degree of contact among different cultural or
race
social groups. Human population groups are a continuum. The genetic diversity within
' Differences in human
populations that share visible physical traits is as great as the diversity between them.
physical characteristics
Thus, perceived racial differences (Black, White, Asian) should be understood as physical used to categorize large
variations singled out by the members of a community or society as socially significant numbers of individuals.
and meaningful. Differences in skin color are treated as significant, for example, whereas
differences in eye color and height are not. Racial categories are always nationally and
historically specific (Fredrickson, 2002) and can vary significantly from place to place.
Ever since 1790, the Census Bureau has classified the U.S. population by race, and
the way it has done so powerfully illustrates that race is not a biological reality but rather
a social and political construction. For the first century and a half of the census, census
workers themselves classified individual Americans’ races by sight. Such classifications,
no doubt, were quite arbitrary and often inaccurate. In 1960, the census moved to a system
in which the people being counted self-reported their own race by choosing from among
predetermined categories.
Over the history of the census, the specific racial categories used have undergone major
changes, illustrating that the categories we take to be natural in any given era are actually
socially constructed. People from South Asia were long classified as White in the census,
for example, but by the 1980s they were reclassified as Asian. Mexicans were classified as
White in the nineteenth century, as non-White in the 1930s, again as White in the 1940s,
and then as Hispanic in the 1970s, all depending on demands for labor and the influence
of prejudice in the country at the time. Today, there are ongoing debates about whether
people from parts of the Middle East should continue to be classified as White, because
many are not seen by themselves or others in that way.

What Are Race and Ethnicity?

 Racial categories themselves also go in and out of fashion. In the 1890 census, “qua~
droon” was the racial category for people who were one-quarter Black, and “octoroon” was
the racial category for people who were one-eighth Black. Ten years later, those categories
were eliminated and a new, all-encompassing “Negro” category was added to the census.
In 1970, “Negro or Black” was added to the census, and by 2000, it was “Black, African
American, or Negro.” In 2013, the Census Bureau stopped using the category “Negro”
because many respondents found it offensive; an older generation that identified with that
term had largely passed on.
One major sociological perspective on race is known as the theory of racial for-
mation, or “the process by which social, economic and political forces determine the
content and importance of racial categories, and by which they are in turn shaped by
racial meanings” (Omi and Winant, 1994). The main point of this theory is that ideas
about race get created and re-created by governments and large-scale institutions
but also by individual human beings in their everyday lives. On the one hand, polit-
ical actors have a big influence on creating racial categories and ideologies; political
speech directed toward particular racial groups and official documents like the census
reinforce the idea that race is a key aspect of everyday life. This idea, in turn, shapes
people's everyday understandings of racial identity and social interactions related to
race. On the other hand, the theory of racial formation is also attentive to how individ-
uals create and understand racial categories within their own families and immediate
social groups.
Some social scientists argue that race is nothing more than an ideological construct
whose use in academic circles perpetuates the commonly held belief that it has a basis in

Four boys represent the

reality (Miles, 1993). For this reason, they argue, it should be abandoned. Others disagree,
“racial scale” in South claiming that race still has social meaning and cannot be ignored. In historical terms, race
Africa—Black, Indian, has been an extremely important concept that powerful social groups have used as part
“half-caste” (mixed of strategies of domination (Spencer, 2014). For example, the contemporary situation of
ethnicity), and White.
African Americans in the United States cannot be understood without reference to strat-
egies of domination used in the slave trade, racial segregation, and through persistent
“N racial ideologies (Wacquant, 2010). Racial distinctions are more than ways of describ-
ing differences; they are also important factors in the reproduction of patterns of power
and inequality.

Ethnicity
Whereas the idea of race implies something fixed and biological, ethnicity is a source of
identity based on society and culture. Ethnicity refers to a type of social identity related
theory of racial to ancestry (perceived or real) and cultural differences, which become effective or active
formation in certain contexts. Members of ethnic groups see themselves and are seen by others as
The process by which culturally distinct from other groups in a society. Different characteristics may serve to
social, economic, and
distinguish ethnic groups from one another, but the most common are language, history
political forces determine
or ancestry (real or imagined), religion, and styles of dress or adornment.
the content and impor-
tance of racial categories, In the United States, some of the first sociological research took place among eth-
and by which they are nic groups, such as Italian Americans, Irish Americans, Polish Americans, and German
in turn shaped by racial Americans, though the Irish and the Italians were sometimes thought of as racial groups as
meanings. well. As the United States has become more diverse, many groups have come to see them-
selves as comprising distinct ethnicities.

CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

by the Numbers
Globalization
Racial & Ethnic Populations
/

The racial and ethnic categories that are relevant in a particular nation change over time and vary widely among countries.

Israel

sehk
Jewish 8 Arab 1a Other
et
*Of which Israel-born 76.9%, Europe/America/Oceania-born 15.9%,
74.4% 20.9% 4.7% Africa-born 4.6%, Asia-born 2.6%.

South Africa

| TET aia 1) pecs] Colored” White | Indian/Asian *“Colored” is a term used in South Africa
80.9% 8.8% 7.8% 2.5% : for persons of mixed-race ancestry.

Brazil
Tl Ta Tt
Cap? ap? Yap?
White - ©) Mulatto ™) Indigenous
47.7% Mixed white and black 0.4%
43.1% 4
Romania

Romanian © Hungarian ) Romani® Ukrainian Wi German ® Other

83.4% 6.1% 3.1% 0.3% 0.2% 0.7%
o Unspecified *Romani populations are usually underestimated in official statistics and may represent 5-11% of Romania’s population.
6.1%
United States

White ™ Hispanic Ml Black, African {§§ Asian Two or American

non-Latino, non-Black or Latino American 5.9% more races Indian or —
60.4% 18.3% 13.4% 2.7% Alaska native
em eh)
Mi Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander
0.2%
Australia

' English @ Australian Irish TETTET)

25.9% 25.4% 7.5% 3.3%

Chinese (Indian Greek ait sso: bee is Unspecified

nctuges Austratian

rake aboriginal 0.5% 5-4 .

3.1% nan
15.8%
2020c.
Sources: CIA World Factbook 2020, U.S. Bureau of the Census,
Taiwanese Americans
perform during the National
Asian Heritage Festival in
Washington, D.C. (left). A
member of the Tlaxcala tribe
of central Mexico dances at
Carnival in New York (right).
Styles of dress are one way
that ethnic groups distinguish
themselves from one another.

Ethnic differences are mainly learned, a point that seems self-evident until we
mtb
remember how often some groups have been regarded as “born to rule” or “lazy,” “unin-
telligent,” and so forth. Indeed, when people use the term ethnicity, very often they do so
(as with race) when referring to inherent characteristics, such as skin color or blood ties.
Yet there is nothing innate about ethnicity; it is a social phenomenon that is produced and
reproduced over time.
For many people, ethnicity is central to their individual and group identities, but
ethnicity for others, it is irrelevant and, for still others, seems significant only during holidays.
A type of social identity Ethnicity can provide an important thread of continuity with the past and is often kept
related to cultural values alive through cultural traditions. For instance, third-generation Americans of Irish
and norms that distinguish descent may proudly identify themselves as Irish despite having lived their entire lives
the members of a given
in the United States.
group from others. An
ethnic group is one whose
members share a distinct Minority Groups
awareness of a common The term minority group as used in everyday life can be quite confusing. This is because
cultural identity, separating
the term refers to political power and is not simply a numerical distinction. There are many
them from other groups.
minorities in a statistical sense, such as people with red hair, but these groups are not
minorities according to the sociological concept. In sociology, members of a minority group
minority group are disadvantaged as compared with members of the dominant group (a group possessing
A group of people who, more wealth, power, and prestige) and have some sense of group solidarity, of belonging
because of their dis- together. Often, these groups are disadvantaged in the sense that they are subject to
tinct physical or cultural prejudice and discrimination. Being part of a minority group usually heightens feelings of
characteristics, find common loyalty and interests.
themselves in a disadvan-
Members of minority groups tend to see themselves as a people separated or distinct
taged position within that
from the majority. Minority groups are sometimes, but not always, physically and socially
society.
isolated from the larger community. Although they tend to be concentrated in certain
neighborhoods, cities, or regions of a country, their children may intermarry with mem-
dominant group bers of the dominant group. People who belong to minority groups (for example, Jews)
The group that possesses sometimes actively promote endogamy (marriage within the group) to keep their cultural
the most wealth, power, distinctiveness alive, although this practice has declined among less religious Jews.
and prestige in a society. The idea of a minority group is more confusing today than ever before. Some groups
that were once clearly identified as minorities, such as Asians and Jews, now have more

304 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

resources, intermarry at greater rates, and experience less discrimi
nation than they did
when they were originally conceived of as minority groups. Moreover
, according to the
U.S. Census, the United States will soon bea “majority-minority” nation.
By this, sociolo-
gists mean that non-Hispanic White people will comprise less than half of
the total popu-
lation; they will no longer consititute a majority. That said, sociologists still expect
White
people to dominate the power structure of American society. These examples
highlight
the fact that the concept of a minority group is really about disadvantage rather than being
a numerical distinction.

Multiracial and Multiethnic Identities

Scientific studies document that for growing numbers of Americans, race and ethnicity
are not simple, monolithic identities. In 2017, nearly 9 million Americans selected two
or more racial categories when questioned by the U.S. Census, which first gave people
the option to choose more than one racial category in 2000. Between 2000 and 2010, the
proportion of Americans who identified as multiracial increased by nearly one-third (Jones
and Bullock, 2012). Experts predict that the number of Americans who identify as multi-
racial will continue to increase steeply in coming decades. About one in six (17 percent)
new marriages in 2015 were between spouses of differ-
> NOTE: Please answer BOTH Question 8 about Hispanic origin and
ent-taces (Livingston and Brown, 2017). In addition, one Question 9 about race. For this census, Hispanic origins are not races.
in seven babies born in the United States in 2015 were 8. Is Person 1 of Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish origin?
multiraciat—up from 1 percent in 1970 (Livingston, ... No, not of Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish origin
2017). Young adults today are far more accepting of _ Yes, Mexican, Mexican Am., Chicano

interracial marriage than their parents were. For exam- _ Yes, Puerto Rican
Yes, Cuban
ple, in 2013, 87 percent of Americans thought it was fine _. Yes, another Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish origin — Printorigin, forexample,
for Black and White people to marry each other, up from Argentinean, Colombian, Dominican, Nicaraguan, Salvadoran, Spaniard, and so on. 7

4 percent in 1958. This statistic varied widely by age,

however. Nearly all (96 percent of) people ages 18 to 29 9
[L me PE mi |
What is Person 1's race? Mark X one or more boxes.
supported interracial marriage, whereas 70 percent of .. White
those aged 65 and older felt the same (Newport, 2013). _ Black, African Am., or Negro
| American Indian or Alaska Native — Print nameof enrolled
orprincipal inbe. ra
While the number of Americans of multiracial or
multiethnic identity is at an all-time high and rising,
these individuals continue to negotiate their identi- | Asian Indian _| Japanese _| Native Hawaiian
ties with observers who cling to the view that “race” | Chinese | Korean “| Guamanian or Chamorro
is a monolithic construct. For example, Michelle _. Filipino | Vietnamese | Samoan
_) Other Asian — Print race, for | Other Pacific Islander — Print
Lépez-Mullins, former president of the University of example, Hmong, Laotian, Thai, race, for example, Figan, Tongan,
Pakistani, Cambodian, and so on. “4 and so on. ra
Maryland's Multiracial and Biracial Student Association
(MBSA), gets tired of hearing the question “What are
;
; Pie se as
oe ee ee eee
you?” (Saulny, 2011). Her father is Chinese and Peruvian, | Some other race — Print race. 7
and her mother is White and Native American. Lopez- ’

Mullins recalls that when she was growing up, “I was

always having to explain where my parents are from... .
Saying ‘I'm an American’ wasn't enough.” Although she Starting in 2000, for the first time, the U.S. Census gave people
the option to select more than one racial category.
found this frustrating when she was a child, she now
embraces her mixed heritage. “Now when people ask
what I am, I say, ‘How much time do you have?’ Race
“N
will not automatically tell you my story.”

What Are Race and Ethnicity? 305

 While in past generations, mixed-race persons often tolerated negative labels like
lins
“mulatto” (that is, a person with one Black parent and one White parent), Lopez-Mul
and her friends from MBSA are proud of their backgrounds and embrace all aspects of their
CONCEPT CHECKS to
ethnicities. As Laura Wood, former vice president of MBSA, says, “Tt’s really important
acknowledge who you are. . . . If someone tries to call me Black, I say, ‘Yes—and White.”
What are race and
ethnicity? How are The experiences of Laura Wood and Michelle Lopez-Mullins—along with a mount-
these two concepts ing body of sociological research— illustrate just how difficult it is to pinpoint the condi-
alike, and how do tions of racial and ethnic-group membership for some individuals of multiracial heritage.
they differ? In recent decades, a number of sociologists have turned their attention to this topic of
imLoNV ane(onm oxo)
(arer=1| multiracial identity and racial classification schemes. They have argued that a “static mea-
actors and institutions sure of race” is not useful for individuals of multiracial heritage who may assert differ-
participate in racial
ent identities in varied social contexts (Cheng and Lee, 2009; Harris, 2003; Harris and
ices aateidvolalta
Sim, 2000). As Lépez-Mullins told a New York Times reporter, “I'm pretty much check-
What differentiates a
ing everything. ... Hispanic, White, Asian American, Native American” when filling out
minority group from a
surveys like the U.S. Census.
statistical minority?

Why Do Racial and Etnnic

> Antagonism Exist?
Learn the leading To explain why racial differences become the focus of inequalities and conflicts, we need
psychological theories and to make use of both psychological and sociological concepts. Psychological theories help
sociological interpretations explain why ethnic differences become emotionally charged and illuminate the nature of
of prejudice and
prejudiced attitudes. Sociological interpretation is necessary to show how and why ethnic
discrimination. Recognize
the importance of divisions become institutionalized as forms of discrimination “built into” a given society.
the historical roots,
particularly in the Psychological Theories
expansion of Western
Two types of psychological approaches to understanding ethnic hostilities are important.
colonialism, of ethnic
conflict. Understand the One puts forward a number of general psychological mechanisms relevant to analyzing
different models for a prejudice in general. The other concentrates on the idea that there is a particular type of
multiethnic society. person who is most prone to hold prejudiced attitudes against racial and ethnic minorities.

PREJUDICE AND DISCRIMINATION

Prejudice refers to opinions or attitudes—positive or negative—held by members of one
prejudice
group toward another. These preconceived views are often based on hearsay and are resis-
The holding of preconceived tant to change even in the face of direct evidence or new information. People may har-
ideas about an individual
bor favorable prejudices toward groups with which they identify and negative prejudices
or group, ideas that are
resistant to change even in against others. One widespread form of prejudice is racism, which we will examine in the
the face of new information. next section. Racism is prejudice based on socially significant physical distinctions.
Prejudice may be either Prejudice operates mainly through stereotyping, which means thinking in terms
positive or negative. of fixed and inflexible categories. All thought involves categories that we use to classify
our experiences. Sometimes, however, these categories are both ill-informed and rigid. A

306 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

person may have a few firmly held ideas about Black or Jewish
people, for example, that
affect how they interpret information about or encounters with these
people. Stereotypical
racism
thinking may be harmless if it is “neutral” in terms of emotional content
and distant from
the interests of the individuals concerned. Americans might have stereoty The attribution of charac-
pical views of teristics of superiority or
what the French are like, for example—perhaps that they all talk with clipped accents
or inferiority to a population
wear striped shirts—but these ideas may be of little consequence for most people
of either sharing certain physically
nationality. Where stereotypes are associated with anxiety or fear, the situation is likely inherited characteristics.
to
be quite different. Stereotypes in such circumstances are com monly infused with attitudes
of hostility or hatred toward the group in question.
Stereotyping is often closely linked to the psychological mechanism of displacement,
stereotype
in which feelings of hostility or anger are directed against objects that are not the real A fixed and inflexible
category.
origin of those anxieties. Stereotyping leads people to blame scapegoats for problems that
are not their fault. Scapegoating is common in circumstances in which two deprived eth-
nic groups come into competition with one another for economic rewards. People who displacement
direct racial attacks against poor Mexicans or African Americans, for example, are often
The transferring of ideas
in a similarly disadvantaged economic position, and they blame these groups for griev- or emotions from their true
ances whose real causes lie elsewhere. Scapegoating is normally directed against groups source to another object.
that are clearly distinctive and relatively powerless, because they form a fairly easy target.
Minority groups show both these characteristics. Protestants, Catholics, Jews, Italians,
scapegoats
racial minorities, and very many others have played the unwilling role of scapegoats at
Individuals or groups
various times throughout American history.
blamed for wrongs that are
In contrast to prejudice, discrimination refers to actual behavior that denies members
not of their doing.
of a particular group resources or rewards that others can obtain. College admissions offi-
cers have been known to discriminate against members of ethnic or racial groups when
they do not conform with stereotypes of those groups. One investigation of the Princeton discrimination
University admissions office, for example, uncovered a rejected Latino applicant with this Behavior that denies to
comment written on her file: “Tough to see putting her ahead of others. No cultural flavor the members of a par-
in app.” Such attitudes are racist when they function to keep Latinos out of college or ticular group resources
or rewards that can
ensure that only certain “kinds” of Latinos will gain access to institutions of higher learn-
be obtained by others.
ing (Hensley-Clancy, 2017). Discrimination must
be distinguished from
THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY prejudice: Individuals who
are prejudiced against
It is possible that some types of people, as a result of early socialization, are particularly
others may not engage in
prone to stereotypical thinking and projection on the basis of repressed anxieties. A famous
discriminatory practices;
piece of research carried out by Theodor Adorno and his associates in the 1940s diagnosed conversely, people may act
a character type they termed the “authoritarian personality” (Adorno et al., 1950). The in a discriminatory fashion
researchers developed several measurement scales, each related to a particular area of social toward a group even
though they are not preju-
attitudes, for assessing levels of prejudice. On one scale, for instance, people were asked to
diced against that group.
agree or disagree with a series of statements expressing rigid anti-Semitic views. Those
who were diagnosed as prejudiced on one scale also tended to be so on the others; preju-
dice against Jews, for example, went along with the expression of negative attitudes toward
other minorities. People with an authoritarian personality, the investigators concluded, tend
to be rigidly conformist, submissive to those seen as their superiors, and dismissive toward
inferiors. Such people are also highly intolerant in their religious and sexual attitudes.
Adorno’s research and the conclusions drawn from it have been subjected to a barrage
of criticism. Some have doubted the value of the measurement scales used. Others have

Why Do Racial and Ethnic Antagonism Exist?

 argued that authoritarianism is not a characteristic of personality but reflects the values
and norms of particular subcultures within the wider society. The investigation may be
more valuable as a contribution to understanding authoritarian patterns of thought in
general rather than for distinguishing a particular personality type (Wellman, 1977).

Sociological Interpretations
The psychological mechanisms of stereotypical thinking, displacement, and projection are
universal in nature. They are found among members of all societies and are relevant to
explaining why ethnic and racial antagonism is acommon element of many different types
of cultures. However, they explain little about the social processes involved in discrimina-
tion. To study such processes, we must bring into play three sociological ideas.

ETHNOCENTRISM, GROUP CLOSURE, AND RESOURCE ALLOCATION

The sociological concepts of ethnocentrism, ethnic-group closure, and resource alloca-
tion are relevant to ethnic conflicts on a general level. Ethnocentrism—a suspicion of
outsiders combined with a tendency to evaluate the cultures of others in terms of one’s
own culture—is a concept we have encountered previously (see Chapter 2). Virtually all
cultures have been ethnocentric to a greater or lesser degree, and it is easy to see how
ethnocentrism can combine with stereotypical thought to produce discrimination and
violence. “Outsiders” are thought of as aliens, as barbarians, or as morally and mentally
inferior. This was how most civilizations viewed the members of smaller cultures, for
example, and it has helped to fuel innumerable ethnic clashes throughout history.
Ethnocentrism and group closure frequently go together. The term closure means the
process whereby groups maintain boundaries separating themselves from others. Group-
closure strategies include limits or prohibitions on intermarriage between groups, restric-
tions on social contact or economic relationships like trading, and the physical separation
of groups from one another (as in the case of racial ghettos). Black Americans have expe-
rienced all three exclusion devices at one time or another: Racial intermarriage was once
illegal in some states, economic and social segregation was enforced by law in the South,
and segregated Black neighborhoods still exist in most major U.S. cities.
Sometimes groups of equal power may mutually enforce principles of closure: Their
members keep separate from each other, but neither group dominates the other. More com-
monly, however, the members of one group are in a position of power over another. In these
circumstances, ethnic-group closure coincides with the allocation of resources, that is,
The segregation of White
and Black people was the
with inequalities in the distribution of wealth and material goods. There are many contexts
rule of law until the passage in which this may happen—for example, through the military conquest of one group by
of the Civil Rights Act in another or the emergence of an ethnic group as economically dominant over others. Ethnic-
1964. While lunch counters group closure is a means of defending the economic position of the dominant group.
such as this one in Virginia Some of the fiercest conflicts between ethnic or racial groups center on the lines of
and other public places are
closure between them, precisely because these lines usually signal inequalities in the dis-
no longer segregated by
law, de facto segregation,
tribution of wealth, power, or social standing. The concept of ethnic-group closure helps
or segregation “in fact,” us understand both the dramatic and the more insidious differences that separate com-
persists to this day. munities or categories of people from one another—not just why the members of some
groups get shot, lynched, beaten up, or harassed with impunity, but also why they don't get
IN good jobs, a good education, or a desirable place to live. Wealth, power, and social status
are scarce resources—some groups have more of them than others. To hold on to their

308 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

distinctive positions or possessions, privileged groups are sometimes prepared
to under-
take extreme acts of violence against others. The members of underprivileged groups
may
also turn to violence as a means of trying to improve their own situation. The combinat
ion
of group closure with ethnic prejudice and racism is frequently explosive.

Ethnic Antagonism: A Historical Perspective

In an age of globalization and rapid social change, countries are increasingly confronting
the rich benefits and complex challenges of ethnic diversity. Immigration, the movement immigration
of people into a country to settle, and emigration, the process by which people leave a
The movement of people
country to settle in another, combine to produce global migration patterns linking coun- into one country from
tries of origin and countries of destination. Migratory movements add to ethnic and another for the purpose of
cultural diversity in many societies and help shape demographic, economic, and social settlement.

dynamics. International migration is accelerating with the further integration of the global
economy. Meanwhile, ethnic tensions and conflicts continue to flare in societies around
emigration
the world, threatening to lead to the disintegration of some multiethnic states and hinting
The movement of people
at protracted violence in others. How can ethnic diversity be accommodated and outbreaks
out of one country to settle
of ethnic conflict averted? Within multiethnic societies, what should be the relationship in another.
between ethnic-minority groups and the majority population?
To fully analyze ethnic relations in current times, we must first take a historical and
comparative perspective. It is impossible to understand ethnic divisions today without giving
prime place to the impact of the expansion of Western colonialism on the rest of the world.
Global migratory movements resulting from colonialism helped create ethnic divisions by
placing different peoples in close proximity. From the fifteenth century onward, Europeans
began to venture into seas and lands they had not previously explored, not only pursuing the
aims of exploration and trade but also conquering and subduing native peoples. In the shape of
the slave trade, they also forced a large-scale movement of people from Africa to the Americas.
These early population flows influenced the current ethnic compositions of the United
States, Canada, the countries of Central and South America, South Africa, Australia, and
New Zealand. In all these societies, Indigenous populations were decimated by disease,
war, and genocide and subjected to European rule, and they are now impoverished ethnic
minorities. Since the Europeans were from diverse national and ethnic origins, they trans-
planted various ethnic hierarchies and divisions to their new territories. At the height of
the colonial era in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Europeans also ruled over
native populations in South Asia, East Asia, the South Pacific, and the Middle East.
For most of the period of European expansion, ethnocentric attitudes were rife among
the colonists, many of whom were convinced that, as Christians, they were on a “civilizing
mission” to the rest of the world. Europeans of all political persuasions believed them-
selves to be superior to the peoples they colonized and conquered. The early period of col-
scientific racism
onization coincided with the rise of scientific racism, or the misuse of science to support The use of scientific
research or data to justify
racist assumptions. During the sixteenth century, Europeans began to classify animals,
or reify beliefs about the
people, and the material culture that they collected as they explored the world. In 1735, superiority or inferiority
Swedish botanist Carolus Linnaeus published what is recognized as the first version of a of particular racial groups.
modern classification scheme of human populations. He grouped human beings into four Much of the “data” used
basic categories: Europaeus, Americanus, Asiaticus, and Africanus. Linnaeus assumed that to justify such claims are
flawed or biased.
each subgroup had qualities of behavior or temperament that were innate and could not be
altered. He acquired much of his data from the writings, descriptions, commentaries, and

Why Do Racial and Ethnic Antagonism Exist? 309

 his
beliefs of plantation owners, missionaries, slave traders, explorers, and travelers. Thus,
scientific data were shaped by the prejudices of Europeans (Smedley, 1993).
genocide
During the sixteenth century, and ever since then, the legacy of European colonization
The systematic, planned
has generated ethnic divisions that have occupied a central place in regional and global
destruction of a racial,
ethnic, religious, political, conflicts. In particular, views distinguishing the descendants of Europeans from those of
or cultural group. Africans became central to European racist attitudes.

FORMS OF ETHNIC CONFLICT

segregation
The most extreme and devastating form of group relations in human history involves
The practice of keeping
genocide, the systematic, planned destruction of a particular group on the grounds of
racial and ethnic groups
group members race, ethnicity, religion, culture, or political views. The most horrific recent
physically separate.
instance of such desolation was the massacre of 6 million Jews in German concentration
camps during World War II. The Holocaust is not the only example of mass genocide in the
assimilation twentieth century. Between 1915 and 1923, more than a million Armenians were killed
The acceptance of a by the Ottoman Turkish government. In the late 1970s, 2 million Cambodians died in the
minority group by a major- Khmer Rouge's killing fields. During the 1990s, in the African country of Rwanda, hun-
ity population in which the dreds of thousands of the minority Tutsis were massacred by the dominant Hutu group.
new group takes on the
And in the former Yugoslavia, one hundred thousand Bosnian and Kosovar Muslims were
values and norms of the
summarily executed by the Serb majority.
dominant culture.
Exploitation of minority groups has been an ugly part of many countries’ histories. The
separation of the minority from the majority has been institutionalized at times in the form of
segregation, a practice whereby racial and ethnic groups are kept physically separate by law,
thereby maintaining the superior position of the dominant group. For instance, in apartheid-era
South Africa, laws forced Black people to live separately from White people and forbade sexual
relations between races. In the United States, African Americans have also experienced legal
forms of segregation. It was only in 1967 that the Supreme Court ruled in the case of Loving v.
Logo},
[od=oemr645 |109) Virginia that the prohibition of interracial marriage violated the right to privacy.

What is the difference Models of Ethnic Integration

between prejudice and
discrimination?
Four primary models of ethnic integration have been adopted by multiethnic societies: assim-
ilation, the “melting pot,” pluralism, and multiculturalism. For many years, the two most
Provide two examples
common positive models of political ethnic harmony in the United States were assimilation
of ways ethnic groups
maintain closure. and the melting pot. Assimilation meant that new immigrant groups would assume the
attitudes and language of the dominant White community. The idea of the melting pot was
How did Western
colonialism contribute different—it meant merging different cultures and outlooks by stirring them all together.
icon da\-melg-¥-
1d(ola mem =vealal(@ A newer model of ethnic relations is pluralism, in which ethnic cultures maintain
divisions today? their unique practices and communities yet also participate in the larger society's economic
Viarcharclacm aie ce)m aatcme)i and political life. A recent outgrowth of pluralism is multiculturalism, in which ethnic
eydalallomero)
aldires ata groups exist separately and share equally in economic and political life. It does seem at least
What are the four possible to create a society in which ethnic groups are separate yet share equally in political
primary models of and economic influence, as is demonstrated by Switzerland, where French, German, and
ethnic integration? Italian groups coexist in the same society. But this situation is unusual, and it seems unlikely
Describe each one.
that the United States could come close to mirroring this achievement in the near future.

310 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

How Does Racism
Operate in American
Society Today? <
Some see racism as operating in the individual consciousness. An individual may profess Understand how racism
racist beliefs or may join in with a group, such as a White supremacist organization, that is not only enacted by
promotes a racist agenda. Yet many have argued that racism is more than simply the ideas individuals but embedded
held by a small number of bigoted individuals; rather, they argue that racism is a system in our institutions. Learn
how racial inequality is
of domination operating in official social institutions, such as admissions offices or police
maintained by both overt
departments. We will describe both forms of racism in turn. acts of racial hatred
and color blindness.
Institutional Racism Understand the concepts
of White privilege and
The idea of institutional racism was developed in the United States in the late 1960s by microaggressions.
two Black Power activists, Stokely Carmichael and political scientist Charles Hamilton,
before it was taken up and developed by sociologists in the 1970s. It is defined as the idea
that racism occurs through respected and established institutions of society rather than
the hateful actions of some bad people—that racism pervades all of society's structures ina
systemic way. Those who focus on institutional racism study how social institutions, such
as schools, hospitals, police departments, and businesses, have practices supporting White
supremacy built into the very fabric of their operations. These institutions structure social melting pot
relations in ways that are less obvious than overt discrimination.
The idea that ethnic dif-
The concept of institutional racism is well illustrated by the case of George Floyd. ferences can be combined
His death at the hands of a police officer on May 25, 2020, led to massive protests, riots, to create new patterns
and calls for justice and police reform not only in Minneapolis, the site of the incident, but of behavior drawing on
diverse cultural sources.
across the United States and even the world. The tragedy occurred after Floyd, a 46-year-
old African American and frequent patron of Cup Foods, a local grocery store, paid for
cigarettes with what was allegedly a fake $20 bill. Realizing that the bill was counterfeit,
pluralism
the cashier on duty followed him to his car and demanded that he return the cigarettes.
A model of ethnic relations
Floyd, who was heavily intoxicated, refused, and the employee called 911. When the first
in which all ethnic groups
police car arrived seven minutes later, Floyd was still outside the store, sitting in his blue in a society retain their
van with two other passengers. separate identities yet
Upon reaching the van, one of the officers put a gun to Floyd's head until he placed share equally in the rights
and powers of citizenship.
both hands on the steering wheel. The officer then pulled Floyd out of his car and met
with some resistance as he was handcuffing him. Once the officer explained to Floyd that
he was under arrest for possible counterfeit, Floyd became compliant. On their way to multiculturalism
the police car, however, Floyd stiffened up and fell, claiming to be claustrophobic. At this
The viewpoint according to
point, two additional officers showed up at the scene and helped force Floyd into the car. which ethnic groups can
Videos made by witnesses then show one of the newly arrived officers, Derek Chauvin, exist separately and share
dragging a handcuffed Floyd out of the passenger seat and back on the ground, belly down. equally in economic and
political life.
At 8:19 pM. Chauvin set his knee over Floyd's head and neck while two other officers
held his back and legs and the fourth one, Thomas Lane, watched.

How Does Racism Operate in American Society Today? 311

 Though Floyd repeatedly cried out “please!” “Mama!” and “I can’t breathe,” the officers
replied that he was “talking fine.” When several minutes had passed, Lane suggested to
institutional
racism Chauvin that Floyd be turned on his side because he was concerned about “excited delir-
ium,” a term used to describe a sequence of “agitation (fear, panic, shouting, violence and
Patterns of discrimination
based on race that have hyperactivity), sudden cessation of struggle, respiratory arrest and death” (Takeuchi et al.,
become structured into 2011). To this, Chauvin replied, “That's why we have him on his stomach.” By 8:24, Floyd
social institutions. had stopped moving. A minute later he stopped speaking, at which point one of the cops
holding Floyd down checked his pulse but “couldn't find one.” Nonetheless, Chauvin kept
his knee in place for nearly another two minutes. Eventually an ambulance arrived and
Floyd's body was removed. An hour later he was pronounced dead at the Hennepin County
Medical Center.
The autopsy report issued the following day by the Hennepin County Medical
Examiner stated that the findings did not support “a diagnosis of traumatic asphyxia or
strangulation.” A second, independent autopsy report ordered by Floyd's family found that
Floyd had been asphyxiated by the pressure applied on his neck. Although both reports
ultimately identified the cause of death as homicide, the one issued by the official medical
examiner implied that Floyd may not have died at the hands of the police had he been in
better medical shape.
Although Chauvin and the three other police officers involved will be prosecuted, the
protests that arose in the weeks following Floyd's killing sought to bring attention not only
to this one death, but to a wider problem in policing of unequal treatment and a pattern of
violence toward Black Americans. Data consistently show not only that Black people are in
fact far more likely than White People to be maltreated by police but that the overall public
is beginning to perceive this to be the case (Parker et al, 2020). Even though the murder of
George Floyd was perpetrated by a few deviant police officers, the episode is unfortunately
far from unique. Several other high-profile incidents in recent years have brought attention
to inequalities in policing and a criminal justice system that places an unjust burden on
Black people.
What we can see in George Floyd's killing and others like it is that discrimination often
occurs through the practices of respected institutions. We find this not only in policing but
in other institutions as well. One of the best ways to understand how institutional racism
operates in the United States is to recall that, until the late 1970s, most Black Americans
lived in either urban ghettos or southern states that were still marked by the remnants of
Jim Crow segregation. It was very difficult for Black people to find housing outside of urban
Black neighborhoods, either due to racial discrimination or violence against those who
tried to move into White neighborhoods. In the South, long after the Civil War, there was
still a sharp “color line” that separated the races in schools, housing, and public facilities. In
both the North and the South, Black Americans of all socioeconomic classes led lives that
were separate from White people. Black Americans in the middle and upper classes were
relegated to the same neighborhoods as those in the lower class. In other words, if you
were Black, then you were Black, and that largely defined your life chances.
When we refer to the ghettoes of the United States, or to southern Jim Crow, we
are recognizing that racism is embedded in the structures of our political, economic, and
social institutions. Even though many people are affected by many individual acts of dis-
crimination, the racial system is not first and foremost kept alive by these acts. It is kept
alive and perpetuated by a larger system of segregation that was established long before

C2 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

people alive today were even born and that exists inde
pendently of interpersonal acts of hatred or prejudice. In
fact, people living in a highly segregated society may suffer
great disadvantage based on their race without ever per
sonally experiencing discrimination on a one-to-one basis.
Although an individual act, George Floyd's murder
brought attention to systemic, institutional inequality and
discrimination, and it inspired an outpouring of protests
worldwide. These demonstrations have illuminated insti-
tutional racism not merely in the criminal justice system
but in all realms of life, including education, housing, and
the workplace. Indeed, the murder of George Floyd had
the effect of taking a concept developed in the discipline
of sociology and making it a part of mainstream discourse
about racial inequality around the world.
Hundreds of Brooklyn residents gathered downtown to protest
In terpersonal Racism the killing of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer. Over
‘2,000 American cities joined in protest in the weeks following
Racial domination does not only occur
at institutional Floyd's murder
levels; it is also enacted by individuals. Although inter-
personal racism can take the form of blatant bigotry, it can
also show up in more subtle, less obvious ways, including “N
color-blind racism and microaggressions (Desmond and
Emirbayer, 2016).

OVERT RACISM: RACISM WITH RACISTS

Although many people are good at keeping their racist thoughts to themselves, it would
be a mistake to conclude that overt racist acts have disappeared or that large numbers
of people are not victimized by them in everyday life. Racism can be expressed overtly
through the attitudes, perceptions, and beliefs of bigoted individuals and is sustained by
the ideologically racist statements of political leaders.
Overt racism, which became highly unusual in American politics in the period after
the civil rights era, resurged during the campaign and first term of President Donald
Trump, as is evident from the examples below:

1. Trump began his presidential campaign on June 16, 2015, by attacking Mexican
migrants to the United States as “rapists” and “criminals,” saying, “When Mexico
sends its people, they're not sending their best. . . . They're sending people that
have lots of problems, and they're bringing those problems with us. They're
bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists. And some, I assume, are
good people.” Trump's rhetoric painted Mexicans with one broad brush and sug-
gested that most of the migrants were dangerous. These claims were the basis
of his arguments for building a giant border wall between the United States
and Mexico.

2. After the Democratic National Convention in 2016, Donald Trump attacked Khizr
and Ghazala Khan, the Pakistani American parents of a Muslim U.S. Army officer
who died in the Iraq War. The parents spoke at the convention, accusing Trump

How Does Racism Operate in American Society Today? Sis

 of not understanding the U.S. Constitution: “Have you ever been to Arlington
Cemetery? Go look at the graves of brave patriots who died defending the United
States of America,” said the soldier's father. “You will see all faiths, genders, and
ethnicities. You have sacrificed nothing—and no one.” Later Trump lashed out at
the couple, suggesting that Mrs. Khan had been silent during the speech because
Muslim women are held in an inferior position.

3. Trump refused to disavow White supremacists when they expressed support for
him and his campaign. David Duke, the former leader of the KKK, stated on his
radio show that not voting for Trump is “really treason to your heritage.”

4. Trump gave support to White supremacist protesters who objected to the

removal of a statue of Confederate general Robert E. Lee in Charlottesville,
Virginia, in 2017. Even after one White supremacist drove a car into a crowd of
counterprotesters—killing one and wounding at least 34 others—the presi-
dent said the rally had some “very fine” protesters and “blame on both sides.”
A young girl joins members He added, “You had a group on one side that was bad and you had a group on
of the Ku Klux Klan-at a the other side that was also very violent” (Merica, 2017; Al Jazeera, 2017; Astor
demonstration against et al., 2017).
the Martin Luther King
Day holiday in Pulaski, 5. While the Trump administration was criticized by local leaders for slow and lim-
Tennessee. ited assistance during and after Hurricane Maria struck Puerto Rico in 2017, the
president's self-defense was based on demeaning stereotypes of Puerto Ricans
wN as lazy: He tweeted, “Such poor leadership ability by the mayor of San Juan,
and others in Puerto Rico, who are not able to get their workers to help. They
want everything to be done for them when it should be a community effort”
(Segarra, 2017).

6. On January 11, 2018, in a bipartisan meeting with lawmakers to discuss

policy on immigration from Haiti, El Salvador, and African countries, Trump
allegedly asked, “Why are we having all these people from shithole countries
come here?” According to the Washington Post, “Trump then suggested that the
United States should instead bring more people from countries like Norway”
(Dawsey, 2018).

Although President Trump claimed to be “the least racist person that you have
ever met,” he has continued to make one bigoted statement after another. Trump's state-
ments often paint one or another racial group with a broad brush. While many sociolo-
gists believed we had entered an era in which racism would only be expressed with great
subtlety—that people in positions of power understood the significance of speaking as
though they did not see race at al-—Trump's presidency upended that sort of understand-
ing, forcing sociologists to confront a new era of overt racism.

COLOR-BLIND RACISM: RACISM WITHOUT RACISTS

Over the past several decades, some sociologists have argued that racial inequal-
ity is maintained less by overt acts of racial hatred than by color blindness itself,
exemplified by those who profess “not to see color” or racial differences. Sociologist
Eduardo Bonilla-Silva (2006) defines color blindness as a means of maintaining racial

314 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

inequality without appearing racist. First, many White people believe that
they are above racism and incapable of perpetuating discrimination.
They are thus unaware of the ways in which their insensitivity is psy-
chologically damaging to racial minorities. Second, by acting as if race
does not exist, they perpetuate inequalities that can only be addressed
by paying direct attention to racial differences. Third, many White
people who do make subtle or even explicitly racial distinctions have
become quite adept at maintaining an appearance of neutrality. In
all these ways, much of racial inequality is maintained through
color-blind processes.
One significant aspect of color blindness is how much White peo-
ple take for granted. Many of those who profess to be “color-blind,” for
example, don't recognize the many ways in which they benefit from their
Whiteness. Just as many people of color must take it for granted that rac-
ism pervades their lives in a systemic way, so it is that many White people
In August 2017, White nationalists gathered in
take their societal privileges for granted. White privilege refers to the Charlottesville, Virginia, for a Unite the Right rally
unacknowledged and unearned assets that benefit White people in their to protest the removal of a Confederate statue.
everyday lives.
In a powerful metaphor, women’s studies scholar Peggy McIntosh ™
likens White privilege to “an invisible weightless knapsack of special
provisions, assurances, tools, maps, guides, codebooks, passports, visas,
clothes, compass, emergency gear, and blank checks” (1988). McIntosh
then goes on to unpack this invisible knapsack by detailing more than 40 “special
circumstances and provisions” she experiences as a White person that her African White privilege
American counterparts cannot similarly expect in their day-to-day lives. She and other The unacknowledged
White people can: and unearned assets that
benefit White people in
1. Make arrangements to hang out with people of one’s own race most of their everyday lives.
the time.

2. Rent or purchase housing in an area one can afford and where one wants
to live.

3. Assume that the people living y next door will treat one with respect.

4. Go shopping alone without being followed around the store or harassed.

=. Turn on the TV and expect to see other people of one's race most of the time
(1988).

In everyday life, members of racial and ethnic minorities often experience brief inter-
actions that send demeaning messages and appear to the victims to be based on their
race. Unlike acts of overt racism, these exchanges are often initiated by people who are
well meaning and well intentioned. They may even consider themselves to be color-blind.
Whereas the target of the interaction experiences it as an insult, the White perpetrator may
be shocked to discover that there has been any incident at all. At times, the White person
will claim that the other person has misunderstood an “innocent” comment or is mak-
ing a “mountain out of a molehill.” Often these interactions are experienced silently, with
victims never expressing the outrage they silently feel.

How Does Racism Operate in American Society Today? ats

TABLE 10.1

Applying Sociology to Race and Ethnicity

CONCEPT APPROACH TO RACE AND ETHNICITY CURRENT APPLICATION

White Privilege Unacknowledged and unmerited assets that benefit White people can typically expect to go shopping
White people in their everyday lives without being followed around a store or
harassed.

Institutional Racism Racism that occurs under the auspices of respected Police stop and search Black drivers at stop
civic and social institutions such as courts and signs twice as often as they do White ones,
police, rather than through the hateful or biased though Black drivers are 26 percent less likely
actions of particular prejudiced people to be found in possession of contraband goods.

Overt Racism Racism that is manifest in individual attitudes, Donald Trump initiated his 2016 presidential
perceptions and beliefs, including statements made campaign with the accusation that Mexican
by political leaders migrants to the United States are “rapists and
criminals.”

Racial Subtle, slight indignities and disrespectful actions Members of ethnic and racial minority groups
Microaggressions that are hurtful to people of another race even are often asked where they are born under the
though they are often perpetrated by well-meaning assumption that they and their families have not
individuals been in the United States for long.

The idea of microaggression was originally proposed in the 1970s by Chester M.

CONCEPT CHECKS Pierce, an African American psychiatrist (Pierce and Dimsdale, 1986). In recent years,
it has caught on due to the further work of Derald Wing Sue, an Asian American psy-
Give two examples of
chologist. Racial microaggressions are small slights, indignities, or acts of disre-
how institutional racism
fo)of=}=)(=< Cole)VA spect that are hurtful to people of color even though they are often perpetrated by
well-meaning White people. Among the kinds of incidents Sue cited as examples of
Relate the theory of
racial formation to any microaggressions are people asking Asian Americans where they were born or telling
example of Donald them that they “speak good English.” Such comments suggest that they are immigrants,
Trump’s overt racism. even when they and their families have been in the United States for generations
How does “color (Sue, 2010).
blindness” perpetuate While perpetrators might question the existence of racial microaggressions, their
racial inequalities? impact on people of color is severe and deleterious. Scholars from psychology to sociol-
What is White privilege? ogy have documented how experiencing racial microaggressions creates cumulative psy-
How would you explain chological and physiological stress, negatively impacting mental health (e.g., Feagin and
the harmful effects of McKinney, 2003; Nadal et al., 2014; Ong et al. 2013; Smith et al., 2007; Sue, 2010; Embrick
racial microaggressions to et al., 2017). Research from schools and universities emphasizes how structures and
someone who thinks you institutions can facilitate racial microaggressions through, for example, campus policing
are making “a mountain
practices (Embrick et al., 2017).
out of a molehill”?

316 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

What Are the Origins and
Nature of Ethnic Diversity
In the United States? <
More than most other societies in the world, the United States is peopled almost entirely Familiarize yourself with
by immigrants. Only a tiny minority, less than 1 percent, of the population today are Native the history and social
Americans. Before the American Revolution, British, French, and Dutch settlers estab- dimensions of ethnic
lished colonies in what is now the United States. Some descendants of the French colo- relations in America.

nists are still found in parts of Louisiana. Millions of enslaved people were trafficked from
Africa to North America. Huge waves of European, Asian, and Latin American immigrants
have washed across the country at different periods since then.
The United States is one of the most ethnically diverse countries on the face of the
globe. In this section we will pay particular attention to the divisions that have separated
racial
White Americans and non-White minority groups, such as African Americans and Asian microaggressions
Americans. The emphasis is on struggle. Members of these groups have made repeated
Small slights, indignities,
efforts to defend the integrity of their cultures and advance their social positions in the or acts of disrespect that
face of persistent prejudice and discrimination from the wider social environment. are hurtful to people of
color even though they
are often perpetuated
Early Colonization by well-meaning White
people.
The first European colonists in what was to become the United States were actually of a
quite homogeneous background. At the time of the Declaration of Independence, the major-
ity of the colonial population was of British descent, and almost everyone was Protestant.
Settlers from outside the British Isles were at first admitted with reluctance, but the desire
for economic expansion meant having to attract immigrants from other areas. Most came
from countries in northwest Europe, such as Holland, Germany, and Sweden, beginning
around 1820. In the century following, about 33 million immigrants entered the United
States. No migrant movement on such a scale had ever been documented before, nor has
such a migration occurred since.
The early waves of immigrants came mostly from the same countries of origin as
the groups already established in the United States. They left Europe to escape economic
hardship and religious and political oppression and for the opportunity to acquire land
as the drive westward gained momentum. As a result of successive potato famines that
produced widespread starvation, 1.5 million people migrated from Ireland. The Lrish were
accustomed to a life of hardship and despair. In contrast with other immigrants from rural
backgrounds, most Irish settled in urban industrial areas, where they sought work.
A major new influx of immigrants arrived in the 1880s and 1890s, this time mainly
from southern and eastern Europe, including the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia, and
Italy. Each successive group of immigrants suffered considerable discrimination at the
hands of people previously established in the country. Negative views of the Irish, for
example, emphasized their supposedly low levels of intelligence and drunken behavior.
But as they were concentrated within cities, Irish Americans were able to organize to

What Are the Origins and Nature of Ethnic Diversity in the United States? Sie
 protect their interests and gained a strong influence
over political life. The Italians and Polish, when they
reached America, were in turn discriminated against
by the Irish.
Asian immigrants first arrived in the United
States in large numbers in the late nineteenth cen-
tury, encouraged by employers who needed cheap
labor in the developing industries of the West. Some
200,000 Chinese people immigrated to the United
States during this period. Most were men who
planned to earn and save money to send back to their
families in China, anticipating that they would also
return someday. Bitter conflicts broke out between
Immigration has a profound effect on social life in the United States.
White and Chinese workers when employment

WN opportunities diminished. The Chinese Exclusion

Act, passed in 1882, cut down further immigration
to a trickle until after World War II.
Japanese immigrants began to arrive not long after the Chinese Exclusion Act was
passed. They were also subject to great hostility from White Americans. Opposition to
Japanese immigration intensified in the early part of the twentieth century, leading to
strict limits, or quotas, on the number of people allowed to enter the United States. Most
immigrant groups in the early twentieth century settled in urban areas and engaged in
the developing industrial economy. They also tended to cluster in ethnic neighborhoods
of their own. Chinatowns, Little Italies, and other clearly defined areas became features of
most large cities. The very size of the influx provoked backlash from the White segment
of the population. One result was the immigration quotas of the 1920s, which restricted
immigration from southern and eastern Europe. Many immigrants found the condi-
tions of life in their new land little better and sometimes worse than those they faced in
their homelands.

Immigrant America in the Twentieth and

Twenty-First Centuries
If globalization is understood as the emergence of new patterns of interconnection among
the world’s peoples and cultures, then surely one of the most significant aspects of global-
ization is the changing racial and ethnic composition of societies worldwide. In the United
States, shifting patterns of immigration since the end of World War II have altered the
demographic structure of many regions, affecting social and cultural life in ways that can
hardly be overstated. Although the United States has always been a nation of immigrants
(with the obvious exception of Native Americans), most of those who arrived prior to the
early 1960s were European.
As we just discussed, throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, vast
numbers of people from Ireland, Italy, Germany, Russia, and other European countries
flocked to America in search of a new life, giving a distinctive European bent to American
culture. (Of course, until 1808, another significant group of immigrants—A fricans—
came not because America was a land of opportunity but because they had been enslaved

318 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

FIGURE 10.1

Racial and Ethnic Composition of the United States, 1900-2050

Wi Black Hispanic ™ Asian WB Native American W White
100 }

80

60 }

PERCENTAGE
40

20|

SE

Estimated

*Total exceeds 100 percent because starting in 2000, respondents were allowed to identify themselves as
belonging fo more than one racia categor y

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2004, 2010.

and trafficked.) In part because of changes in immigration policy, however, more than
three-quarters of the nearly 59 million immigrants admitted to the United States since 1965
have been Asian or Latin American. This surge in immigration has significantly altered
the racial and ethnic composition of the United States (see Figure 10.1): The Latino share of
the U.S. population jumped from 3.5 percent in 1960 to 18 percent in 2018, while the Asian
share rose from less than 1 percent in 1960 to 5.6 percent in 2018 (Flores et al., 2019).
There are more than 44.4 million foreign-born individuals in the United States, com-
posing 13.6 percent of the total population (Radford, 2019). This represents a fourfold
increase since 1960, when immigrants represented just over 5 percent of the U.S. popu-
lation (Zong, et al., 2018). In contrast to the major wave of immigration in the 1880s and
1890s, just 12 percent of the immigrant population today is of European origin. In fact,
51 percent have come from Latin America, including 25 percent from Mexico, and another
27 percent have come from South and East Asia (Radford, 2019). This change can be
attributed to two government acts: the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which
abolished preferences for northern and western European immigrants and gave prefer-
ence to “family reunification’"—rather than occupational skills—as a reason for accepting

What Are the Origins and Nature of Ethnic Diversity in the United States? 319
 amnesty
immigrants, and the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act, which provided
for many undocumented immigrants.

Blacks in the United States

By 1780, there were nearly 4 million enslaved Black people in the American South. White
slave owners often used physical punishment and abuse to exert power and control. Slaves
had virtually no rights in law whatsoever. But they did not passively accept the conditions
their masters imposed on them. The struggles of slaves against their oppressive conditions
sometimes took the form of direct opposition or disobedience to orders and, occasionally,
outright rebellion (although collective slave revolts were more common in the Caribbean
than in the United States). On a more subtle level, their response took the form of a cultural
creativity—a mixing of African cultures, Christian ideals, and cultural threads woven
from their new environments. Some of the art forms their descendants developed—tor
example, the invention of jazz—were genuinely new.
Feelings of hostility toward Black Americans on the part of the White population were
in some respects more strongly developed in states where slavery had never been known
than in the South itself. Moral rejection of slavery seems to have been confined to a few
more-educated groups. The formal abolition of slavery changed the real conditions of life
for African Americans in the South relatively little. The “Black Codes’—laws limiting the
rights of Black people—placed restrictions on the behavior of the former slaves and pun-
ished their transgressions in much the same way as under slavery. Acts were also passed
legalizing segregation of Black people from White people in public places. One kind of
slavery was thus replaced by another form of subjugation, based on social, political, and
economic discrimination.

INTERNAL MIGRATION FROM SOUTH TO NORTH

Industrial development in the North, combined with the mechanization of agriculture in
the South, catalyzed a progressive movement of African Americans northward beginning
at the turn of the century. In 1900, more than go percent of African Americans lived in
the South, mostly in rural areas. Today, less than half of the Black population remains in
the South; three-quarters now live in northern urban areas. African Americans used to
be farm laborers and domestic servants, but over a period of little more than two gener-
ations, they became mainly urban, industrial, and service-economy workers. But African
Americans have not become assimilated into the wider society in the same way that suc-
cessive groups of White immigrants were. Institutional racism, as discussed earlier in the
chapter, has hampered Black Americans’ ability to break free from the conditions of neigh-
borhood segregation and poverty that other immigrants faced on arrival. Together with
those of Anglo-Saxon origin, African Americans have lived in the United States far longer
than most other immigrant groups. What was a transitional experience for most of the later
White immigrants has become a seemingly permanent experience for Black Americans.
In the majority of American cities in both the South and the North, Black and White res-
idents live in separate neighborhoods and are educated in different schools. Demographers
have developed a statistic called the index of dissimilarity, which tells us the proportion
of people who would need to move into a new neighborhood for the distribution of peo-
ple in neighborhoods to approximate the overall racial breakdown of the United States.

320 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

According to 2010 Census data, roughly 63 percent of either Black or White
people would
have to move to desegregate housing fully in the average American city (Nasser, 2010).

Hispanics and Latinos in the United States

The wars of conquest that created the boundaries of the contemporary United States were
directed not only against the Native American population but also against Mexico. The ter-
ritory that later became California, Nevada, Arizona, Texas, New Mexico, and Utah—along
with a quarter of a million Mexicans—was taken by the United States in 1848 as a result
of war with Mexico. The terms Mexican American and Chicano include the descendants of
these people, together with subsequent immigrants from Mexico. The term Latino refers to
people descended from Latin America, whereas Hispanic tends to refer to anyone living in
the United States descended from Spanish-speaking regions.
In 2016, the more than 60 million Hispanics in the United States represented
18.3 percent of the population. The four largest groups of Hispanics in the United States
today are Mexican Americans (35.8 million), Puerto Ricans (5.4 million), Salvadoran
Americans (2.2 million), and Cuban Americans (2.1 million) (Flores, 2017). After the pas-
sage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, the Hispanic population grew at an
extraordinary rate—by 53 percent between 1980 and 1990, 58 percent between 1990 and
2000, and 44 percent between 2000 and 2010—mainly as a result of the large-scale flow
of new immigrants across the Mexican border (Flores, 2017; U.S. Bureau of the Census,
2011b). In fact, the growth of the Hispanic population accounts for half of total national
population growth since 2000 (Flores, 2017).
In recent years, Hispanic population growth has slowed as immigration from Latin
America, especially Mexico, has decreased (Flores, 2017). While the number of people
entering the United States on temporary worker visas has surged, legal immigration
appears stable overall, and for the first time, undocumented migration has effectively
ceased. Studies show that the halt in undocumented migration has resulted not from
enhanced border enforcement but mainly from “larger shifts in the North American politi-
cal economy” (Massey, 2012). New temporary, legal means for Mexicans to enter the United
States, declining U.S. labor demand, decelerating population growth in Mexico, and the
relative stability of the Mexican economy better explain the sharp decline in rates of Latin
American immigration (Massey, 2012).

MEXICAN AMERICANS
Mexican Americans reside mainly in the West and Southwest, with more than half
living in California or Texas (Zong et al., 2018). The majority work at low-paying jobs.
Between the end of World War II and the early 1960s, Mexican workers were admitted
to the United States without much restriction. This was followed by a phase of quotas
on legal immigrants and deportations of undocumented immigrants. Undocumented
immigrants can be employed more cheaply than other workers, and they perform jobs
that most of the rest of the population would not accept, thus making a unique con-
tribution to the American economy. The 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act
enabled undocumented immigrants who had been living in the United States for at least
five years to claim legal residence. In the past decade, overall immigration from Mexico
has dropped significantly; more Mexicans have left the United States than entered

What Are the Origins and Nature of Ethnic Diversity in the United States? 32)
 the country since the end of the Great Recession (Gonzalez-Barrera, 2015, Chishti and
Hipsman, 2015).
Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans in the United States typically have levels
of economic well-being and educational attainment far below those of other native-born
American groups. In 2017, 20 percent lived below the poverty line. More than two-thirds
(71 percent) of Mexicans in the United States are proficient in English; however, only
around 12 percent hold bachelor’s degrees (Noe-Bustamante et al., 2019b). Social scientists
anticipate that Mexican immigrants and their children may become increasingly assimi-
lated into life in the United States in coming decades, due in part to policies that help them
obtain an affordable college education. As of 2020, 21 states have passed laws permitting
certain undocumented students who have attended and graduated from their primary
and secondary schools to pay in-state tuition at state colleges (National Immigration Law
Center, 2020). Given that about half of undocumented immigrants in the United States
hail from Mexico, these policies—the source of ongoing legislative contention in several
states—will have a major impact on the lives of young Mexican immigrants.

PUERTO RICANS
Puerto Rico was acquired by the United States through war, and Puerto Ricans have been
American citizens since 1917. The island is poor, and many of its inhabitants have migrated
to the mainland United States to improve their conditions of life. Puerto Ricans originally
settled in New York City, but since the 1960s, they have moved elsewhere. A reverse migra-
tion of Puerto Ricans back to the island began in the 1970s. In recent years, however, record
numbers of Puerto Ricans have been migrating to the United States to escape the island's
decade-long recession (Krogstad et al., 2017). Owing to migration to the mainland as
well as declining fertility rates among Puerto Rican women, there are more Puerto Ricans
living in the United States than on the island (Flores, 2017).
One of the most important issues facing Puerto Rican activists is the political destiny
of their homeland. Puerto Rico is at present a commonwealth of the United States. As such,
Puerto Ricans residing on the island are U.S. citizens, yet they do not pay federal income
tax nor can they vote for president of the United States. For years, Puerto Ricans have been
divided about whether the island should retain its present status, opt for independence,
or attempt to become the 51st state of the union. In June 2017, 97 percent of Puerto Ricans
voted in favor of statehood in a nonbinding referendum; however, less than one-quarter
of registered voters actually cast ballots due to boycotts. The vote came just a few weeks
after the Puerto Rican government declared a form of bankruptcy (Robles, 2017).

CUBAN AMERICANS
Cubans, a third Latino group in the United States, differ from Mexican Americans and Puerto
Ricans in key respects. Half a million Cubans fled communism following the rise of Fidel Castro
in 1959, and the majority settled in Florida. Unlike other Latino immigrants, they were mainly
refugees educated people from white-collar and professional backgrounds. They have managed to thrive
People who have fled in the United States, many finding positions comparable with those they abandoned in Cuba.
their homes due to a A further wave of Cuban immigrants from less affluent origins arrived in 1980.
political, economic, or Lacking the qualifications held by the first wave, these people tend to live in circumstances
natural crisis. closer to those of other Latino communities in the United States. Both sets of Cuban immi-
grants are mainly political refugees rather than economic migrants. The later immigrants

22 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

to a large extent have become the “working class” for the earlier immigrants. They
are paid
low wages, but Cuban employers tend to take them on in preference to members
of other
ethnic groups.

Asians in the United States

About 6 percent of the population of the United States is of Asian origin. People of
Chinese, Indian, and Filipino (from the Philippines) descent form the largest groups, but
there are also significant numbers of Vietnamese, Korean, and Japanese people living in
the United States. CONCEPT CHECKS
Most of the early Chinese immigrants settled in California, where they were employed
mainly in heavy industries such as mining and railroad construction. The retreat of Describe patterns of
Tanalicis-iilolam com ial=
Chinese Americans into distinct Chinatowns was not primarily their choice but was made
United States before -
necessary by the hostility they faced. Early Japanese immigrants also settled in California and after the 1960s.
and the other Pacific states. During World War II, following Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor,
How has the racial and
all Japanese Americans in the United States were made to report to “relocation centers,” idalalfometolal slot diela)
which were effectively concentration camps. Despite the fact that most of these people of the United States
were American citizens, they were compelled to live in the hastily established camps changed since
the 1960s?
for the duration of the war. Paradoxically, this situation eventually led to their greater
integration within the wider society, because, following the war, Japanese Americans did Briefly contrast the
immigration experiences
not return to the separate neighborhoods in which they had previously lived. They have
of European Americans,
become extremely successful in reaching high levels of education and income, marginally
African Americans,
outstripping White Americans. Latinos, and Asians to
Following the passage of the Immigration and Nationality act of 1965, large-scale the United States.
immigration from Asian countries again took place. Between 2000 and 2015, the U.S. Asian Using the examples
population grew 72 percent, faster than any other major racial or ethnic group, including of African Americans
Hispanics (Lopez et al., 2017). Foreign-born Chinese Americans today outnumber those and Asians, explain
brought up in the United States. The newly arrived Chinese have avoided the Chinatowns how neighborhood
segregation may result
in which the long-established Chinese have tended to remain, mostly moving into other
from and perpetuate
neighborhoods. racial inequality.

How Do Race and Etnnicity

Affect the Life Chances of
Different Groups? <
Learn how racial and ethnic
Since the civil rights movement of the 1960s, has real progress been made in eliminating inequality is reflected in
racial inequality? One of the driving questions of sociology is whether racial and ethnic terms of educational and
occupational attainment,
inequality is primarily the result of factors associated with race and ethnicity or whether it
income, health, residential
is mainly a product of social and economic class position. For example, are Black Americans
segregation, and political
disproportionately poor because of factors associated with race? Or do socioeconomic power.
factors better explain why some of the Black population lives in poverty?

How Do Race and Ethnicity Affect the Life Chances of Different Groups?
 is
In this section, we will first examine the facts: how racial and ethnic inequality
expressed in terms of educational and occupational attainment, income and wealth, health,
residential segregation, and political power. We will then look at the range of outcomes
found within the largest racial and ethnic groups. But first, some warnings: Any compar-
isons of the kind undertaken here can be misleading. Racial groups, such as Black, Asian,
and White Americans, are characterized by significant variation, and no single statistic can
accurately represent the whole or tell you about any individual you encounter. Likewise,
Hispanics are not merely diverse in their outcomes but also consist of both Whites and non-
Whites and therefore cannot easily be compared with groups that are more clearly racial.
Furthermore, the very names we use for ethnic and racial groups can sometimes mask
complications and political choices. In this section, racial and ethnic categories are taken
from the U.S. Census, a primary data source for measures of inequality. “Asian” encom-
passes people with origins in East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent.
Sometimes used interchangeably with “Caucasian,” “White” refers to people with ori-
gins in Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. “Hispanic” refers to people descending
from Spanish-speaking countries, though those from Latin America may also be called
“Latinos.” Hispanics and Latinos may be of any race, thus complicating comparisons among
racial groups. “Black” encompasses African Americans and others of the African diaspora.

Educational Attainment
Differences have decreased between Black and White Americans in levels of educational
attainment, but this convergence seems to be the result of long-established trends rather
than a direct outcome of the struggles of the 1960s. After steadily improving their levels of
educational attainment for the last 50 years, African Americans are for the first time close
to Whites in terms of finishing high school (see Figure 10.2). The proportion of Black adults
with at least a high school education has increased
from about 20 percent in 1960 to 88 percent in
2019. Similarly, 91 percent of Asian adults and
FIGURE 10.2 95 percent of non-Hispanic White adults have

Educational
:
Attainment
F
by Race completed high school. However, disparities in
pclae bes eliotn se
higher educational attainment persist: 58 percent
and Ethnicity In r)| g* of Asians 25 and over have at least a bachelor’s
degree. This is significantly higher than the rates
BB High school HB College
for both non-Hispanic White adults (36 percent)
and Black adults (26 percent) (U.S. Bureau of the
Census, 2018).
The situation for Hispanic adults is also
striking. Just 71 percent of Hispanic adults of any
COSt
ro)
Sa |
Rsvp
OMEnT race have a high school education. They have the
highest high school dropout rate of any group
hoS
in the United States: 9.5 percent compared to
4-6 percent for White students and 57 percent for
PROPORTION
ADULTS
OF
WITH
DEGREE
Non-Hispanic Black Asian Hispanic Black students (NCES, 2018). While rates of col-
White lege attendance and success in graduation have
*25 and older gradually improved for other groups, the rate for
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2020b Hispanics has held relatively steady since the
mid-1980s. In 2017, just 17 percent of Hispanic adults held bachelor's or more
advanced
degrees (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2017b). It is possible that these poor results
can be
attributed to the large number of poorly educated immigrants from Latin America who
have come to the United States in the last two decades. Many of these immigrants have
poor English language skills, and their children encounter difficulties in schools.

Employment and Income

How does this educational attainment translate into the workplace? Let us now consider
racial inequality in employment and income. Since 1970, Black men and women's unem-
ployment rate has remained around two times that of White men and women (U.S. Bureau
of the Census, 1999; Fairlie and Sundstrom, 1999). This remains true today: In 2018, 6.5 per-
cent of Black people were unemployed compared to just 3.5 percent of White people (U.S.
Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2020f). However, this gap is considerably smaller among more
educated persons aged 25 years and older. In 2018, the unemployment rates for adults with
a bachelor's degree or more were 2.0 percent, 2.9 percent, and 2.9 percent for non-Hispanic
Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics, respectively (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2020f).
Especially since the economic recession of 2008, there has been some debate about
whether employment opportunities for minorities have improved or worsened. Statistics
on unemployment don't adequately measure economic opportunity, because they count
only those known to be looking for work. A higher proportion of Black and Hispanic adults
have opted out of the occupational system, neither working nor looking for work, because
they have become disillusioned by the frustration of searching for employment that is not
there (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2017). Unemployment figures also do not reflect the
increasing numbers of young men from minority groups who have been incarcerated (see
also Chapter 6). Finally, of the 7.2 million jobs lost during the Great Recession, 5.6 million
were jobs for workers with a high school diploma or less; of the 11.6 million jobs added
since the bottom of the recession, 99 percent of them have gone to workers with at least
some college education (Carnevale et al., 2016). As we just saw, Blacks and Hispanics are
particularly underrepresented among college graduates.
The household income gap remains relatively unchanged. In 2018, median Hispanic
household income reached $51,389, above that of Black households ($40,324) but below
White and Asian households ($66,413 and $83,761, respectively}—divergences that have
remained constant since the 1960s (Semega et al., 2019). This household-level difference
between Hispanics and Blacks is likely due to larger Hispanic households containing a
greater number of income providers (Flores et al., 2017). Increasingly larger than both the
wage or income gap is the gap in household wealth: Both the median and average house-
hold wealth of Black families in 2016 were less than 15 percent those of White families—
Black median household wealth was $17,600 compared to $171,000 for Whites (Dettling
et al., 2017). Differences in homeownership drive part of the household wealth gap:
73 percent of White households own homes, compared to just 45 percent of Black
households. Rates of family inheritance, vehicle ownership, retirement accounts, business
ownership, equity ownership, and debt also diverge by race (Dettling et al., 2017).
Having been systematically targeted for risky subprime loans, minority households
were therefore disproportionately impacted by the foreclosure crisis associated with
the economic recession of 2008 (Rugh and Massey, 2010). During the collapse of the
housing market bubble and subsequent Great Recession, Black and Hispanic household

How Do Race and Ethnicity Affect the Life Chances of Different Groups?
 DIGITAL LIFE

What Are You, Anyway?

The number of Americans who identify as multiracial has increased Michael Baran and game producer Michael Handelman, believe that
dramatically over the past decade and will continue to increase in the app will demonstrate how “something that is considered natural
the future as more and more young adults have children with part- and biological is actually a result of complex historical and cultural
ners of a race different from their own. Multiracial individuals and constructions” (Interactive Diversity Solutions, 2018).
families challenge us to reexamine the ways we think about race. Baran also believes it is important for app users to interrogate
What does a “Black” person look like? What does a “Latino” person the concept of Whiteness. Although many people who are light
look like? Is it even possible to determine one’s racial identity based complexioned may believe they are simply “White” and that the
on their physical features? issue of race does not apply to them, Don't Guess My Race gives
Developed by Interactive Diversity Solutions, the Don’t Guess users six different options for people who appear to be White—
_ My Race web app was designed to help users better understand often capturing different ways that Whiteness is discussed, such as
and question the complexities of race. Don’t Guess My Race is a “elite” or “redneck” (Latour, 2011).
game where a user is presented with photos of people's faces. Both consumer reviews of the game and assessments by race
For each photo, users are asked to click the one answer (of six _ scholars have been largely positive, noting that the game forces
possible options) that they believe best describes how the person users to think about the complexities of race, to challenge their own
in the picture racially self-identifies. The app then reveals the “cor- assumptions about what different races “look like,” and to learn
rect” answer, which is accompanied by a quote from the person about the history of racial stratification in the United States. One
explaining why the person identifies as they do. For example, one user criticized the app on the grounds that it conflated race with eth-
user explained, “Il consider myself African American, . . . but most nicity; for example, one of the options included along with a photo
people think I’m Asian because of the shape of my eyes.” Readers of a White person was the adjective Polish, which is technically an
are then directed to more information about the history of race ethnicity rather than a race (Matthews, 2011). However, most
identity in the United States and throughout the world, as well as believe that the app is a clever way to reveal how race is socially
demographic information based on the 2010 Census. According to constructed. What do you think? What race or races do you identify
the app’s website, the program was developed to challenge users’ with, and why? Do you think that app users looking at your photo-
assumptions about individuals and about race (Interactive Diversity graph would correctly identify your self-perceived racial identity?
Solutions, 2018). The app’s creators, cultural anthropologist Why or why not?
wealth were impacted severely—falling 53 percent and 66 percent, respectively—while
White households experienced just a 16 percent decrease in wealth. As such,
wealth
gaps widened between Black and White households and Hispanic and White household
s
(Kochhar et al., 2011).

Health
Disparities in health and health care among officially recognized racial and ethnic catego-
ries of the U.S. population are well documented (U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, 2016) and became especially evident during the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic.
Though the virus was dubbed the great equalizer—one that struck rich and poor alike—
statistics indicate otherwise. The rates of infection, hospitalization, and fatality were, in
fact, far higher among Black and Latino people than they were among Whites and Asians.
Although scientists and the media reported that the greatest risk factor for those infected
with the virus was age, the number of fatalities among Blacks and Latinos ages 18 to 49
belied that claim. Indeed, by April 2020 it became clear that Black people were bearing
the brunt of the pandemic. Constituting a mere 13 percent of the U.S. population, they
accounted for 30 percent of the deaths. In some states the disparity was even worse; in
Wisconsin, for example, where Black people amount to only 6 percent of the population,
they accounted for 40 percent of the fatalities (Poston et al., 2020). As there is no evidence
that people of color are more susceptible to the coronavirus, how can the difference be
explained?
The answer seems to lie primarily in preexisting medical issues caused by social
inequality. Studies by the Centers for Disease Control indicate that Black and Latino
Americans have significantly higher rates of obesity, high blood pressure, and diabetes—
all risk factors that exacerbate the effects of the coronavirus and increase the possibility
of hospitalization and death (Aleem, 2020). These populations are especially vulnerable to
these conditions due to a combination of factors, most notably their lower socioeconomic
status, their lack of access to decent health insurance, as well as the stresses that arise from
working multiple jobs, living in subpar housing, and dealing with the pressure of constant
financial instability. Moreover, due to housing discrimination, people of color are also more
likely to live in neighborhoods close to large highways, toxic waste dumps, and factories,
where they are exposed to pollutants that may cause respiratory conditions that likewise
increase their risk of suffering the more dangerous symptoms of COVID-19. Finally, their
susceptibility to the virus was magnified by the fact that they tended to be employed in
occupations that could not be moved online during the pandemic. Thus, while more afflu-
ent professionals could isolate themselves at home, Black and Latino workers continued
doing essential jobs such as delivering mail and food, tending to the sick in hospitals, con-
ducting public transportation, and cleaning public and private spaces—thereby increasing
their potential exposure to the disease.
Non-pandemic related health disparities are also important. Infant mortality and
preterm birthrates are higher among people of color (highest among Blacks and low-
est among Asians or Pacific Islanders) (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
2016). Until the start of the twenty-first century, depending on where they resided, Black
women were two to six times more likely than White women to die from complications
of pregnancy (American Medical Association, 1999). In some parts of the country, this
ratio has actually increased since then. For example, a study conducted by the New York

How Do Race and Ethnicity Affect the Life Chances of Different Groups?
 and 2010,
City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene (2016) found that between 2006
Black women were 12 times more likely than White women to die from pregnancy-related
after
causes, up from seven times more likely between 2001 and 2005 (Fields, 2017). Even
controlling for risk factors like education, neighborhood poverty level, and pre-pregn ancy

obesity, from 2006 to 2010, New York City-based Black women were still three times more
susceptible than White women to potentially life-threatening complications of pregnancy
(New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, 2016). Similarly, a national
study of Black and White women with five common pregnancy complications between
1988 and 1999 found no racial difference in their prevalence, but Black women with those
conditions were two to three times more likely than White women to die from them
(Tucker et al., 2007). In addition to higher rates of known health risks and poverty among
Black women, the cumulative effects of institutional and everyday racial discrimination—
chiefly, stress and lower-quality care—drive the racial disparity in maternal mortality.
Analyzing a nationally representative sample of native-born Black households, Ellis P.
Monk Jr. (2015) found that skin tone significantly predicts multiple types of perceived dis-
crimination, which, in turn, significantly predicts important health outcomes. The evidence
is clear that discrimination compromises quality of health and health care: Controlling
for socioeconomic and access-related variables, such as insurance and income, research-
ers find that “racial and ethnic minorities tend to receive a lower quality of health care
than non-minorities” (Committee on Understanding and Eliminating Racial and Ethnic
Disparities in Health Care, 2003).

Residential Segregation
Neighborhood segregation has declined little over the past quarter-century, remaining
especially high in urban and suburban areas (Turner et al., 2013). A nationwide study of
metropolitan areas shows that Black residents are considerably more segregated from
White residents than are Asians and Hispanics (Turner et al., 2013). A number of studies
have examined mechanisms underpinning this segregation and demonstrated that dis-
criminatory practices in the housing market continue (Desmond, 2016; Pager and Shepard,
2008). Still, while explicit “door slamming” discrimination may have fallen, Hispanic,
Asian, and Black renters and homebuyers are all more likely than Whites to experi-
ence discrimination when soliciting information on available units, viewing units, and
renting or purchasing a home, extending the time and cost of housing searches
(Turner et al., 2013).
In American Apartheid (1993), Douglas Massey and Nancy A. Denton argued that the
history of racial segregation and its specific urban form, the Black ghetto, are responsible
for the perpetuation of Black poverty and the continued polarization of Black and White
Americans. In their view, the persistence of segregation is nota result of impersonal market
forces. Even many middle-class Black people still find themselves segregated from White
society. For them, as for poor Blacks, this becomes a self-perpetuating cycle. Affluent Black
people who can afford to live in comfortable, predominantly White neighborhoods may
deliberately choose not to because of the struggle for acceptance they know they would
face. The Black ghetto, the authors concluded, was constructed through a series of well-
defined institutional practices of racial discrimination—private behavior and public pol-
icies by which Whites sought to contain growing urban Black populations. Until policy
makers, social scientists, and private citizens recognize the crucial role of such institutional

328 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

discrimination in perpetuating urban poverty and racial injustice, the United
States will
remain a deeply divided and troubled society.
Residential segregation is connected to educational segregation. The South is currently
the least segregated region for Black students, but it failed to make significant progress toward
school desegregation in the decades following the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision.
Schools are as segregated in the South today as they were in 1968 (Orfield and Frankenberg,
2014). Nationally, segregation typically means that Black and Hispanic students are more
likely to study in majority-poor schools, while Asian and White students are more likely to
study in middle-class schools (Orfield and Frankenberg, 2014). Black and White children now
attend the same schools in most rural areas of the South and in many small and medium-sized
cities throughout the country, but educational segregation remains acute in the central cities
of large metropolitan areas, followed by their suburbs (Orfield and Fran kenberg, 2014).
Together, a number of institutionalized factors worsen educational segregation,
including lack of oversight or withdrawal of desegregation plans, school choice funding
incentives, housing segregation and the drawing of school districts, and incentives for edu-
cators to move from majority-minority schools to majority-White or integrated schools.
What are segregation’s consequences? Unfortunately, students from all backgrounds miss
out on the “substantial benefits for educational and later life outcomes” that come from
Barack Obama became
desegregated schooling (Orfield and Frankenberg, 2014). the first African American
president of the United
Political Power States in the historic
election of 2008.
Barack Obama made history when he was elected the first Black president of the United
States in 2008 and reelected in 2012. While symbolizing progress and hope for many, Obama's “N
presidency was also marked by a “reticence [to discuss or] to carry out any race-based initia-
tive” (Bonilla-Silva, 2015). Toward the end of Obama's second term, Black and Latino socioeco-
nomic status had further declined relative to that of Whites (Bonilla-Silva, 2015). Significantly,
while many heralded Obama's election as demonstrating a decline in racial prejudice among
the U.S. electorate, the 2016 election of Donald Trump serves to counter this notion.
Nevertheless, Obama's presidency exists within a larger trend of Black Americans
making tremendous gains in holding elected offices since 1970 (Caplow et al., 2000). Most
recently, Kamala Harris became the first Black and South Asian American woman to be
elected vice president of the United States. Black politicians have been voted into every
major political office, including in districts where White voters predominate. The number
of Black public officials surpassed 10,500 in 2010, an increase from 9,101 in 2000 and 40
in 1960 (Bositis, 2001; Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, 2011). Hispanic and
Asian public officials number around 6,000 and 1,000, respectively, according to the most
recent available data (Brown-Dean et al., 2015).
Despite these gains in representation, Black, Hispanic, and Asian demographics are still
underrepresented among elected officials at every level (Brown-Dean et al., 2015). This dis-
crepancy is least pronounced in Congress, in part thanks to the 1992 reshaping of congres-
sional districts to give minority candidates more opportunity. However, in all its history, the
United States has only elected 10 Black senators. Underrepresentation remains most evident
at the local level; in city councils, the local positions with most readily available data, Blacks
represent 57 percent, Hispanics 3.3 percent, and Asians 0.4 percent of public officials, far
below their shares of the national population (Brown-Dean et al., 2015). Moreover, govern-
ment responsiveness to the needs of the electorate likely varies by race: Evidence suggests

How Do Race and Ethnicity Affect the Life Chances of Different Groups? 329
FIGURE 10.3 that local public offices may racially discriminate
‘ : a in providing access to services, responding less
Earnings by Race and Sie) IN 201 8 frequently and less cordially to Black inquiries
than to White inquiries, regardless of socioeco-
nomic status (Giulietti et al., 2017).
$1,400
Gender and Race
$1,200
The status of women of color in the United
States is especially plagued by inequalities.
$1,000
Gender discrimination and race discrimina-
$800 tion combined make it particularly difficult for
these women to escape conditions of poverty.
$600 Until about 25 years ago, most minority women
worked in low-paying occupations, such as
MEDIAN$400
WEEKLY
EARNINGS household work, farm work, or manufacturing
jobs. Changes in the law and gains in education
$200
have allowed for more women of color to enter
$0 white-collar professions, and their economic
Allraces White Black Asian Hispanic or
and occupational status has improved.
Latino
Between 1979 and 2018, the median usual
“Includes full-time and salaried workers
weekly earnings of full-time and salaried White
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019e.
women grew by 37 percent, while Black women’s
earnings grew by 20 percent and Hispanic wom-
en's earnings grew by 21 percent (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019e). Although women
have made strides in earnings in the past three decades, stark race and gender disparities
persist (see Figure 10.3). Compared to the median earnings of Asian women, White women
earn 87 percent, Black women earn 70 percent, and Hispanic women earn just 66 percent of
what Asian women earn. In 2018, among full-time workers, White women earned about 82
percent as much as White men, while Black, Hispanic, and Asian women earned 65 percent,
62 percent, and 94 percent of what White men earn, respectively. Black, Hispanic, and Asian
men earned 73 percent, 72 percent, and 124 percent of what White men earn, respectively
(U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019e).
However unequal their status and pay, women of color play a critical role in their com-
munities. They are often the major or sole wage earners in their families, yet their incomes
are not always sufficient to maintain a family. Poverty rates are higher among female-
headed families than among male-headed or married-couple households—in 2018, about
one-third (34 percent) of female-headed families lived in poverty (Fins, 2019). These rates
are highest for families headed by Black and Latina women, at 38 percent for both groups
(National Women's Law Center, 2016).

Divergent Fortunes
When we survey the development and current position of the major ethnic groups in
America, one conclusion that emerges is that different groups have achieved varying levels
of success. Despite initially facing prejudice and discrimination upon immigrating to the
United States, European immigrants managed to assimilate into the wider society. This,
however, has not been the case for other groups.

330 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

THE ECONOMIC DIVIDE WITHIN THE AFRICAN AMERICAN COMMU
NITY
The situation of Black Americans is the most conspicuous case of divergent
fortunes.
A division has opened up between the minority of Black people who have
obtained
white-collar, managerial, or professional jobs—who form a small Black middle class—an
d
the majority, whose living conditions have not improved. In 1960, most of the non-manu
al-
labor jobs open to Black people were those serving Black communities—a small propor-
tion could work as teachers, social workers, or, less often, law yers or doctors. No more than
about 13 percent of Blacks held white-collar jobs, compared with 44 percent of Whites.
Although there has been significant progress in the fortunes of Black Americans over the
past five decades, pronounced racial differences persist. For example, African Americans
are still underrepresented in white-collar jobs. Although Black people account for roughly
13 percent of the U.S. population, they hold just 9 percent of all managerial, professional,
or related occupations, and only 3 percent of chief executives are Black: one-quarter of all
Black people are employed in service occupations (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2017).

THE ASIAN SUCCESS STORY

Unlike African Americans, other minority groups have outlasted much of the open preju-
dice and discrimination they once faced. The changing fate of Asian Americans is especially
remarkable. Until about half a century ago, the Chinese and Japanese in North America
experienced levels of prejudice and discrimination far greater than those faced by other
groups of non-Black immigrants. Since that time, Asian Americans have achieved a steadily
increasing prosperity and no longer face the same levels of antagonism, though anti-Asian
prejudice does still exist and became more overt during the COVID-19 pandemic. The
median income of Asian Americans is now higher than that of White Americans.
The category “Asian” encompasses broadly varied demographics. Notably, the majority
(64 percent) of Asian American and Pacific Islanders are foreign born (U.S. Department of Labor,
2016). This is due to a recent rise in immigration; between 2000 and 2015, the U.S. Asian pop-
ulation grew from 11.9 million to 20.4 million, a 72 percent increase (Lopez et al., 2017). Over
60 percent of Asian American and Pacific Islanders live in just five states: one-third in California,
followed by New York, Texas, Hawaii, and New Jersey (U.S. Department of Labor, 2016).
Some have referred to the Asian American “success story” as a prime example of
what minorities can achieve in the United States. This myth of the “model minority,” how-
ever, masks big discrepancies between and within different Asian groups; many Asian
Americans, including those whose families have resided in the United States for genera-
tions, still live in poverty. For example, although 12 percent of all Asian Americans lived in
poverty in 2015, rates varied widely among subgroups—from 35 percent among Burmese
Americans to 17 percent among Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders to 8 percent among
Filipino Americans (U.S. Department of Labor, 2016; Lopez et al,, 2017). And whereas
76 percent of Indian Americans and 60 percent of Korean Americans have a bachelor’s
degree or more, the same can be said of only 26 percent of Native Hawaiians and other
Pacific Islanders (U.S. Department of Labor, 2016).
In addition to concealing important differences among Asian American subgroups,
holding up Asian Americans as a model minority is problematic for other reasons. Other
minorities, such as Black Americans, are often compared to Asians even though they have
had very different histories in this country. The misguided assumption is made that if

How Do Race and Ethnicity Affect the Life Chances of Different Groups?
 another minority group does not succeed in the United States, it must be because they have
not worked as hard as Asians.
Sociologists Jennifer Lee and Min Zhou (Lee, 2012; Lee and Zhou, 2015) have argued
that some Asian Americans benefit from these positive stereotypes about their racial group.
Lee has contended that some Asian Americans experience what she calls “stereotype prom-
ise,” a phenomenon whereby being viewed through the lens of a positive stereotype—in
this case, as smart, hardworking, and disciplined—can actually lead a person to act in a way
that affirms the stereotype (Lee, 2012). In other words, when teachers assume that their
Asian American students possess certain positive traits, these preconceived ideas can actu-
ally boost students’ performance, thereby reinforcing ideas about Asian Americans being
intrinsically smarter and more hardworking. However, there are unintended consequences
to these ideas about “Asian American exceptionalism’: In addition to putting enormous pres-
sure on Asian American students to succeed in school, these ideas also disadvantage Asian
Hundreds of thousands American students during the college admissions process (Espenshade and Radford, 2009)
of people march in Los
and may marginalize those who do not reach such cultural ideals (Lee and Zhou, 2014).
Angeles to demand basic
rights for immigrants.
LATINOS: THE DEBATE ABOUT MEXICAN AMERICANS
“N The largest Latino group in the United States today is also the largest immigrant group:
Mexican Americans. Some sociologists believe that they are a much better test case than
Asian Americans for understanding the American Dream because, on the whole, they are
not as well educated as many Asian Americans are. Yet there is no agreement among sociol-
ogists about how to view the Mexican American experience of assimilation and mobility.
Some argue that this population is stagnating. Others think that the stagnation is only to
be found in certain locations and that Mexican Americans vary significantly in their long-
CONCEPT CHECKS term intergenerational outcomes.
The pessimists who believe that Mexican Americans are stagnating tend to focus
What is one major
on what they call racialization. They believe that Mexicans are becoming a racialized
driver of the Black-
minority that can be compared with Black people. This is because, like Blacks who live in
White gap in household
wealth? underserved, impoverished neighborhoods, Mexicans in cities like Los Angeles and San
Antonio often live in segregated, high-poverty communities in which institutions, such as
Explain two different
ways that racism schools, have inferior resources and foster low expectations of their students. It is not so
affects health. much that these Mexican Americans experience discrimination once they enter employ-

Provide three
ment. Instead, as a result of the poor education they receive, they end up being qualified for
explanations for only the lowest rungs of the labor market (Telles and Ortiz, 2009).
the persistence of If some sociologists are more optimistic about Mexican American mobility, it is
residential segregation. because not all members of this immigrant group remain in cities like Los Angeles and
Why is it problematic San Antonio, where their grandparents originally settled. Many of those who move out
to refer to Asian end up marrying White people and therefore have higher rates of assimilation and upward
Americans as model mobility. In addition, more recent Mexican migrants who move to small towns and cities
minorities?
usually live among a smaller number of Mexicans and a larger population of Whites. They
What does the case of therefore end up learning English and intermarrying at much higher rates (Jiménez, 2010).
Mexican Americans
What turns out to be significant is the importance of physical place in these outcomes,
teach us about space
elavemsksro}anli tide) alee
and no one of these experiences tells the whole story.

CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

 How Do Sociologists
Explain Racial Inequality? <
One of the enduring questions in American sociology has been why there is inequality
Learn the leading
between White Americans and other racial and ethnic groups. As we saw in the theories—cultural,
pre-
vious section, disparities exist among major racial and ethnic groups across a range of economic, and
outcomes, such as education, housing, health, and income and wealth. Much sociological discrimination—
sociologists use to
theorizing has focused on the most extreme inequalities: those between Blacks and
understand the sources
Whites. While there are many possible explanations, no one explanation is sufficient.
of ethnic and racial
We begin with IQ-based explanations, which carry the least weight with sociologists. inequality.
We then turn to cultural, economic, and discrimination theories of ethnic and racial
inequality.

IQ-Based Explanations
In the past, scholars looked to intelligence to explain and justify inequality among racial
groups. One of the most controversial explanations for this inequality has been racial dif-
racialization
ferences in IQ, for as a group, Black people have long had lower IQ scores than White peo-
The process by which
ple (Herrnstein and Murray, 1994). One common theory to explain this gap is that these
understandings of race are
IQ differences are based on the genetic makeup of the two races, for example, that Blacks used to classify individuals
have smaller brains than Whites or that IQs are inherited. However, brain size does not or groups of people.
explain differences in intellect. For instance, while differences in brain size are more pro-
nounced between men and women than they are between Black and White people, average
IQ scores do not vary by gender (Nisbet, 2010).
For a long time, the hereditability of IQ (as shown in twin studies) was thought to
preclude explanations based on the social context in which people live. However, this
turned out not to be the case: Environmental influences also affect individuals’ IQs. For
example, the average child in an upper-middle-class family will hear substantially more
words per day than a child in a poor family. That early exposure is linked to vocabu-
lary, a significant determinant of how people perform on IQ tests. And over the past
half-century, the average [Q among Americans as a whole has risen by 15 to 20 points.
It's impossible that the nation’s genetics have shifted that much during the past 50 years
(Nisbet, 2010).
Thus, we understand that something about the environment in the United
States affects African Americans categorically. During the same 50-year period, the
average difference between Black and White IQs decreased significantly—from
15 points in 1945 to nine points today. These changes in IQ correspond to improve-
ments in the Black population's standard of living, such as nutrition and prenatal care,
relative to that of the White population. It is also interesting to note that the aver-
age Black person today has a higher IQ score than the average White person in 1950
(Nisbet, 2010).
It turns out that IQ differences between Blacks and Whites have very little to do with
the supposed genetic makeup of the races. These differences are much more influenced by
social factors.

How Do Sociologists Explain Racial Inequality? 333

 Cultural Explanations
Whereas IQ-based explanations are both controversial and carry little weight with sociolo-
gists, cultural explanations for racial inequality are controversial but have more adherents.
These theories claim that the inequality between Blacks and Whites is more determined by
the cultures of different groups. One common argument is that poor Black people have the
“wrong” beliefs, values, and habits, which have the effect of holding them back—even in the
face of opportunity. Just as those who believe in IQ-based explanations argue that poverty is
passed on through the wrong genes, those who believe in cultural explanations argue that
the wrong values are passed on from generation to generation. They also argue that poor Black
people are socially isolated from the values of mainstream society. These kinds of explanations
are controversial because they tend to blame the poor themselves for their condition.
One of the most common cultural explanations for poverty has been the nature of fam-
ily life among poor Blacks. Perhaps the most controversial of these explanations came in the
Moynihan Report, which was written for President Lyndon Johnson in 1965. The author,
Daniel Patrick Moynihan, argued that the Black family was crumbling because a large num-
ber of illegitimate births led to a situation in which fathers were only marginally involved in
the upbringing of children, and mothers were ill equipped to raise children (particularly boys)
on their own. Moynihan argued that family life was so central to overcoming poverty that
until the Black family could be reinvigorated, trying to solve the problem would be throwing
money down a well. The firestorm caused by the Moynihan Report included a response from
Martin Luther King Jr, who argued that poverty, not culture, was the root of the problem.

Economic Explanations
When Martin Luther King Jr. fired back at the Moynihan Report, he was taking up an
explanation for Black-White inequality that had great credibility among sociologists: The
cause of poverty is not bad values or broken families but the fact that subsequent genera-
tions of poor Black people experience the same lack of economic opportunity as the ones
who came before. Thus, young children start out idealistic and optimistic. When they see
failures in their parents and grandparents, they vow that they will be different. But once
they come to share the same experiences as their parents, they find themselves in similar
situations. Thus, if their outcomes look the same, it is not due to culture or intelligence but
to the unavailability of opportunity (Liebow, 1967).
By the 1980s, another major sociological theory argued that the economic conditions
of Black Americans had become central to their life chances (Wilson, 1978). The decline of
manufacturing jobs was occurring at precisely the moment when the civil rights move-
ment had expanded legal opportunities for Black people. America was transitioning to a
service economy, and the kinds of skills necessary to fill these jobs were quite different
from those that most poor Blacks had. Had American jobs not migrated abroad, young
Black men would have been qualified to take them. William Julius Wilson has argued that
for the United States to bridge the Black-White gap in inequality, the federal government
would need to create massive numbers ofjobs.
Other economic explanations point to differences in wealth between Blacks and
Whites. Even Black people who have achieved a measure of upward mobility into the pro-
fessional middle class often cannot depend on inheriting a home or savings. Nor can they,
as many more White people do, expect to receive a loan from parents or grandparents to

334 CHAPTER 10 Race, Ethnicity, and Racism

make a down payment on a home. Consequently, even Blacks and Whites with similar
levels of education and income will often end up with unequal qualities of life (Oliver and
Shapiro, 1995; Conley, 1999).

Racial Discrimination—Based Explanations

Many sociologists do not accept the idea that economic explanations are the major cause of
inequality between Black and White Americans. These scholars point to anti-Black racial
discrimination as a continuing cause of inequality that should not be underestimated. They
refer to historical discrimination going back to slavery as well as present-day discrimina-
tion. In labor markets since the Civil War, Black people have famously been the last hired
and the first fired. Rather than hiring formerly enslaved people in the period from 1865
to World War I, companies advocated for immigration policies that opened the borders to
large numbers of White Europeans, including Irish, Italians, and Jews. In the 1940s, sociolo-
gists demonstrated that employers would only hire Black people when labor markets were
so tight that they had no choice (Drake and Cayton, 1945). By the 1980s, employers were
actively seeking Latinos over Blacks in many labor markets, a trend that has continued into
the present day. Experimental studies of labor market discrimination have demonstrated
over and over again that less qualified White candidates are strongly preferred over more
qualified Black candidates (Pager, 2003).
But perhaps the single most significant race-based explanation of Black-White inequal-
ity is the restriction of Blacks in physical space known as the ghetto. This residential segre-
gation was created by racially explicit policies across levels of government (Rothstein, 2017)
as well as the discriminatory decisions of property owners and other individuals. Beginning
in the 1920s in U.S. cities, White property owners entered into a type of private agreement, CONCEPT CHECKS
known as “restrictive covenants,” that stipulated none of the homes in an entire neighbor-
Provide one example
hood would be rented to Black people. In later years, when these agreements were ruled
of an environmental
unconstitutional, the federal government built massive housing projects in many of the
influence ona
areas that had previously been occupied by poor Black communities. After the civil rights person's IQ.
movement, with the emergence of a Black middle class that could move out of the ghettos,
Why might a cultural
these communities increasingly became home to the poorest Blacks who were left behind. explanation of racial or
Because these poor Black neighborhoods were created through restrictive covenants ethnic inequality not
and then reinforced by the federal government, they became unlike other poor commu- explain.its root cause?

nities, such as immigrant enclaves and slums. Inhabitants of these later neighborhoods Identify and describe
tended to move up and out within a generation, but for many Black residents, the ghetto LWiem-reelaelulce
explanations for
became a permanent place of restriction. These differences led to both an inferior quality of
inequality between
life and far more external control from the wider society. Within the realms of education,
Blacks and Whites.
work, family life, violence, and local politics, Black ghettos became vicious cycles where
How has racial
space plays a crucial role. Conditions in each of these realms came to symbolize Black
segregation been
ways of life, and the conditions became the rationalization for further discrimination and aar-Vinlt-liai=\e Me) -1m
segregation (Duneier, 2016). the past century?

How Do Sociologists Explain Racial Inequality? SSS

 :
CHAPTER 10 Learning Objectives

What Are Race 4 Understand that race is a social and political

EVii] Ethnicity? # construction and how it differs from ethnicity.
Learn what constitutes a minority group

The according to the sociological perspective.

Big Picture
Why Do Racial Learn the leading psychological theories and
Race, Ethnicity, and Ethnic sociological interpretations of prejudice and
Antagonism Exist? discrimination. Recognize the importance of
and Racism the historical roots, particularly in the
expansion of Western colonialism, of ethnic
conflict. Understand the different models
for a multiethnic society.

Thinking Sociologically sabes Racien

Understand how racism is not only enacted
Society Today?
by individuals but embedded in our
1. Review the discussion of the assimila- institutions. Learn how racial inequality is
tion of different American minorities, maintained by both overt acts of racial
and then compare the different hatred and color blindness. Understand the
concepts of White privilege and
experiences of Asians and Latinos.
microaggressions.
Identify the criteria for assimilation
and discuss which group has assimi- What Are the Origins
lated most readily. Then explain the and Nature of
sociological reasons for the difference Ethnic Diversity in
in assimilation. the United States?
Familiarize yourself with the history and
social dimensions of ethnic relations in
2. Does affirmative action still have a Pp. 317 America.
future in the United States? On the one
hand, increasing numbers of African
Americans have joined the middle class
by earning college degrees, gaining
How Do Race and
professional jobs, and buying new Learn how racial and ethnic inequality
Ethnicity Affect the
homes. Yet Blacks are still far more is reflected in terms of educational and
Life Chances of
likely than Whites to live in poverty, Different Groups? occupational attainment, income, health,
attend poor schools, and lack economic residential segregation, and political power.
opportunity. Given these differences,
: P ; Dp. 323
do we still need affirmative action?

3. How would you explain the recent rise

in intermarriage in the U.S.? What do
you think the implications are of the
growing mixed-race population? Will it
lead to more or less racial stratification
and prejudice?
 |
Terms to Know Concept Checks

- What are race and ethnicity? How are these two concepts alike, and how
do they differ?
race * theory of racial formation © ethnicity « 2. How do political actors and institutions participate in racial formation?
minority group * dominant group 3. What differentiates a minority group from a statistical minority?

. What is the difference between prejudice and discrimination?

2. Provide two examples of ways ethnic groups maintain closure.
3. How did Western colonialism contribute to the creation of ethnic
prejudice * racism * stereotype * displacement
divisions today?
scapegoats * discrimination * immigration «
4. What are two forms of ethnic conflict?
emigration © scientific racism * genocide
5. What are the four primary models of ethnic integration? Describe
segregation * assimilation * melting pot
each one.
pluralism * multiculturalism

. Give two examples of how institutional racism operates today.

2. Relate the theory of racial formation to any example of Donald Trump's
overt racism.
institutional racism * White privilege ¢ 3. How does "color blindness” perpetuate racial inequalities?
racial microaggressions 4. What is White privilege?
5. How would you explain the harmful effects of racial microaggressions to
someone who thinks you are making “a mountain out of a molehill"?

. Describe patterns of immigration to the United States before and after

the 1960s.
2. How has the racial and ethnic composition of the United States changed
since the 1960s?
refugees 3. Briefly contrast the immigration experiences of Whites, African Americans,
Latinos, and Asians to the United States.
4. Using the examples of African Americans and Asians, explain how
neighborhood segregation may result from and perpetuate racial inequality.

1. What is one major driver of the Black White gap in household wealth?

2. Explain two different ways that racism affects healtn

3. Provide three explanations for the persistence of residential segregation

racialization 4. Why is it problematic to refer to Asian Americans as model minorities?

5. What does the case of Mexican Americans teach us about space and
assimilation?
 >
Same-sex marriage supporters celebrate outside
the Supreme Court building in Washington, D.C.
On June 26, 2015, the Court ruled in Obergefell v.
Hodges that same-sex couples have the right to
marry nationwide.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

How do sociological theories

characterize families?
Review the development of sociological
thinking about families and family life.

melpalliccsurelare
How have families changed over time?
Understand how families have changed over
the last 300 years. See that although diverse

gilegc (co
family forms exist in different societies today,
widespread changes are occurring that relate
to the spread of globalization.

Dccltcillelasialles
What do marriage and romantic
partnerships in the United States
look like today?
Learn about patterns of dating, marriage, child-
bearing, divorce, remarriage, and child-free

¥
families. Analyze how different these patterns
are today compared with other time periods.

Why does family violence happen?

Learn about sexual abuse and violence within
families.

How do new family forms affect

your life?
Learn about some alternatives to traditional
marriage and family patterns that are
becoming more widespread.

Maternity Leave
p. 369
 In the early 1960s, Edith Windsor was a young woman living and working in New
York City. With her master’s degree in math from New York University, she was the
rare woman working at IBM as a computer programmer. Edith was also a woman in
love. She had met Thea Spyer, a clinical psychologist, at Portofino, a restaurant and
popular hangout for lesbians in the city’s Greenwich Village neighborhood. After several years
of dating, Thea proposed to Edith in 1967, offering her a brooch, rather than an engagement
ring, to symbolize their commitment. Even though Thea and Edith couldn't legally marry at that
time, they went on to live together as a loving couple for more than four decades.
In 2007, Thea’s health declined, and doctors told the couple that Thea had only a short time
to live. The couple wanted to formalize their union before Thea died, so they promptly flew to
Toronto, Canada—one of the few places where same-sex couples could marry at the time—and
tied the knot. Just two years later, Thea died (Gabbatt, 2013).

Families and Intimate Relationships

 Edith, then 80 years old and widowed with health problems of her own, soon learned that
the IRS expected her to pay $363,053 in federal estate taxes on her inheritance from Thea.
Edith—knowing full well that heterosexual couples who were legally married did not have to
pay a comparable tax—was angry at the injustice. Married couples, according to the federal tax
code, are allowed to transfer money or property from a deceased spouse to a surviving spouse
without having to pay estate taxes—a rule referred to as “unlimited marital deduction” (Coplan,
2011). Although the state of New York, where Edith lived, recognized her marriage to Thea,
the federal government refused to treat the pair as a married couple because of a federal law
called the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), which defined marriage as “a legal union between
one man and one woman.” This injustice impelled Edith to challenge the constitutionality of
DOMA and seek a refund of the estate tax she had been forced to pay. In 2010, Edith sued the
federal government.
In June 2013, after more than two years of appeals and legal red tape, the U.S. Supreme
Court declared DOMA to be unconstitutional in the landmark case United States v. Windsor.
The ruling confirmed that married same-sex couples are entitled to the same federal bene-

Edith Windsor, plaintiff in the fits, rights, and privileges afforded to all other Americans. LGBTQ Americans celebrated
United States v. Windsor case, another big victory that day when the Supreme Court cleared the way for same-sex marriage
celebrates the Supreme in California.
Court's decision to overturn An even more important and pathbreaking Supreme Court decision was handed down
the Defense of Marriage Act.
on June 26, 2015, when the Court ruled by a 5-4 vote in Obergefell v. Hodges that the U.S.

“N Constitution guarantees individuals the right to same-sex marriage. Technically, the rul-
ing says that states cannot prohibit the issuing of marriage licenses to same-sex couples
or deny recognition of lawfully performed out-of-state marriages to same-sex couples. It
invalidated same-sex marriage bans in many states and effectively made same-sex marriage
legal throughout the nation (Liptak, 2015). The decision was widely celebrated for providing
family gay and lesbian couples with the same right to marriage that their heterosexual peers had
A group of individuals enjoyed for centuries.
related to one another by Our choices about dating, marriage, cohabitation, divorce, having children, or being
blood ties, marriage, or child-free may seem highly personal and based on our desire for love and companionship
adoption, who form an
or adventure and freedom. Yet sociologists recognize that our choices are powerfully
economic unit, the adult
members of which are shaped by cultural beliefs and social structures such as laws. Laws, for instance, dic-

often responsible for the tated whether, when, and under what conditions Edith and Thea could marry. Yet cultural
upbringing of children. factors, including social norms and subcultural or religious beliefs, also shape our
decisions regarding our family lives as well as our attitudes toward others’ families. For
example, although the majority of Americans today support the legalization of same-sex
kinship marriage, these attitudes vary widely by generation, religious views, and even geographic
A relation that links indi- region. More than 80 percent of people born after 1990 support the legalization of gay
viduals through blood ties,
marriage, whereas just 47 percent of those born before 1954 do. While just 44 percent
marriage, or adoption.
of Republicans support same-sex marriage, fully 79 percent of Democrats do (McCarthy,
2019). Understanding families in contemporary society requires a sociological imagina-
marriage tion that takes into account both personal preferences and the powerful impact of social

A socially and legally structures and cultural beliefs.

acknowledged and Sociological research on families typically involves descriptive or scientific studies that
approved sexual union aim to solve some of the most interesting puzzles about marriage and families in the contem-
between two individuals. porary world. Taken together, the work of these researchers is fascinating and demonstrates
that sociology can give us insights that are by no means obvious.

340 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

An extended Kazakh family in Mongolia (left). Kazakhs usually live in extended families and collectively herd their livestock. The youngest
son will inherit the father’s house, and the elder sons will build their own houses close by when they get married. In industrial societies,
the nuclear family, which is made up of an adult or adult couple and their children, is the Peso an family form (right). How is a nuclear
family different from an extended family?

“WN

Basic Concepts
Before delving into questions about why and how people form their families, some basic nuclear family
concepts require review. A family is a group of persons directly linked by kin connections, A family group consisting
who form an economic unit, the adult members of which assume responsibility for caring of an adult couple and their
for children. Kinship refers to connections among individuals, typically established either dependent children.
through marriage, adoption, or through the lines of descent that connect blood relatives
(mothers, fathers, offspring, grandparents, etc.). Marriage can be defined as a socially and
extended family
legally acknowledged and approved sexual union between two individuals. When two
A family group consisting
people marry, they become kin to each other; the marriage bond also, however, connects
of relatives outside of the
a wider range of kinspeople. Parents, brothers, sisters, and other blood relatives become
nuclear family.
relatives of the partner through marriage.
In virtually all societies, sociologists and anthropologists have documented the pres-
ence of the nuclear family: two adults living together in a household with biological or family of
adopted children. In most traditional societies, the nuclear family was part of a larger orientation
kinship network of some type. When close relatives live in the same household as or main- The family into which
an individual is born or
tain a close and continuous relationship with a nuclear family, we speak of an extended
adopted.
family. An extended family might, for example, include grandparents or brothers and sisters
and their spouses.
Families can also be divided into families of orientation and families of procre- family of
ation. The first is the family into which a person is born or adopted. The second is the fam- procreation
ily into which one enters as an adult; for those who have children, it is the context in which The family an individual
a new generation of children is brought up. A further important distinction concerns place initiates through marriage

of residence. In the United States, when a couple forms a permanent union, they are usu- or cohabitation or by
having or adopting children.
ally expected to set up an independent household separate from either partner's family of
orientation. They may choose to live close to one of the partner's parents or in a different

Families and Intimate Relationships 341

 town or city altogether. In some other societies, however, everyone who marries or forms
a permanent partnership is expected to live nearby or within the same dwelling as the
monogamy
parents of one of the two partners.
A form of marriage in
In Western societies, marriage, and therefore family, is associated with monogamy; it is
which each married part-
ner is allowed only one illegal for a person to be married to more than one individual at any one time. But in several
spouse at any given time. parts of the world, monogamy is far less common than it is in Western nations. In his classic
research, George Murdock (1967, 1981) compared several hundred societies from 1960 through
1980 and found that polygamy, a form of marriage that allows a person to have more than one
polygamy spouse, was permitted in over 80 percent of them (see also Gray, 1998). Historically, there are
A form of marriage in two types of polygamy: polygyny, in which a man may be married to more than one woman
which a person may have at the same time, and polyandry, much less common, in which a woman may have two or
two or more spouses
more husbands simultaneously. Of the 1,231 societies tracked, Murdock found that just 15 per-
simultaneously.
cent were monogamous, 37 percent had occasional polygyny, 48 percent had more frequent
polygyny, and less than 1 percent had polyandry (Murdock, 1981). In contemporary society,
polygyny polygamy rates have been particularly high in Africa’s “polygamy belt” reaching from Senegal
A form of marriage in to Tanzania, where as many as one-third of women are in polygamous unions (Jacoby, 1995).
which a man may have Recent work suggests that polygamy has grown less common over time due to social
two or more wives and economic conditions, including the spread of democracy, a declining acceptance of
simultaneously.
arranged marriages, an increase in marriages based on a desire for love and companionship,
and strides in the education and human rights protections afforded to women. Polygyny is

polyandry disadvantageous to women and, as such, has declined as women have gained more rights
and power in many parts of the world (Bailey and Kaufman, 2010).
A form of marriage in
which a woman may have
two or more husbands
simultaneously.
How Vo Sociological
Theories Characterize
? Families?
Review the development of Sociologists with diverse theoretical orientations have studied family life. Many of the
sociological thinking about perspectives that prevailed just a few decades ago now seem much less convincing in light
families and family life.
of recent research and important changes in the social world. Nevertheless, it is valuable
to briefly trace the evolution of sociological thinking before turning to contemporary
approaches to studying families.

Functionalism
The functionalist perspective sees society as a set of social institutions that perform spe-
cific functions to ensure continuity and stability. According to this perspective, families
perform important tasks that contribute to society’s basic needs and help perpetuate the
existence of the dominant social order. Sociologists working in the functionalist tradition
have regarded the nuclear family as fulfilling certain specialized roles in modern societies.
With the advent of industrialization, families became less important as units
of economic
production and more focused on reproduction, child rearing, and socialization.

342 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

 According to U.S. sociologist Talcott Parsons, the family's two main functions are
pri-
mary socialization and personality stabilization (Parsons and Bales, 1955). Primary socializa-
primary
tion is the process by which young children learn the cultural norms of the society into which
socialization
they are born. Personality stabilization refers to the role that families play in assisting adult
The process by which
family members emotionally. Marriage is the arrangement through which adult personalities
young children learn the
are supported and kept healthy. In industrial societies, nuclear families are critical engines of cultural norms of the
personality stabilization because adults are often distanced from their extended kin, and most society into which they
people are unable to draw on larger kinship ties as they could before industrialization. are born. Primary social-
ization occurs largely
Parsons regarded the nuclear family as the unit best equipped to handle the demands
in one’s family.
of industrial society. In the “conventional family,” one spouse can work outside the home
while the other spouse cares for the home and children. In practical terms, this specializa-
tion of roles historically involved the husband adopting the “instrumental” role as bread- personality
winner and the wife assuming the “affective,” emotional role in domestic settings. stabilization
Parsons's view of families is now widely regarded by sociologists as inadequate and According to the theory
outdated. Functionalist theories of families have come under heavy criticism for justify- of functionalism, the role
families play in assisting
ing the division of household labor between men and women as something natural and
adult family members
unproblematic. Moreover, functionalist perspectives presume that a male-female married
emotionally. Marriage
couple is essential for the successful rearing of children and for the efficient operation of between adults is the
households; Parsons failed to consider that same-sex and single-parent families may run arrangement through
efficiently and effectively parent and socialize children. He also failed to recognize that, which adult personalities
are supported and
in many families, wives may be better suited to breadwinning and their husbands bet-
kept healthy.
ter suited to child rearing or that the two might share both tasks equally. Functionalist
perspectives also overstate the importance of families in performing certain functions,
especially socializing children; they tend to neglect and minimize the roles played by other
social institutions—such as the government, media, peers, and schools—in socialization.
Parsons's views reflect the historical period in which he was living and working. In
the immediate post-World War II years, same-sex relationships were often concealed, if not
outright illegal in some parts of the United States. Divorce and single parenthood were rela-
tively rare and often stigmatized. This era also saw women returning to domestic roles and
men reassuming positions as sole breadwinners; this arrangement was considered rational
by functionalist theorists, as men typically earned far more than women (Becker, 2009).

Symbolic Interactionist Approaches

Symbolic interactionist approaches to studying the family stand in stark contrast with func-
tionalist perspectives. Whereas functionalist approaches emphasize stability and maintaining
the current social order, symbolic interactionism emphasizes the contextual, subjective, and
even ephemeral nature of family relationships (LaRossa and Reitzes, 1993). Sociologist Ernest
Burgess (1926) was one of the earliest scholars to apply symbolic interactionist approaches to
the family, which he described as “a unity of interacting personalities” in which the behavior
or identities of individual family members mutually shape one another over time.
Symbolic interactionist approaches do not take power differentials for granted, nor
do they assume that men have more power than women or that adults have more power
than children. For example, Willard Waller (1938) developed the principle of least interest
to show that the partner who is least committed to, or interested in, the romantic relation-
ship has more power and might exploit that power. More contemporary work emphasizes
the ways that family members continually negotiate, define, and redefine their roles. Recall

How Do Sociological Theories Characterize Families?

 from Chapter 9 the concept of “doing gender” (West and Zimmerman, 1987). Marriage and
romantic relationships are particularly important sites for “doing gender.” Studies have
explored the ways that couples negotiate housework and how they do gender, even when
no longer performing the household tasks typically associated with their sex. Carol Emslie
and colleagues (2009) studied the ways that colorectal cancer patients “did gender” when
their illness prevented them from carrying out the gender-typed household roles they pre-
viously performed. The couples developed narratives to maintain their gendered identi-
ties, where women organized “cover” for housework and child care when they were ill
and men focused on making sure that their families were financially secure and spouses
were “protected” from the stress of the men’s cancer battles. “Doing gender” is not limited
to male-female married couples, however. In his study of same-sex couples, Christopher
Carrington (1999) found that men often “covered up” their role in serving nightly meals as
a way to reinforce their masculinity, whereas female partners claimed responsibility for
meals and in doing so reinforced their appearance of femininity.
Symbolic interactionist approaches have also been applied to parent-child relation-
ships. Whereas scholarship on functionalist traditions presumed that parents taught and
socialized their children, symbolic interactionist studies find that children often shape,
influence, and guide their parents as well. Several studies of immigrant families, for
instance, show that parents and children often renegotiate their roles when they inhabit
unfamiliar contexts (e.g., Katz, 2014). Children may have relatively higher status than their
parents, especially if they have a better understanding of the language and cultural prac-
tices in the United States. This knowledge allows them to serve as the family’s liaison to
schoolteachers and health care providers.
Symbolic interactionism is critiqued for placing too much emphasis on cooperation
and consensus and for being an overly descriptive approach. It tells us what is happening,
but it does not tell us why. Some scholars, especially those working in the feminist tra-
dition, find fault with the perspective’s lack of explicit attention to social structures and
deeply embedded gender differences in social and interpersonal power.

Feminist Approaches
For most people, families provide a vital source of solace, practical support, comfort, love,
and companionship. Yet families can also be a site of exploitation, loneliness, and inequal-
ity. Feminist theories have challenged the vision of the family as harmonious and egal-
itarian. In the 1960s, American feminist Betty Friedan described in her landmark book
The Feminine Mystique the isolation and boredom that gripped many suburban American
housewives, who felt relegated to an endless cycle of child care and housework.
During the 1970s and 1980s, feminist perspectives dominated most debates and research
on families. If, previously, the sociology of families had focused primarily on family struc-
Women’s rights activist tures, the historical development of the nuclear and extended family, and the importance
Betty Friedan participates
of kinship ties, feminism redirected attention to the experiences of women in the domestic
in a New York City march
sphere. Many feminist writers have questioned the concept of families as cooperative units
commemorating the 50th
anniversary of women’s based on common interests and mutual support. They have sought to show that unequal
suffrage in August 1970. power relationships allow certain family members to benefit more than others.
Feminist writings emphasize a broad spectrum of topics, but three main themes are
“N of particular importance. One is the division of household labor: how tasks such as child
care and housework are allocated. Feminist sociologists have shown that women continue

344 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

TABLE 11.1

Applying Sociology to Families

CONCEPT APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING FAMILIES CONTEMPORARY APPLICATION

Functionalism Social institutions like families perform specific Conservative scholar David Popenoe’s argument that
functions to ensure continuity and stability. families function best when husband works for pay and
wives raise and socialize children.

Symbolic Family relationships are contextual, subjective, Spouses develop narratives to maintain their gendered
Interactionism and continually renegotiated. identities, even when illness prevents them from carrying out
household tasks historically associated with one’s gender.

Feminist Families are distinguished by unequal power Because women historically earn less than men, they are
Theories relationships, such that some family members often burdened with emotion- and time-intensive unpaid
benefit more than others. caregiving labor in the home.

to bear the main responsibility for domestic tasks and enjoy less leisure time than men,
despite the fact that more women are working in paid employment outside the home than
ever before (Bianchi et al., 2007). In same-sex couples, partners tend to share housework
more equally than male-female couples do, highlighting the complex ways that gender
shapes househoid arrangements (Goldberg et al., 2012).
Second, feminists have drawn attention to the unequal power relationships within
many families. Intimate partner violence (IPV), marital rape, incest, and the sexual victim-
ization of children have all received more public attention as a result of feminists’ assertions
that the violent and abusive sides of family life have long been ignored in both academic
contexts and legal and policy circles. Feminist sociologists have sought to understand how
families serve as an arena for gender oppression and even physical abuse. For example,
CONCEPT CHECKS
through much of U.S. history, a husband had the legal right to engage his wife in coerced
or forced sex. Owing in large part to efforts of feminist activists and scholars, marital rape Xocoro]
gel]avom(om iU arent (e)at=l tfc
became illegal in all 50 states in 1993 (Hines et al., 2012). perspectives, what are
The study of care work is a third area in which feminists have made important contribu- Lao mMaat-liamiviavead(elatome)i
families?
tions. Care work encompasses a variety of processes, from child care to elder care. Sometimes
caregiving means simply being attuned to someone else's psychological well-being—several What themes guide
symbolic interactionist
feminist writers have been interested in “emotion work” within relationships. Not only do
approaches to the study
women tend to shoulder concrete tasks, such as cleaning and child care, but they also invest
of families?
large amounts of emotional labor in maintaining personal relationships (Pinquart and Sorensen,
According to feminist
2006). While caring work often is grounded in love and deep emotion, it is also a form of labor perspectives, what
that requires an ability to listen, perceive, negotiate, and act creatively. Caring work also hap- three aspects of family
pens outside of one's family; thousands of women find work in jobs that require caring for life are sources of
others. Ironically, jobs that involve caring, such as child-care worker, nanny, or elderly compan- concern? Why are these
three aspects troubling
ion, are among the lowest paid of all occupations, and such jobs are typically held by women of
to feminists?
color and immigrants in the United States (Macdonald, 2011; Rodriquez, 2011).

How Do Sociological Theories Characterize Families? 345

 How Have Families
Changed over Time?
Sociologists once thought that prior to the modern period, the extended or multigener-
ational family was the predominant family form. Research has shown this view to be
mistaken; it seems that the nuclear family has long been preeminent. Throughout the sev-
enteenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries in the United States, the average house-
hold size was just 4.75 persons, often including domestic servants. The current average of
2.5, which isn't dramatically lower than the household size several centuries ago, is largely
due to the high proportion of Americans who live alone, especially older widowed women
and young professionals who maintain their own homes (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2018b;
Klinenberg, 2012A).
Furthermore, more Americans are living in multigen-
erational households today than ever before. In 2016, a
record 64 million Americans, or 20 percent of the total pop-
ulation, lived in a family household that contained at least
two adult generations or a grandparent and at least one
other generation (Cohn and Passel, 2018). This pattern was
caused partly by the 2008 economic recession and home
foreclosures, which forced families to live together. Young
college graduates, in particular, moved back into their
parents’ homes in unprecedented numbers, as they faced
bleak job prospects. In 2016, 33 percent of adults between
the ages of 25 and 29 lived in multigenerational households
(Cohn and Passel, 2018). The large and growing immigrant
population and the rising number of single or divorced
parents who reside with their own parents have also
contributed to this trend. Experts expect these numbers
to rise even higher in the wake of the COVID-19
pandemic and economic recession that followed in 2020
(Cohn, 2020).
Finally, the number of grandparents living with and
raising their grandchildren has increased
steadily since
the 1990s. These households are often referred to as “skip-
generation” households because the “middle” generation
(parents) is not present. Social problems such as HIV/
While some have an idealized vision of the traditional AIDS, the heroin and opioid epidemics, and discriminatory
family of the 1950s, many women felt trapped in the role of criminal justice policies, which have put a disproportion-
homemaker. ate number of young African American men in jail or in
ve : poor health, created a context where the young children
of deceased or imprisoned parents would go to live with
their grandparents (Baker et al., 2008).

346 Families and Intimate Relationships

Changes in Family Patterns Worldwide
Family life across the globe has also been transformed over the past three centuries.
In some areas, such as more remote regions in Asia, Africa, and the Pacific Rim,
tradi-
tional family systems are little altered. In most wealthy countries, however, widesprea
d
changes are occurring. The origins of these changes are complex, but several factors can
be picked out as especially important. One is the spread of Western culture. Western
ideals of romantic love, for example, have spread to societies in which they were
previously unknown. One study found evidence of romantic love in 147 of 166
traditional societies in sub-Saharan Africa, East Eurasia, and elsewhere (Jankowiak
and Fisher, 1992).
Another factor is the development of centralized government in regions previ-
ously composed of autonomous smaller societies. People’s lives are influenced by their
involvement in a national political system; moreover, governments commonly attempt
to alter traditional ways of behaving. For instance, in response to rapid population
growth, states frequently introduce programs advocating smaller families and promot-
ing the use of contraception. One of the world’s most effective population control pro-
grams was the one-child policy in China, implemented in 1978. Births subsequently
dropped from 5 per woman in the 1970s to 3 in 1980 to an estimated 1.6 in 2015
(Central Intelligence Agency, 2015).
In November 2015, the Chinese government relaxed this policy, and married couples
are now allowed to have a second child. There are many reasons behind the government's
decision, including public opposition to a policy viewed as highly restrictive, widespread
use of abortion when women became pregnant with a second child, and fears that the
small cohorts of young people would not be sufficient to support much larger cohorts of
older adults in China (Buckley, 2015).
Finally, and perhaps most important, employment opportunities in such organizations
as government bureaucracies, mines, plantations, and—where they exist—industrial firms
tend to have disruptive consequences for family systems previously centered on agricul-
tural production in the local community.

DIRECTIONS OF CHANGE
Families are being transformed throughout the globe today. In some parts of the Global
South, especially Asia, multigenerational families are giving way to nuclear families as
the most common household structure. This was first documented by William J. Goode
in his book World Revolution in Family Patterns (1963), and subsequent research has shown
that this demographic shift continues today. Building on Goode's work, sociologists have
identified seven important trends that have characterized global family change over the
past half-century:

1. Clans and other kin groups are declining in influence.

2. There isa general trend toward the free choice of a spouse or romantic partner.

3. The rights of women are becoming more widely recognized, with respect to both
the initiation of marriage and decision making within families.

4. Kin marriages are becoming less common.

How Have Families Changed over Time? 347

 Wi Higher levels of sexual freedom are developing in societies that were once very
restrictive.

6. Birthrates are declining, meaning that women are giving birth to fewer babies.

7. There is a general trend toward the extension of children’s rights.

In many countries, especially Western industrial societies, five additional trends have
occurred within the past four decades:
CONCEPT CHECKS
1. The number of births that occur outside of marriage has increased.
Briefly describe changes 2. Laws and norms regarding divorce have liberalized.
in family size over the
past three centuries. Nonmarital cohabitation among romantic partners has increased.

Offer two reasons for = The average ages at which people first get married and first give birth have increased.
the recent increase
Vi Same-sex couples have gained cultural and legal acceptance, and their numbers
of multigenerational
families. are growing.

What are three conditions Taken together, most industrial societies have witnessed a slow yet gradual decline
that have contributed to
of the nuclear family as the preeminent family form, as cohabitation, remarriage, lifelong
changing family forms
throughout the world?
singlehood, and other family forms have become more common.

What Do Marriage and

Romantic Partnerships
in the United States Look
Like Today’?
Learn about patterns Dating
of dating, marriage,
childbearing, divorce,
Reality TV shows like Married at First Sight and go Day Fiancé would have us believe that
remarriage, and child-free people jump into marriage shortly after meeting, perhaps following a brief and passion-
families. Analyze how ate whirlwind romance. Yet most couples take the leap into cohabitation or marriage
different these patterns after a lengthy period of dating or courtship in which they get to know each other before
are today compared with
committing to a lifetime together. Dating—where couples or groups get together for
other time periods.
shared activities like dinner, movies, parties, sporting events, or even drinks over Zoom
during the 2020 pandemic—is more than just recreation; it's the process through which
romantic partners learn about each other's personalities, values, goals, and foibles and
become acquainted with their partners’ family members, who may eventually become
in-laws (Weigel, 2016). Modern romantic relationships can begin and develop without
face-to-face contact thanks to apps like Tinder and Bumble, which allow
singles to find a
partner whom they find attractive without having to rely on traditional means
like par-
ties, bars, or blind dates. Virtual dating, texting, instant messaging, emailing,
or video

348 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

chatting through Skype or FaceTime are also ways that partners can get
to know each
other (Rosenfeld, 2018).
Dating and courtship are taken-for-granted experiences for young people
today, but
the romantic notion of choosing one's own life partner based on physical
attraction,
personality compatibility, and the feeling of having found one's “soulmat
e” is a very
modern and Western phenomenon (Weigel, 2016). Arranged marriages were
the norm
in most parts of the world until the eighteenth century and largely disappea
red from
Western industrialized nations as the values of individualism and personal autonom
y
flourished (Coontz, 2006). However, arranged unions are still common in many parts
of the world, especially in South Asia. Family members, typically one’s parents, select
a young person's romantic partner, occasionally with the assistance of a professional
matchmaker. The reasons for arranged marriage vary across time and place, but some
of the most common reasons are wealth and inheritance concerns, cultural or religious
tradition, and ensuring that one’s child marries a person of their own ethnic, racial, or
religious group.
Scholars have asked the important question of whether arranged versus autonomous
(“love”) marriages are more successful, and they do not have definitive answers. The evi-
dence generally shows that in arranged marriages, love and friendship can emerge over
time; in autonomous marriages, there is no guarantee that the love and romance will
persist—as evidenced by high rates of divorce in wealthy Western nations. In other words,
there's no guarantee that any type of romantic union will be happy and harmonious for-
ever, regardless of one’s pathway into that union (Epstein et al., 2013). Feminist scholars
have also pointed out that young women often manage to exert some choice and creatively
navigate the process of arranged meetings with potential spouses (Pande, 2015).
Even in the contemporary United States, the ways that young people meet and interact
with romantic partners have shifted dramatically over the past century. It was only in the
early twentieth century that dating emerged as a “fun” activity that was considered a nor-
mal stage of adolescence and early adulthood. However, dating in the 1920s and 1930s was
more chaste than it is today; premarital sex was frowned upon, so couples progressed very
quickly from dating to marriage. Following the sexual revolution of the 1960s and 1970s,
premarital sex became more widely accepted, so dating couples could enjoy sexual relation-
ships without rushing into marriage as a way to consummate their relationship (Coontz,
2006). Today, young people may “hook up” with a sexual partner or “hang out” with large
groups of friends rather than go on traditional dates like outings to dinner and a movie
(Garcia et al., 2012). Although some scholars and conservative pundits have argued that
casual sexual relationships or “hookups” are demeaning and demoralizing to young people
(especially heterosexual women), other researchers suggest that these relationships allow
young people to focus on their career goals without concerns that they will be tied down
by a partner (Armstrong and Hamilton, 2013). Moreover, “hookup” or “friends with benefits”
relationships often do progress into more long-lasting unions. One study found that fully
half of all college students’ committed dating relationships began as “hookups” (Bogle, 2007).
An additional consequence of the past century’s rise in levels of individualism
is that young people feel less constrained to date partners who share the same eth-
nic, racial, or religious background as themselves or their parents and grandparents.
Adolescents and young adults are also more likely than past generations to try same-
sex dating; one recent study of 24,000 college students found that 25 percent of women

What Do Marriage and Romantic Partnerships in the United States Look Like Today? 349
 and 12 percent of men who identified as heterosexual had their most recent hookup
ts are
with a partner of the same sex (Kuperberg and Walker, 2018). However, sociologis
careful to point out that young people's latitude in choosing whom to date is shaped by
social context, such that LGBTQ youth are more comfortable coming out and dating
same-sex partners in schools with more accepting climates and fewer practices that
uphold heteronormativity, such as a strong “football culture,” for instance (Wilkinson
and Pearson, 2009).
Similarly, interracial dating is more common in schools that are more racially and
ethnically diverse than it is in schools that are less diverse (Kao et al., 2019). Kao and col-
leagues (2019) analyzed data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult
Health, a survey of more than 15,000 middle and high school students in the mid-1990s
who were tracked into young adulthood through a series of in-home interviews over the
following 15 years. They concluded that “giving young people the opportunity to interact
with individuals of different races is essential to promoting interracial friendships and
romantic relationships. A lot of sociologists and social scientists believe that individual
characteristics—education, income level, etc——make people more likely to have interracial
friendships or romances, but we found that the positive association of simply attending a
diverse school outweighs those other factors” (Cummings, 2019). Taken together, these
studies powerfully show that our dating lives, something we think of as being guided
solely by our own romantic tastes, are highly structured by the environments in which
we live and interact.

Marriage
The United States has long had high marriage rates; nearly 90 percent of adults in their
mid-fifties today are or have been married (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2018b). However,
recent evidence shows that the age at which Americans marry for the first time has risen
sharply in recent decades. In 2019, the median age at first marriage in the United States
was 28.0 for women and 29.8 for men; this marks a dramatic increase over 1960, when
the median ages were 20.3 and 22.8 years for women and men, respectively (U.S. Bureau
of the Census, 2019e). Sociologists offer several explanations for this trend.
First, increases in non-marital cohabitation among younger people account for the
decreases (or delays) in marriage among this group. In past decades, young people who
wanted to live with their romantic partners typically married them, given the stigma of
“living in sin” and having sexual relations with a person to whom one was not legally
married. Within the past five decades, however, cohabitation has grown dramatically in
popularity among young adults as the stigma of premarital sexual relations has waned.
Among young adults ages 18 to 24, cohabitation is now more common than living with a
spouse: g percent lived with an unmarried partner in 2018, compared with 7 percent who
lived with a spouse (Gurrentz, 2018).
Second, increases in postsecondary school enrollment, especially among women, are
partially responsible for delays in marriage. Most couples prefer to delay marriage until
they have completed their formal schooling (Wang and Parker, 2014). That's part of the
reason why marriage has become an institution of social and economic advantage; young
adults with higher levels of education and income are more likely than those with fewer
economic advantages to transition from cohabitation to marriage (Gurrentz, 2018). Not
only does it cost money to have a wedding, but many young people believe that economic

350 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

security is a prerequisite for marrying and may wait until they graduate, find a
secure job,
and pay off college loans to do so (Sassler et al., 2018).
Third, women's increased participation in the labor force often leads to delays in mar-
riage as women work to establish their careers before marrying and starting a family
(Goldstein and Kenney, 2001). Finally, some researchers believe that modernization, chang-
ing gender roles, and a rise in attitudes that promote individualism make marriage less
important than it once was. The sharp increase in age at first marriage has led research-
ers to debate whether marriage is simply being delayed or whether it is being foregone
altogether. However, according to Census Bureau predictions, a sizeable proportion
of Millennials (born between 1981 and 1996) will remain unmarried for life, with this
pattern especially common among Black women and young adults with fewer financial
advantages (Wang and Parker, 2014).
As noted earlier, the proportion of people living alone in the United States has increased
dramatically in recent years—a phenomenon that partly reflects the high levels of marital
separation and divorce. A record 28 percent of households in 2017 consisted of only one
person, and the percentage of Americans who live alone has doubled over the last 50 years
(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2017d; Klinenberg, 2012a). There has been a particularly sharp rise
in the proportion of individuals living alone in the 45 to 64 age bracket. Older women are espe-
cially likely to live alone, as most will outlive their husbands and will not subsequently remarry.
Some people still assume that the average American family is made up of a married
couple and their children. This is very different from the real situation: Just one-fifth of
U.S. households today take the form of the “traditional” family, down from a quarter a
decade ago and 43 percent in 1950 (Tavernise, 2011). One reason is the rising rate of divorce.
A substantial proportion of the population lives either in single-parent households or in
stepfamilies. The expectation that the “traditional” family includes an employed husband
and stay-at-home wife is also a thing of the past. Dual-career marriages and single-parent
families are now the norm. Although men historically were the only breadwinners or
the higher earners in the marriage, this pattern is rapidly changing; women outearn their
husbands in roughly 29 percent of households today (Bureau of the Census, 2019b).
There are also significant differences in patterns of childbearing between parents
in the 1950s and parents in recent decades. The birthrate rose sharply just after World
War II and again during the 1950s. Women in the 1950s had their first children earlier than
later generations did, and their subsequent children were born closer together. Since the
late 1960s, the average age at which women have their first children has risen steadily.
In 2016, the average age of first-time motherhood was a record-high 26.6 years—s years
older than in 1970 (Martin et al., 2018; Mathews and Hamilton, 2016). This sharp rise in the
mean age of first-time moms is due largely to a decrease in births to teen mothers. In addi-
tion, the proportion of women having their first children in their thirties and forties has
also increased sharply (Mathews and Hamilton, 2016). Delayed childbearing, like delayed
marriage, is due largely to rising levels of education and greater career opportunities for
women today relative to five decades ago. Some Millennials also are delaying marriage
and childbearing until they feel financially secure, a challenge for those with high levels
of educational debt and unstable work in the gig economy (Menton, 2020).
Family patterns are powerfully shaped by both structural and cultural factors.
Structural factors—including shifts in educational attainment, the economic prospects
of young adults, widening levels of income inequality, and whether one has the legal

and Romantic Partnerships in the United States Look Like Today? 351
What Do Marriage
 the
right to marry—have a powerful influence on the ways families are formed. At
same time, cultural factors—ranging from attitudes toward marriage, sexuality, and
cohabitation to beliefs about the appropriate context for raising children—shape family
lives. For these reasons, American families vary widely based on factors such as social
class, race, ethnicity, religion, and even the geographic region where one lives. Next, we
briefly focus on the ways that race and social class shape family life in the contemporary
United States.

Race, Ethnicity, and American Families

Sociologists have documented stark differences in family structure among White, Black,
Native American, Asian, and Hispanic-origin families. Early studies failed to consider
distinctions between race and ethnicity, lumping together, for instance, African American
with African and Caribbean diaspora communities, and attributed Black-White differ-
ences in family structure to “cultural” differences, including beliefs about the importance
of marriage and of being economically self-sufficient (Lewis, 1969). However, in recent
decades, scholars have moved away from “cultural” approaches and instead have turned to
the critical importance of structural factors, recognizing that socioeconomic resources—
including education and the opportunity to work in jobs that provide a living wage and
enable people to amass savings—are among the key factors that contribute to differences
in family structure. Most notably, the greater tendency of White and Asian Americans
(relative to Black, Hispanic-origin, and Native Americans) to marry, remain married, and
have children within marriage can be explained in part by these structural dynamics.
However, as we have seen elsewhere in this book, race and socioeconomic status are
closely intertwined in the United States due to a history of systemic racism, so it is diffi-
cult to parse the distinctive effects of one over the other. Another advance in recent years
has been attention to multiracial families; younger cohorts are far more likely than their
parents were to date and marry persons of a different race. One in six recent newlyweds
married someone of a race different from their own, shedding light on the increasingly
complex ways that race shapes family experiences in the United States (Livingston and
Brown, 2017).

NATIVE AMERICAN FAMILIES

Kinship ties are very important in Native American families. As noted family demog-
rapher Andrew Cherlin (2005) observed, “Kinship networks constitute tribal orga-
nization; kinship ties confer identity” for Native Americans. However, for those who
live in cities or away from reservations, kinship ties may be less prominent. Native
Americans have higher rates of intermarriage than any other racial or ethnic group.
According to American Community Survey data, fully 58 percent of all newly wed
Native Americans in 2013 did not marry other Natives (Wang, 2015). By way of com-
parison, just 11 percent of Whites, 18 percent of Blacks, 29 percent of Asians and
27 percent of Hispanics who married in 2015 wed a partner of a different racial background
(Bialik, 2017).
Native American women have a low overall birthrate. A high proportion of Native
American births are to women under age 20 (10 percent compared to 5 percent for U.S.
women of all races and ethnicities), and Native American mothers have the youngest mean

52 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

age at first birth (23.2 years). Furthermore, more than
two-thirds (68 percent) of all births to Native American
women in 2016 were to unmarried women (Martin et al.,
2018). These patterns are powerfully shaped by struc-
tural factors, including limited access to higher educa
tion, high unemployment rates, high levels of poverty,
and high rates of mortality and imprisonment among
young men, thus leaving young women without steady
partners (Sandefur and Liebler, 1997). Native Americans
are also at a particularly high risk of domestic violence:
yet, as we will see later in this chapter, family violence
can afflict persons of any ethnicity (Williams, 2012).
Like many Mexican American families, the Camargo household
contains multiple generations, including Beatriz Camargo and her
HISPANIC- AND LATINX-ORIGIN FAMILIES husband and three kids, Beatriz’s parents, two brothers, and her sister.

Persons of Hispanic and Latinx-origin vary widely

with respect to culture, history, and socioeconomic sta- “N
tus, and consequently are also heterogeneous when it
comes to family patterns. Mexican Americans, Puerto
Ricans, and Cuban Americans are three of the largest Latinx subgroups. In 2017, Mexican
Americans constituted 62 percent of the Hispanic population, Puerto Ricans consti-
tuted 10 percent, and Cuban Americans were just 4 percent; the rest of the Hispanic
population was made up of much smaller groups from many Latin American nations
(Noe-Bustamante et al., 2019a, 2019b, 2019c). Overall, recent cohorts of Latinx persons
have been among the most likely of all ethnic groups to marry someone of a different
ethnicity. In 2015, fully 27 percent of Hispanic-origin persons (regardless of ethnicity)
married someone who does not identify as Hispanic, with men and women equally likely
to do so.
Mexican American families have high birthrates and often live in multigenerational
households. Economically, Mexican American families are more financially secure than Puerto
Rican families but less so than Cuban American families. Defying cultural stereotypes of a
Mexican American home with a male breadwinner and female homemaker, almost 60 percent
of all Mexican American women are in the labor force (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2020g ).
However, this is often out of necessity rather than desire. Some Mexican American families
would prefer the breadwinner-homemaker model but are constrained by finances (Hurtado, 1995).
Many immigrants from Mexico and other Central American nations including
Guatemala and El Salvador must grapple with separation from their families. Often, family
members will migrate to the United States sequentially, where one person (usually the
father) secures a job and sends money, or remittances, back to his family. The plans for the
rest of the family to move to the United States and reunite are often delayed or halted due
to immigration laws (Smokowski and Bacallao, 2011). Even after family members arrive,
those who are undocumented may risk deportation, again causing family separation
(Chang-Muy, 2009). Undocumented families have faced particular uncertainty and turmoil
under the Trump administration; during just a two-month period in 2019, Immigration and
Customs Enforcement (ICE) removed roughly 1,000 migrant children from their families,
and
often for reasons as minor as a parent having a traffic citation (Jordan, 2019). The short-

and Romantic Partnerships in the United States Look Like Today? 893
What Do Marriage
long-term effects of separation and parental deportation for children’s emotional, physical,
and cognitive well-being are dire (Allen et al., 2013; Capps et al., 2007).
The case is very different for Puerto Ricans, because Puerto Rico is a U.S. common-
wealth. Puerto Ricans’ status as U.S. citizens permits them to move freely between
Puerto Rico and the mainland. When barriers to immigration are high, only the most
advantaged (physically, financially, and so on) members of a society can move to another
country. Because Puerto Ricans face fewer barriers, even those with limited resources
can manage the migration process. That's one reason why they are the most economi-
cally disadvantaged of all the major Hispanic groups in the United States. Puerto Rican
families have a higher percentage of children born to unmarried mothers than any other
Hispanic group—6g.2 percent in 2018 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
2019). However, consensual unions—cohabiting relationships in which couples con-
sider themselves married but are not legally married—are often the context for births
to unmarried mothers. Puerto Ricans may respond to tough economic times by forming
consensual unions as the next best option to a more expensive legal marriage (Landale
and Fennelly, 1992).
Cuban American families are the most prosperous of all the Hispanic groups but less
prosperous than Whites (Brown and Patten, 2013). Cuban Americans historically have
settled in the Miami, Florida, area, forming enclaves in which they rely on other Cubans
for their business and social needs (such as banking, schools, and shopping). The relative
wealth of Cuban Americans is driven largely by family business ownership. In terms of
childbearing, Cuban Americans have lower levels of fertility than non-Hispanic Whites
and equally low levels of nonmarital fertility, suggesting that economic factors are equally
if not more important than cultural factors in shaping family lives in the United States
(Lopez, 2015).

BLACK FAMILIES
Black Americans are a diverse group, including those who have lived in the United States for
generations as well as more recent migrants from Africa, the Caribbean, and Latin America
(Anderson, 2017). Most of what we know about Black families in the contemporary United
States is based on U.S.-born African Americans whose family lives have been shaped by the
legacy of slavery and systemic racism (Wilson, 1987). In recent years scholars have pointed
out stark differences in the marriage and family formation patterns of U.S.-born versus
immigrant Black communities. We highlight several examples later in this section to reveal
how race, migration, culture, and economic factors shape Americans’ family experiences.
U.Sborn Black and White families differ dramatically in terms of average family
structure (Figure 11.1), although these differences are largely attributable to structural
factors, including economic resources that facilitate marriage and marital stability. Black
people have higher rates of childbirth outside marriage, are less likely ever to marry, and
are less likely to marry after having a nonmarital birth. These differences are of particular
interest to sociologists, because single parenthood in the United States is both a cause and
a consequence of poverty (Harknett and McLanahan, 2004).
The contemporary state of U.S.-born Black families has deep historical roots. One of
the first sociological analyses was carried out by E. Franklin Frazier in his 1939 book The
Negro Family in the United States. Frazier examined how historical factors such as slavery,
racism, urban migration, and economic adversities affected families, revealing how Black

CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

 FIGURE 11.1

White and Black Households, 2017

WHITE HOUSEHOLDS
BLACK HOUSEHOLDS

Householder Married
living alone couples
29.2% Married
couples 28.4%
51.3%
Householder
Householder with
living alone
other relative
35.1%
2.6% ae
Cohabiting
Single parents 8.1% couples
5.5%
Other householder Other householder
with non-relatives* 2.4% Householder with with non-relatives*
other relative 2.4%
Cohabiting 6.7% Single parents
couples 22.3%
20.8%

“Non-relatives is a broad category that includes roommates, boarders, foster children, paid live-in helpers, and other persons not related by
blood or law to the householder

Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2017c.

families have remained resilient against a historical backdrop of deeply entrenched and
systemic racism (Semmes, 2001).
Three decades after Frazier published his pathbreaking work, Senator Daniel Patrick
Moynihan (1965) described Black families as “disorganized” and caught up in a “tangle of
pathology.” Moynihan, too, referenced historical factors shaping the experiences of Black
families. For instance, he noted that the circumstances of slavery prevented Black people from
maintaining the cultural customs of their societies of origin. Slave owners often regarded
them as little better than livestock and inherently promiscuous and, therefore, unworthy of
marriage. After emancipation, new cultural experiences and structural factors threatened
Black families. Among these were new forms of racial discrimination; changes in the econ-
omy, such as the development of sharecropping in the South after the Civil War; and the
migration of Black families to northern cities early in the twentieth century (Lemann, 2011).
A persistent puzzle facing researchers is the question of why Black and White family
patterns have diverged even further since the 1960s, when Moynihan’'s study was pub-
lished and when public benefits for low-income families were expanded dramatically.
Here we focus on contemporary factors that have contributed to the increasingly signi-
ficant differences in the structure of Black and White families. In 2017, married couples
accounted for 51 percent of all White households yet just 28 percent ofall Black households
(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2018b). (According to the U.S. Census, a household is composed
of one or more people who occupy a housing unit. Not all households contain families; for
instance, a household could include unmarried roommates.) In 1960, 21 percent of African
American families with children under 18 were headed by females; the comparable rate
among White families was 8 percent. By 2017, the proportion of female-headed Black fam-
ilies with children under 18 had risen to 53 percent, while the comparable proportion for
White families was 21 percent (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2018b).

What Do Marriage and Romantic Partnerships in the United States Look Like Today? 355
 One social condition that contributes to high rates of nonmarital childbearing (and,
consequently, female-headed households) among African Americans is what sociologist
William Julius Wilson (1987) called a shortage of “marriageable” men, a function of Black
men’s high rates of incarceration, unemployment, and underemployment. Marriage oppor-
tunities for heterosexual women are constrained if there are not enough men employed in
the formal labor market. A woman will be less inclined to marry a man who is not earning a
living wage and may instead opt to have and raise her child on her own rather than enter a
marital union marked by financial instability. These factors have been cited for Black women’s
low rates of marriage relative to their White peers; one analysis found that just 7 percent
of White but 34 percent of Black women had not yet married by age 40 (Raley et al., 2015).
Contemporary studies provide some support for Wilson's “marriageable male” hypo-
thesis. Recent research confirms that one of the best predictors of whether parents marry
after anonmarital birth is the availability of eligible partners in a geographic area (Harknett
and McLanahan, 2004), demonstrating the continued importance of marriage markets
even after the birth of a child. However, as we shall see in the section that follows, the
patterns that Wilson documented are largely limited to low-income African Americans;
middle-class Blacks’ family patterns are very similar to Whites’ family patterns.
African Americans are often embedded in larger and more complex family networks
than Whites are, but these ties can be a source of both support and strain. Anthropologist
Carol Stack (1997) lived in a low-income Black community in Illinois to study the support
systems that poor Black families formed. Getting to know the kinship system from the
inside, she demonstrated that families adapted to poverty by forming large, complex support
networks. Thus, a mother heading a one-parent family is likely to have a close and supportive
network of relatives to depend on. Yet, these family ties can be demanding—especially for
older African American women, who are more likely than any other group to live with and
raise their grandchildren. They step into this role when their own children, or the grand-
children’s parents, can no longer adequately fulfill their parenting role. For many older Black
women, family ties are thus a source of stress as well as social support (Hughes et al., 2007).
Most research on Black families to date focuses on U.S.-born African Americans.
However, emerging research shows vast differences in the experiences of U.S.-born ver-
sus immigrant Blacks in the United States. For instance, among Black adults ages 18 and
older in 2013, 28 percent of U.S.-born but 48 percent of foreign-born Blacks were currently
married (Anderson, 2017). Thus, any discussion of Black-White differences in family struc-
ture needs to consider the distinctive background and socioeconomic resources among
the large and heterogeneous population of Blacks in the United States.

ASIAN AMERICAN FAMILIES

Asian American families historically have been characterized by an interdependence
among members of the extended family, a practice that some sociologists attribute to cul-
tural beliefs related to filial piety, or respect for and a sense of responsibility for caring for
one’s elders (Bengtson et al., 2000). Family members’ interdependence also helps Asian
Americans prosper financially. Asian American family and friend networks often pool
money to help individuals within the group start a business or buy a house. This help
is reciprocated as the recipients who prosper as a result then contribute to other family
members. The result is a median family income for Asian Americans that is higher than the
median family income for non-Hispanic White Americans.

356 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

 As each generation of Asian Americans grows increasingly
acculturated to life in the
United States, scholars predict that they will come to resembl
e White families more and
more (Pew Research Center, 2012). This process may be further
hastened by out-marriage.
Asians are more likely than other racial groups to “marry out.”
In 2015, 17 percent of all
newlywed couples were interracial; however, 29 percent of Asians
married that year wed
a person from a different race (Livingston and Brown, 2017).
Although differences among various Asian American subgroups have
not been as
widely researched as differences among Hispanic-origin subgroups, some
fertility differ-
ences have been established. Chinese American and Japanese American women
have much
lower fertility rates than any other racial or ethnic group, due partly to their high
levels
of educational attainment. These differences in educational attainment reflect a range
of
economic factors, including the types of jobs their parents held, the conditions under which
their families emigrated to the United States, and their language skills. As women remain
in school and delay marriage and childbearing, they typically go on to have fewer children.
Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino families have lower levels of nonmarital fertility than all
other racial or ethnic groups, including non-Hispanic Whites. In general, low levels of non-
marital fertility combined with low levels of divorce demonstrate Asian Americans’ cul-
tural emphasis on marriage as the appropriate forum for family formation and maintenance
(Pew Research Center, 2013¢).

MULTIRACIAL FAMILIES
Young adults today are more likely than ever to date, cohabit with, and ultimately marry
a partner from a different ethnic or racial background. In 2015, 17 percent of all U.S.
newlyweds had a spouse of a different race or ethnicity, a dramatic jump since 1967,
when just 3 percent of newlyweds were intermarried. In that pivotal year, the U.S. Supreme
Court ruled in Loving v. Virginia that marriage across racial lines was legal throughout the
country. Until this ruling, interracial marriage was illegal in many states (Livingston and
Brown, 2017).
Given how recent these changes have been, the sociological study of multiracial fami-
lies is still in its nascent form. Some studies find no differences in the stability of same-race
versus interracial marriages, whereas others find that intermarriages are more likely to end
in divorce (Zhang and Van Hook, 2009). Spouses in intermarriages (especially women) may
be vulnerable to discrimination and microaggressions that undermine their well-being and
the well-being of their children. For instance, White-Black couples report negative reac-
tions from strangers as well as less support from family and friends (Childs, 2005). Some
White mothers face discrimination if they marry persons of a different ethnicity or race,
as they may be perceived as unqualified to raise and nurture children who are not White
(Twine, 1999). Consistent with this finding, Bratter and Eschbach (2006) found that White
women in intermarriages reported higher rates of distress relative to their Black female and
White male counterparts in intermarriages. However, as multiracial families become more
common with each subsequent generation, discriminatory treatment and its consequences
may diminish. In 1990, an astonishing 63 percent of White adults in the General Social
Survey said they were “very” or “somewhat” opposed to a close relative marrying a Black
person. By 2016, this share had plummeted to just 14 percent (Livingston and Brown, 2017).
More accepting attitudes may create a more supportive climate for parents and children
alike in multiracial families.

What Do Marriage and Romantic Partnerships in the United States Look Like Today? hoy!
 DIGITAL LIFE

Dating and
2 Mating Online
ye iH How did you meet your ae romantic partner? Perhaps you heterosexual women, iypicaly,topartner with wealthi
:“metaata party or‘sat next to each other in your introduction to. socioeconomic status men.

es eosociology course. Can you remember what it was that drew you For instance, sociologist Kevin Lewis (2013) analyzed
Hie to each other? Was there something subtle or unexpected that from more than 126,000 dating profiles and found ‘that user
se | "signaled to you there might be an attraction, like a tone of voice, tended to show the greatest interest in other users of their same a
ve a wink, or a light touch to the shoulder? Or maybe you already ethnic background. He analyzed only the firstmessage sent an
had a clear- cut notion of the kind of person you wanted to = the first reply of each user. He found the tendency to ini
j Hi date—someone tall, or who shared your religious background, contact within one’s own race to be strongest among East ¢
ani
or who had professional goals similar to your own—and you “South Asians and weakest among Whites. He found that while oun
carefully surveyed those whom you saw as an faye deg users would respond to a message from someone from a differ-
ih partner before making your move. i ent ethnic or racial group, this open-mindedness was relatively_
While Poe music suggests that two strangersa lock ie = short-lived; most would promptly return to their old patternsof
eyes across a crowded room and true love will follow, in our ee ‘communicating only with members of their own group. —
current digital age, meetings often happen iina far lessroman- ae - ae Lewis’ s analyses also uncovered evidence that users hold
tic and more strategic way. Dozens of smartphone .apps, such e dating preferences” consistent with “highly gendered sta-
as Tinder, Hinge, and Bumble, allow people to search tt ough ahs y tus: hierarchies.” For instance, women tend to seek out men
__ endless photos of eligible partners and screen ‘them, or“swipe o me with more education and more income than they themselves
right,” based on personal preferences like education, oO upa- . have. Although. men also sought educated partners, they —
_tion, age, height, body weight, gender, sexual orientation, and ae : tended to show the greatest interest in women with a college
race. GPS functionality allows users to find like- mindedle a oe Be education—"no more and no less.” Racial hierarchies also :
in their vicinity at any given time (Wortham, 2013), as emerged. White men, Lewis found, enjoyed a privileged posi- =
Although apps may take the romance and intrigue.outof dat- — tion, receiving
the most initial messages, while Black women
ing, they do fulfill a practical function. Young people can shop for received the fewest.
a date in exactly the same way that they would shop for a new Thinking about sociological writings on family formation,
car; they can specify precisely what they want and search for what do you see as the pros and cons of such apps? Why do you
potential partners who possess those traits. From a sociological think app users, and daters more generally, prefer to date some-
perspective, many apps provide strong evidence that norms of one of their own racial background? How would you explain
“homogamy,” or dating and marrying a partner similar to one- women’s preferences for men who are more educated and
self, are still pervasive in U.S. society. New studies also show wealthier than they are themselves? What cultural and struc-
that apps provide evidence of “hypergamy,” or the preference of tural factors may underlie the patterns found in Lewis's study? — :

Dating apps like The League, which narrows the

dating pool to Ivy League graduates, provide
evidence of modern homogamy.
Social Class and the American
Family
Sociologists studying racial and ethnic differences in American
families are keenly aware of the role that social class plays. As we
learned earlier in this book, White, Black, Native, Latinx, and Asian
Americans differ starkly with respect to their levels of education,
the kinds ofjobs they hold, their income, their savings, and whether
they own homes. Economic and occupational stability is a power-
ful influence on families, whereby those with richer resources are
more likely to marry and have children within (rather than out- Social class, including economic and occupational
side of) marriage. Even studies that focus primarily on race can be SE Are> © ROW eEIN Bueeice Oe tales.
thought of as studies of social class, because race, ethnicity, immigra-
tion status, and class historically have been so closely intertwined. WN
Contemporary researchers now largely agree that “the differences
between [U.S.-born] Black and White extended family relationships
are mainly due to contemporary differences in social and economic
class positions of group members” (Sarkisian and Gerstel, 2004). Most scholars today agree
that cultural factors are less significant than structural obstacles.
This leads to a thought-provoking question: Are racial differences in family formation
due primarily to economic or to cultural factors? Recent studies show that race and class
each have distinctive and often complicated effects on family behavior. For instance, while
White people from working-class and poor backgrounds—cften residing in the southern
United States—+eport very strong ideological support for marriage and bearing children
within marriage, their behaviors often depart from these conservative ideals. White young
adults of lower- and working-class upbringings are much more likely than their wealthier
peers to have children prior to marriage, to marry young, and, subsequently, to divorce
(Cahn and Carbone, 2010). Because they often do not attend college, they marry young
and bear children young—often before they are financially or emotionally prepared. As a
result, they may struggle unsuccessfully with the challenges of marriage and babies and
ultimately divorce. In the past decade, White working-class families have been particularly
vulnerable to the opioid crisis; a young adult's addictions can derail their life chances and
destabilize family well-being (Egan, 2018). For young adults with small children, addiction
and death by overdose often mean that older White adults become custodial grandparents
to their orphaned grandchildren (Whalen, 2016).
Middle-class young adults, by contrast, show much more stable family formation pat-
terns. They often cohabit while in school or working in their first jobs, so they marry later
and bear children later. Their delay of marriage until they are emotionally and financially
ready is one of the key reasons why college-educated young Whites have lower rates of
divorce than their more economically disadvantaged counterparts (Cahn and Carbone, 2010).
Research comparing middle-class Blacks with their less advantaged counterparts was
scarce until the past decade or two, when scholars began to explore middle-class Black
families in depth (Lacy, 2007; Landry and Marsh, 2011; Pattillo, 2013). Although middle-
class Black families are more likely than their economically disadvantaged peers to live
in married-couple households, recent studies have detected a new form of middle-class
Black family, especially among young adults—the single-person household. Due in part

and Romantic Partnerships in the United States Look Like Today? sog
What Do Marriage
FIGURE 11.2 to the shortage of marriageable men
described earlier, college-educated
Divorce Rates in the United States, cis. fier
1920-2018 without a romantic partner (Marsh
et al., 2007).

Divorce and
Separation
While divorce rates—calculated by

PEOPLE
1,000
looking at the number of divorces
per 1,000 married individuals per
DIVORCES
OF
NUMBER
PER
year—increased steadily through
the 1970s and 1980s, they have lev-
1920921930: 194071950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 eled off, and even declined, since the
1990s (Figure 11.2). Attitudes have
Source: CDC, 2018b; National Center for Health Statistics, 2008.
changed in tandem, as the propor-
tion of Americans who disapprove
of divorce has starkly declined.
Divorce has a substantial impact on children. In one calculation, about half of all
children born in 1980 became members of a one-parent family at some point. Since
two-thirds of women and three-fourths of men who are divorced eventually remarry,
most of these children nonetheless grew up in a family environment, often acquiring
new stepsiblings in the process. Remarriage rates are substantially lower for African
Americans. Only 32 percent of Black women and 55 percent of Black men who divorce
remarry within 10 years. White children are more than twice as likely as Black children
(74 percent vs. 36 percent) to reside in a home with two married parents (U.S. Bureau
of the Census, 2018b).
The economic well-being of women and children declines in the immediate aftermath of
divorce. According to one study, the living standards of divorced women and their children
on average fell by 27 percent in the first year following the divorce settlement. By contrast,
the average standard of living of divorced men rose by 10 percent. However, more in-depth
investigations find that the economic toll on men varies widely based on the spouses’ finan-
cial arrangements prior to divorce and custody arrangements following divorce. For instance,
one study found that men who contributed more than 80 percent of the family income prior
to divorce experienced an improvement in their living standards after divorce of approxi-
mately 10 percent at the median, but men who contributed a smaller share to family income
experienced a reduction in living standards post-divorce (McManus and DiPrete, 2001).
Of special interest to family demographers is the fact that the women with the most
resources—especially education—are increasingly delaying fertility and being more
involved in the labor market. This pursuit of financial stability in early adulthood ulti-
mately provides their future children with greater resources. In contrast, women who
have the fewest resources—lw levels of educational attainment or few economic
resources—are increasingly following a trajectory of early fertility and infrequent employ-
ment. These different trajectories, in turn, lead to even higher levels of inequality in the
future educational, economic, and health experiences of children (McLanahan, 2004).

360 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

 Young adults from financially disadvantaged homes are less likely to attend college
and thus are more likely to marry younger—often right after high school. As
a result,
they tend to hold lower-paying jobs than their counterparts who graduate from college.
Marrying young, before one is emotionally and financially ready, is considered one of
the
most powerful predictors of divorce (Elliott and Simmons, 2011).

REASONS FOR DIVORCE

Why did divorce become increasingly common throughout the latter half of the twentieth
century? First, changes in the law made divorce easier. Today, individuals may file for a
“no-fault” divorce, which doesn't require evidence that one spouse did something to bring
about the end of the marriage. Through the first six decades of the twentieth century, by
contrast, one party had to prove that the other was at fault, necessitating compelling evi-
dence of abuse, neglect, infidelity, or other forms of mistreatment that could be difficult to
prove from a legal standpoint (Marvell, 1989).
Second, there is a growing tendency to evaluate marriage in terms of personal satis-
faction. Higher divorce rates reflect an increased determination on the part of individual
spouses to make marriage a rewarding and satisfying relationship for both of them, with
a reduced desire to stay (unhappily) married “for the sake of the children” (Cherlin, 2010).
The fact that little stigma now attaches to divorce is in part a result of these trends, but this
destigmatization, in turn, has also accelerated these developments.

DIVORCE AND CHILDREN

The effects of divorce on children are difficult to gauge, and both public sentiment
and scholarly research on the subject have evolved dramatically over the past four
decades. Scholarly interest has shifted as well; researchers are moving away from
the very specific question of how divorce affects children and instead exploring how
family instability—including parental divorces, cohabitation break-ups, repartnering,
and other household changes—affects children’s emotional, physical, and cognitive
development. As we shall see in the sections below, social selection—or the factors
that give rise to parental relationship instability—also may take a toll on child
well-being.
Researchers recognize, too, that not all relationship dissolutions are the same.
The conditions under which parents dissolve their union also bear on child outcomes.
For instance, how contentious the relationship is between the parents prior to separa-
tion, the age of a child at the time, whether there are siblings, the availability of grand-
parents and other relatives, the child’s relationship with their individual parents, and
how frequently the child continues to see both parents can all affect the process of
adjustment.
Some of the earliest studies of the consequences of divorce were based on clinical
samples—that is, populations of people seeking counseling; these found that children
suffer emotional anxiety following the separation of their parents. Judith Wallerstein
and Joan Kelly (1980) studied 131 children of 60 families in Marin County, California,
following the separation of their parents. The researchers found evidence of both short-
and long-term deleterious consequences of divorce. Almost all the children experienced
intense emotional disturbance at the time of their parents’ separation. Yet even 10 or
15 years later, nearly half the then-young-adult children reported difficulties in their

What Do Marriage and Romantic Partnerships in the United States Look Like Today? 361
 romantic relationships, compromised self-esteem, and a sense of underachievement.

However, these conclusions partly reflect the fact that the study was based on a clinical
sample; by definition, all of the subjects had already been seeking professional help for
their troubles prior to the start of the study.
In contrast, more recent studies based on population samples find that people with
divorced parents have only slightly worse mental health problems, on average, than
those whose parents stayed together. Syntheses of decades of research have identi-
fied several common consequences of divorce for children (Amato, 2001; Amato and
Keith, 1991):

= Almost all children experience an initial period of intense emotional upset after
their parents separate.

= Most adjust without serious problems within two years of the separation.

= A minority of children experience some long-term problems as a result of the

breakup that may persist into adulthood.

Repartnering and Stepparenting

Before 1900, almost all marriages in the United States were first marriages. Most remar-
riages involved at least one widowed person. With the progressive rise in the divorce rate,
the level of remarriage also began to climb, and in an increasing proportion of marriages
at least one person was divorced. Today, fully 40 percent of marriages involve at least
one previously married person, and 20 percent involve two previously married persons
(Livingston, 2014). For younger adults, remarriages typically follow divorce, whereas for
older persons, the second walk down the aisle is more often taken by widows and widow-
ers (Sweeney, 2010). Over the past two decades, however, some divorced and widowed per-
sons have turned their back on marriage, instead preferring to cohabit or to date steadily
without living together, a relationship referred to as “living apart together” (Brown and
Wright, 2017).
The rise in rates of remarriage and cohabitation has been accompanied by rising
stepfamily numbers of stepfamilies. A stepfamily is a family in which at least one partner has
A family in which at least children from a previous relationship. Many who repartner become stepparents of
one partner has children children who regularly visit rather than live in the same household. By this definition,
from a previous marriage. the number of stepfamilies is much greater than official statistics indicate, because
the statistics usually refer only to families with whom stepchildren live full-time.
Stepfamilies give rise to kin ties resembling those of some traditional societies in
non-Western countries. Children may now have four parents involved in their lives—
their biological or adoptive parents and their stepparents. Some stepfamilies regard all
the children and close relatives (including grandparents) from previous marriages as
part of their family.
When two families merge and become a stepfamily, challenges may arise. First,
there is usually a parent living elsewhere whose influence over the child or children
remains powerful. Cooperative relations between ex-partners often become strained
when one or both remarry or enter a new cohabiting union. Second, because most
stepchildren belong to two households, it is almost inevitable that some habits and
outlooks will clash (Fine et al., 1998). There are few established norms defining the

362 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

 relationship between stepparents and stepchildren. Should
a
child call a new stepparent by their first name, or is “Dad”
or
“Mom” more appropriate? Should the stepparent play the
same
part in disciplining the children as the natural or adoptive
par- \
a
ent? The difficulties in negotiating these decisions often inten- =a
a
.]a
sify in later life as aging parents need to turn to their children for
caregiving and stepchildren may not willingly oblige (Sherman
et al., 2013).

Single-Parent Households
Single-parent households have become increasingly common. In Today, more than a quarter of all children in the United
2017, nearly one-third (31 percent) of all families with children States live in single-parent households.
under 18 were single-parent families, up from less than 13 per-
cent in 1970 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2017c). Black children
are more than twice as likely as White children (53 percent vs. “N
20 percent) to reside in a single-parent household (U.S. Bureau of
the Census, 2017¢).
There are two main pathways to single-parent households: divorce and nonmari-
tal childbearing. The vast majority of single-parent households are headed by women
because unmarried women may not maintain contact with the birth father of their
children and may even prefer to raise children on their own. Moreover, in the case of
divorce, the mother usually obtains primary custody of any children. In 2017, of the
117 million single-parent families in the United States, 81 percent were headed by
women (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2017¢).
In 1950, only 4 percent of all children in the United States were born to unmarried
parents; by 2016, nearly 40 percent of all children were born outside of marriage (Martin
et al., 2018). Although we often think of nonmarital births as births to teenage mothers—
often abandoned by their male partners—the data show otherwise. An increasing number
of children are being born to men and women in their twenties who are delaying mar-
riage but not delaying childbearing (Cherlin, 2010). In fact, the majority of all nonmarital
births today occur within cohabiting relationships (Curtin et al, 2014). Although the
mother may be legally “unmarried,” both she and her child may very well have a dedicated
and involved male figure in their lives and in their home (Kennedy and Bumpass, 2008).
A growing minority of Americans are choosing to become single parents, setting out
to have a child or children without the support of a spouse or partner. “Single mothers
or fathers by choice” is an apt description of some parents, normally those who possess
sufficient resources to manage satisfactorily as a single-parent household. According to
the National Center for Health Statistics, from 2007 to 2012, rates of nonmarital births
increased most rapidly among unmarried women ages 35 and older. During the same
time period, rates of nonmarital births among younger women either declined or stayed
stable. Women in their late thirties and forties today recognize that they can have
a child on their own without facing the stigma that marginalized single mothers in
earlier generations. Many also have the financial means to support a child on their own
(Curtin et al., 2014). For most unmarried or never-married mothers, however, the reality
is different: There is a high correlation between the rate of births outside marriage and
indicators of poverty and social deprivation. As we saw earlier, these influences are very

What Do Marriage and Romantic Partnerships in the United States Look Like Today? 363
 important in explaining the high proportion of single-parent households among Black
families in the United States.
CONCEPT CHECKS:
Sociologists have long debated how children may be affected by growing up with a
Briefly describe recent single parent. The most exhaustive set of studies carried out to date, by Sara McLanahan and
trends’in dating and ~ Gary Sandefur (1994), rejects the claim that children raised by only one parent do just as well
marriage patterns in the” as children raised by both parents. A large part of the reason is economic—particularly, the
United States.
sudden drop in income associated with divorce. But about half of the disadvantage comes
Contrast both general and from inadequate parental attention and lack of social ties. Separation or divorce weakens
faleyarpatclmite] mevall(elol-x-l
ailayed
the connection between child and absent parent as well as the link between the child and
patterns among White,
the absent parent's network of friends and acquaintances. On the basis of wide empirical
Black, Hispanic, Asian,
and Native Americans in research, the authors conclude that it is a myth that there are usually strong support net-
the United States. works or extended family ties available to single mothers (McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994).

What are the main

Others have been quick to point out that although children who grow up ina single-
parent home are on average disadvantaged, it is better for children’s mental health
reasons why divorce
rates increased sharply if parents in extremely high-conflict marriages divorce rather than stay together (Amato
(o[Ulafavoutatemcchacclam are] time) et al., 1995; Musick and Meier, 2010). This suggests that divorce may benefit children
the twentieth century? growing up in high-conflict marriages but may harm children whose parents have rela-
How does divorce affect tively low levels of marital conflict before divorcing.
the well-being of children?’

Why Does Family

? Violence Happen?
Learn about sexual abuse Family relationships—between spouses, parents and children, siblings, or more distant
and violence within relatives—can be warm and fulfilling. But they can also be full of extreme tension, driving
families.
people to despair or imbuing them with a deep sense of anxiety and guilt. Family discord
can take many forms. The two broad categories of family violence are child abuse and inti-
mate partner violence (IPV). Because of the sensitive and private nature of violence within
families, it is difficult to obtain national data on levels of domestic violence. Data on child
abuse are particularly sparse because of the issues of cognitive development and ethical
concerns involved in studying child subjects.

Child Abuse
The most common definition of child abuse is serious physical harm (trauma, sexual abuse
with injury, or willful malnutrition) with intent to injure. One national study of married
and cohabiting adults indicated that about 3 percent of respondents abused their children,
though cohabiting adults are no more or less likely to abuse their children than married
couples (Brown, 2004; Sedlak and Broadhurst, 1996).
More recent statistics are based on national surveys of child welfare professionals.
However, these surveys do not account for children who are not seen by professionals or
reported to state agencies. Researchers estimate that as many as 50 to 60 percent of child
deaths from abuse or neglect are not recorded (U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, 2008). Statistics based on the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System indicate

364 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

that in 2018, an estimated 678,000 children were victims of abuse
or neglect. Of these,
60.8 percent suffered neglect, 107 percent suffered physical abuse, and 7 percent were sexually
abused; 77.5 percent of victims were maltreated by their parents. American Indian
or Alaska
Native children suffered the highest rate of abuse at 15.2 per 1,000 children in the
popula-
tion of the same race or ethnicity. African American children experienced the second highest
rate at 14.0 per 1,000 children of the same race or ethnicity (U.S. Children's Bureau, 2020).
The effects of child mistreatment can linger for years, if not decades, after a child escapes
an abusive situation; recent studies show that adult men and women who suffered physical
or sexual abuse in childhood are at elevated risk of multiple health conditions in midlife,
including depression, chronic pain (Goldberg, 1994), sleep problems (Greenfield et al., 2011),
and metabolic syndrome (Lee et al., 2014). Some evidence also suggests that victims of child
abuse are more likely to commit abuse against partners and their own children, thus ampli-
fying and perpetuating the cycle of abuse for future generations (Widom et al., 2015).

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)

Abuse of one’s spouse or romantic partner is widespread in the United States. A 1986 study
by Murray Straus and his colleagues found that IPV had occurred at least once in the past
year in 16 percent of all marriages and at some point in 28 percent of all marriages. This
does not, however, distinguish between severe acts, such as beating up one’s spouse and
threatening or committing violence with a gun or knife, and less severe acts, such as slap-
ping, grabbing, or shoving. When the authors disaggregated this number, they found that
approximately 3 percent of all husbands admitted perpetrating at least one act of severe
violence on their spouse in the previous year, but this is likely an underestimate.
More recent data from the 2011 National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey
find even higher rates of severe violence among both married and nonmarried romantic part-
ners (Breiding et al., 2014). For instance,16 percent of women and 10 percent of men reported
experiencing sexual violence at the hands of an intimate partner during their lifetimes. Severe
physical violence by an intimate partner (including acts such as being hit with something hard,
being kicked or beaten, or being burned on purpose) was reported by 22 percent of women and
14 percent of men during their lifetimes. Relatively little is known about the victimization of
persons in same-sex relationships, although most experts agree that this abuse is especially
likely to go undetected, given fears of being “outed” if one reports the abuse (Shwayder, 2013).
Trend data can tell us about the prevalence of IPV but not the nature of or context giv-
ing rise to abuse. Michael Johnson (1995) has identified two broad types of IPV: patriarchal
terrorism, which is perpetuated by husbands who wish to maintain power and control over
their wives, versus common couple violence, which generally relates to a specific incident ote]
[ed= ma od |= 09.<=
and is not rooted in power or control. Sociological studies show that IPV is closely related to
structural factors, including low levels of power among women, and cultural factors, includ- How do social scientists
measure and track
ing widespread acceptance of violence and beliefs that male power is equated with violence
patterns of child abuse?
(Jewkes, 2002). Violence is particularly likely to occur among couples whose relationships are
Describe structural and
marked by conflict, especially conflicts about finances, jealousy, substance use, or the hus-
cultural factors that
band's belief that his wife is violating traditional gender roles. Women who are more empow-
are linked with intimate
ered educationally, economically, and socially are most protected from IPV (Jewkes, 2002). partner violence.

Why Does Family Violence Happen?

EMPLOYING ~ Marriage and Family Therapist
YOUR :
one answer consistently
SOC I(@]LOG lCAL lf you ask Americans to name their main source of happiness,
A recent Harris Poll found that 86 percent of Americans: say
tops the list: their families.
VNC Wael they have positive relationships with their family (Sifferlin, 2017).
Yet anyone who has
squabble. Romantic
a family also knows that relationships are not always rosy. Siblings
partners may argue, cheat, and even become physically aggressive with each other.
neglect their chil-
Parents ideally provide their children with love and support, but some
wel! as relatively
dren or harm them physically and emotionally. Troubled families, as
are grappling with
happy families who want to make their relationships stronger or who
use, or a par-
serious problems—like a young child's terminal illness, a teenagers drug
A master’s
ent’s job loss—may seek out help from a marriage and family therapist (MFT).
degree and license are typically required for this position, yet a strong undergraduate
background in sociology is excellent preparation for the challenges and duties of an MFT
career (MFT-License.com, 2013).
MF Ts offer guidance to couples and families who are managing problems that may
undermine their emotional health and well-being. Many of the issues that MFTs address
are topics of great sociological concern, including marital conflict, intimate partner and
family violence, divorce, child and teen behavioral problems, and family disagreements.
MF Ts also work with families from all walks of life, rich and poor, with and without chil-
dren, same-sex and different-sex partnerships, urban and rural. For this reason, they work
in diverse settings, including social service agencies, family services, outpatient mental
health and substance abuse centers, hospitals, government, schools, and private practices.
Several themes and concepts central to sociology guide the work of MF Ts. Whereas
some branches of therapy focus on an individual client, MFTs recognize that there are
multiple perspectives on any problem. It is only when family members come to a shared

How Do New Family

> Forms Affect Your Life’?
Learn about some Cohabitation
alternatives to traditional
If current statistics are any indicator, more than half of all students reading this textbook
marriage and family
will live with their romantic partners before marrying. Cohabitation—in which a couple
patterns that are becoming
more widespread. lives together in a sexual relationship without being married—has become increasingly
widespread in most Western societies. The proportion of young couples who cohabit has
risen steeply, from 11 percent in the early 1970s to 44 percent in the early 1980s to roughly
50 percent today (Stepler, 2017).
While for some, cohabitation may be a substitute for marriage, for many it is viewed
as a stage in the process of relationship building that precedes marriage. Men and women

366 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

definition of the situation that they can understand and resolve their problems, under-
scoring a key theme of symbolic interactionism. Family relationships also are dynamic,
shifting over time. Gender roles, the personalities of family members, and the relative
power that any one family member holds can change over time and across contexts, as
sociologists like Ernest Burgess (1926) have observed.
A strong grasp of sociological research approaches also can be very helpful. An
important task of an MFT is observing how family members interact and using this
information to draw educated conclusions about the sources of relationship problems.
Understanding how to do a systematic evaluation, identify patterns, and recognize that
one particular interaction may not be a “random sample” or accurate representation of the
overall relationship helps MFTs to offer guidance and advice. For instance, an MFT might
observe that a husband is aloof, quiet, and disengaged from what his ‘wife and child are
doing and saying during their session. Before drawing a strong conclusion, the therapist
will want to observe the family on several occasions to make sure that the quietness isn’t a
fluke, perhaps due to illness on that day, but rather an accurate reflection of long-standing
family dynamics.
MFTs also depend on academic research as they do their evaluations and offer guid-
ance. An MFT who is not abreast of recent literature may believe, based on the early con-
Despite 86 percent of
clusions of Wallerstein and Kelly (1980), that parents should stay married at any cost. This Americans saying that they live
therapist may discourage feuding parents from getting a divorce for fear that the couple's in happy families, family
children will suffer in the long term. Yet a therapist well versed in sociological research relationships can be volatile.
would understand that these pessimistic conclusions are based on clinical populations of MFTs must be equipped to
young people who had emotional problems even prior to their parents’ divorce. A socio- handle a myriad of issues anda
logically informed MFT would know that research shows that children fare just fine after strong sociological base is key
divorce, and may even be hurt if parents remain in very contentious marriages (Amato, for an effective practice.
2001). Compassion and a desire to help others are essential to being a good MFT, yet a
knowledge of sociological research and theory is also critical.

differ in their reasons for cohabiting. One recent study conducted focus group interviews
with cohabiting men and women and found that both genders said their primary motives cohabitation
for cohabiting included spending time together and evaluating compatibility. Men, however,
Two people living together
were concerned about the loss of freedom marriage would entail, whereas women wor- in a sexual relationship of
ried that cohabitation would further delay marriage. One of the most important factors for some permanence without
lower-income young adults is money; sharing an apartment helps save money, and cohabit- being married to each other.

ing pushes off the expenses of a wedding (Huang et al., 2011; Sassler and Miller, 2018).
For most young adults today, cohabitation does not end in marriage. The likelihood
that cohabitation will lead to marriage has diminished for recent cohorts, while the chance
that a cohabiting union will break up has increased (Guzzo, 2009; Kuo and Raley, 2016).
Increasingly, evidence shows that rather than being a “stage in the process” between dating
and marriage, cohabitation may be an end in itself. For a very small subset, cohabitation is
preferable to marriage. Longtime cohabiters with no plans to marry say that they prefer
cohabitation due to their unease about the meanings associated with marriage and con-
cerns about what marriage does to a relationship (Hatch, 2015).

How Do New Family Forms Affect Your Life? 367

 For a rapidly growing number of couples, cohabitation is “marriage-like” in that it is a
context for bearing and rearing children. In the early 1980s, 29 percent of all nonmarital births
were to those in cohabiting unions. Recent estimates suggest that 62 percent of births to
never-married women are to those in cohabiting unions (Lamidi and Manning, 2016). White
and Latina women are much more likely to have a birth in the context of a cohabiting rela-
tionship (Payne et al., 2012). Part of the reason more babies are born into cohabiting unions
is that pregnant women today don't feel the same social pressure to marry their partners
as they would have in years past, when unmarried couples who got pregnant might have
had a “shotgun” wedding before the birth of the baby. Currently, however, only 11 percent
of pregnant single women are married by the time the child is born. Fewer unmarried
couples—whether cohabiting or not—are marrying before the birth of their child. There
has, however, been an increase in the rate at which unmarried women begin cohabiting
with their partners once they find out they are pregnant: 11 percent of pregnant single
women begin cohabiting by the time the baby is born—the same percentage who marry
to “legitimize” a pregnancy.
The United States is certainly not alone in the increasing prevalence of cohabita-
tion. Many European countries are experiencing similar, and in some cases much greater,
proportions of unions beginning with cohabitation rather than marriage. The northern
European countries of Denmark, Sweden, and Finland, along with France, show partic-
ularly high rates of cohabitation. However, unions in the southern European countries
of Spain, Greece, and Italy—along with Ireland and Portugal—-still largely begin with
marriage.

Same-Sex-Parent Families
LGBTQ college students today can look forward to a much more accepting social world
than the one that greeted generations before them. There were almost a million same-sex
couple households in the United States in 2018 and just over half (51.3 percent) of them
were female-coupled households (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2018c). Same-sex households
make up 0.8 percent of all U.S. households, and this share is projected to increase steadily
as same-sex couples now have the right to marry.
Alongside this increase in same-sex marriage, same-sex couples are forming fam-
ilies with children in unprecedented numbers. Sixteen percent of same-sex-couple
households include children; 8.1 percent of same-sex male couples and over 24 per-
cent of same-sex female couples raised children between 2014 and 2016 (Goldberg and
Conron, 2018). According to the Williams Institute, an estimated 37 percent of LGBTQ-
identified persons have been a parent, and an estimated 6 million children in the United
States have lived with a gay parent at some point in their lives (Gates, 2013). Although
lesbian couples may have a child by donor insemination and gay men may rely on a
surrogate to carry a biological child, same-sex couples are seven times as likely as differ-
ent-sex married or cohabiting couples to have an adopted child or stepchild (21 versus
3 percent). Just 68 percent of same-sex couples have biological children only (com-
pared to roughly 95.5 percent of different-sex married or cohabiting couples). Roughly
similar shares of same-sex and different-sex couples have both biological and adopted or
stepchildren (4 to 6 percent) (Gates, 2013).
The legal, cultural, and technological landscapes facing same-sex parents and their
children have changed dramatically in recent years. Increasingly tolerant attitudes

368 CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

 Maternity Leave

Of the 185 countries included in a 2014 report by the International Labour Organization, all but two countries—the
United States and Papua New Guinea—mandate paid leave for new mothers. In Eastern Europe and Central Asia,
new mothers are given an average of almost 27 weeks of leave.

Length of maternity leave

Norway Poland Italy

Montenegro

14 weeks

Cuba Brazil

Aawbbke
12 weeks 9 weeks

- United States e
Mexico Philippines
leave.
of previous earnings for the entire period of
Note: All the countries featured pay 80%-100%
, 2014.
Source: International Labour Organization
 toward LGBTQ persons have been accompanied by a
growing tendency for courts to allocate custody of chil-
dren to mothers living in lesbian relationships. All 50
states now allow LGBTQ individuals to adopt a child,
although states vary in their policies regarding second
parent adoption (where one partner adopts a child
and the partner applies to be a second or co-parent)
and joint adoption (where the partners adopt a child
together) (Family Equality Council, 2014). Popular
media images in recent years, such as TV series
The Fosters and Modern Family, depict same-sex parents
as providing the same love and guidance as hetero-
sexual parents.
One reason for this growing acceptance of same-
sex adoption and parenting is that a strong consen-
sus has emerged among scholars that the ability to
The majority of studies shows that sexual orientation has no bearing parent effectively is not related to sexual orientation.
on one’s capacity to be a loving parent.
Although one recent and controversial study argued

/“N that children of parents who had ever had a same-sex

relationship would go on to face greater adversity, this
study has since been discredited for its serious meth-
odological limitations (Regnerus, 2012). The most persuasive and comprehensive reviews
of scientific research to date, including the American Psychological Association's (2005)
second parent review of 60 studies and the American Academy of Pediatrics’s (2013) seminal report,
adoption
have concluded that “children growing up in households headed by gay men or lesbi-
A family in which one
ans are not disadvantaged in any significant respect relative to children of heterosexual
partner adopts a child and
parents” (Perrin et al., 2013). The 60 studies considered a range of outcomes, including
the other partner applies
to be a second parent or school performance, social adjustment, and emotional well-being, concluding that chil-
co-parent. dren's well-being is much more closely tied to their parents’ “sense of competence and
security” and the “social and economic support” they provide their children than sexual
orientation.
joint adoption For example, Rosenfeld (2010) finds that children of same-sex parents are just as likely
A family in which both as the children of different-sex parents to progress successfully throughout their school
partners adopt a child
grades without being held back. Part of the reason children fare equally well regardless of
together.
parental sexual orientation is that sexual orientation has no bearing on one’s capacity to
be a loving parent. Moreover, children of same-sex couples usually share a common peer
and school environment with children of heterosexual couples. As such, their experiences
at school and with peers are very similar regardless of their parents’ romantic preferences
(Rosenfeld, 2010). Most studies also show no differences in the psychological adjustment
of children raised by same-sex or opposite-sex parents; for example, several studies of
teenagers show no differences in their depressive symptoms, anxiety, self-esteem, or risk
of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (Baiocco et al., 2018; Adams and Light, 2015;
Gartrell and Bos, 2010; Lamb, 2012).
Although children of same-sex or different-sex parents are neither significantly
advantaged nor disadvantaged, some studies point out a small number of differences.
For example, sociologists Judith Stacey and Timothy Biblarz (2001) reviewed 21

S10) CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

studies dating back to the 1980s and found that children in same-sex
-parent house-
holds are more likely to buck stereotypical male-female behavior. For example,
boys
raised by lesbians appear to be less aggressive and more nurturing than
boys raised
in heterosexual families. Daughters of lesbians are more likely to aspire
to become
doctors, lawyers, engineers, and astronauts. The balance of evidence shows that
chil-
dren of same-sex parents are just as happy, healthy, and academically successf
ul as
their peers raised by heterosexual parents, and they may have more flexible views of
gender and gender-typed behaviors.

Being Single
The broad category of “single” encompasses both people who have never married and
those who have married but are now single due to divorce, separation, or widow-
hood. The number of people classified as single has increased dramatically in recent
decades. Several factors have contributed to this trend. First, people are marrying
later than ever. That means that more and more people in their twenties, thirties, and
even forties are unmarried, either cohabiting with a nonmarital partner or waiting
for the “right one” to come along. Second, the rise and stabilization of divorce rates
over the past half-century has meant that many more people are living on their own
when their marriages end. Third, the “graying” of the U.S. population is accompanied
by growing numbers of older adults whose partners have died and who now live alone
as widows and widowers, as well as rising numbers of persons who divorce later in
life and prefer not to repartner. Fourth, the “stigma” of being single has diminished,
due in part to television shows such as Broad City and Girls, which portray the active
social lives and close friendships of unmarried women and men. As such, many more
Americans are happily choosing to live their lives on their own (Byrne and Carr, 2005;
Klinenberg, 20124).
Yet are people really happy on their own, or are they better off being married? A
large body of literature dating back to Emile Durkheim's classic Suicide (1897/1966)
argues that social ties, especially marriage and parenthood, are essential to one’s phys-
ical, social, and emotional well-being. Contemporary studies also show that divorced
and widowed people report more sickness, depression, and anxiety than their married
counterparts do, although much of this disadvantage reflects the strains that precede
a marital transition (such as a spouse's illness or marital strife) as well as the strains
that follow from the dissolution, such as financial worries or legal battles (Carr and
Springer, 2010).
But what about people who are long-term singles or who choose to live alone with-
out a spouse or partner? To date, these individuals are relatively rare, as nearly go per-
cent of American adults do ultimately marry. However, researchers have projected that
as many as one in five Millennials will never marry. Millennials are particularly likely to
face financial obstacles to marriage given their high levels of unemployment, school debt,
and tendency to live with their parents rather than on their own during their twenties
(Wang and Parker, 2014).
Is lifelong singlehood a bad thing? Are singles’ lives marked by loneliness and isola-
tion? Research by sociologist Eric Klinenberg and others finds that living alone can “pro-
mote freedom, personal control, and self-realization—all prized aspects of contemporary

How Do New Family Forms Affect Your Life?

 life” (Klinenberg, 2012b). After interviewing more than 300 people who live alone, he found
and
that they had more, rather than less, social interaction than their married counterparts,
much of their social interactions were those they sought out by choice: encounters with
friends, volunteering, arts events, classes, and other meetings that rounded out their lives.
These patterns hold among older and younger adults alike. As Klinenberg observes, for
many people, living alone and being able to choose how and with whom they spend their
time are sought-after luxuries.
Taken together, research showing that people who live alone (by choice) are no bet-
ter or worse off than their partnered peers underscores one of the core themes of the
sociology of families: There is no one “best” or “typical” way in which Americans arrange
their social lives. It is the freedom to choose one’s relationships that is essential to one’s
happiness.

Being Child-Free
The number of Americans who do not have children increased steadily throughout the
1980s and 1990s yet has recently dipped (Livingston, 2018). Calculating precisely who
is childless is difficult; researchers historically have classified a woman as having no
children if she has had zero children by age 44. Using this metric, the proportion of
women ages 40 to 44 with no children—regardless of marital status—climbed from
10 percent in 1986 to 15 percent in 1996 to 20 percent in 2006; the share then dropped
to 14 percent in 2016.
White women between the ages of 15 and 50, both married and unmarried, are more
likely than Black or Hispanic women to be child-free, although Asian women are more
likely than any other race to be childless (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2018d). Women
with a college degree or higher are more likely than high school graduates or dropouts
to have no children. Most studies find that a relatively small fraction of these women
are involuntarily childless; with advances in health and technology, the proportion
who cannot physically bear children is modest. Rather, the reasons are often social and
psychological, including not having a partner with whom one would want to have a
child, a preference for a child-free lifestyle, concerns about the environment and bring-
ing a child into an unsafe world, and concerns about whether one has the financial and
emotional wherewithal to have a child (Connidis and McMullin, 1996; Jacobson and
Heaton, 1991).
Childlessness was historically viewed as a stigmatized identity, a mark of a “barren”
woman or a woman who was “selfish” and prioritized her own career pursuits over
motherhood (May, 1997). However, in recent decades, childlessness has increasingly
become recognized as a status that is desirable and even preferable for many women
and men. Those who do not have children have myriad opportunities to “give back” to the
next generation by volunteering or caring for nieces or nephews, should they choose to
do so (Sandler, 2013).

SIZ CHAPTER 11 Families and Intimate Relationships

 Decisions about our family lives are among the most important ones we make. As
we have seen in this chapter, marrying (or staying single), having (or not having) chil-
dren—whether with a partner or on our own—and staying married (or getting divorced)
are personal choices. Yet they are also powerfully shaped by other social factors, including CONCEPT CHECKS
our birth cohort, race, ethnicity, and social class. Although our personal preferences and
Why has cohabitation
values may shape our choices, the relationship between values and personal decision mak-
become so common in —
ing is complex. Our personal decisions are also shaped by social institutions, including
the United States and
the law and the economy. worldwide?
When Edith Windsor, whom we met in the chapter opener, was a young woman in the
What are two factors
1960s, she was unable to marry her longtime love, Thea Spyer. Edith and Thea lived together iat} arhicmeelaliaieleic-tom Co)
as a loving couple for more than 40 years but were not allowed to marry legally until 2007. the rise in the number
Their relationship ultimately changed history by leading to the repeal of DOMA in 2013 of people classified as
and the Supreme Court decision in 2015 guaranteeing individuals the right to same-sex single?

marriage. Edith Windsor died in 2017 at age 88, yet her legacy is this historic verdict that What are two main

ensures that all Americans have the right to marry, eliminating once and for all a structural reasons for being
child-free?
barrier to marriage equality.

How Do New Family Forms Affect Your Life? 3/3

 |

CHAPTER 11 | Learning Objectives

The How Do Sociological

Big: Picture
Theories Characterize
Families?
Review the development of sociological
thinking about families and family life.
Pp. 342
‘Families and 3
Intimate Relationships

How Have Families

Understand how families have changed
Changed over Time?
over the last 300 years. See that although
diverse family forms exist in different
p. 346 societies today, widespread changes are
Thinking Sociologically occurring that relate to the spread of
globalization.

1. Using this textbook’s presentation,

compare the characteristics of What Do Marriage and
contemporary White non-Hispanic, Romantic Partnerships __
Asian American, Latinx, and African in the United States
American families. Look Like Today?
Learn about patterns of dating, marriage,
childbearing, divorce, remarriage, and
2. Increases in cohabitation and single- p. 348 child-free families. Analyze how different
parent households suggest that these patterns are today compared with
marriage may be beginning to fall by other time periods.
the wayside in our contemporary
society. However, this chapter claims
that marriage and family remain Why Does Family
firmly established institutions in our Violence Happen?
society. Explain the rising patterns
of cohabitation and single-parent P. 304 Learn about sexual abuse and violence
households and show how these within families
seemingly paradoxical trends can be
reconciled with the claims offered
by this textbook. a ee
_ How Do New
_ Family Forms |
_ Affect Your Life?
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

family * kinship © marriage * nuclear family «

extended family * family of orientation e
family of procreation monogamy * polygamy «
polygyny * polyandry

. According to functionalist perspectives, what are two main functions

of families?
. What themes guide symbolic interactionist approaches to the study
of families?
- According to feminist perspectives, what three aspects of family life are
sources of concern? Why are these three aspects troubling to feminists?
primary socialization * personality stabilization

. Briefly describe changes in family size over the past three centuries.
2. Offer two reasons for the recent increase of multigenerational families.
3. What are three conditions that have contributed to changing family forms
throughout the world?

. Briefly describe recent trends in dating and marriage patterns in the United
stepfamily States.
2. Contrast both general and nonmarital fertility rates among White, Black,
Hispanic, Asian, and Native Americans in the United States.
3. What are the main reasons why divorce rates increased sharply during the
latter half of the twentieth century?
. How does divorce affect the well-being of children?

5
. How do social scientists measure and track patterns of child abuse
2. Describe structural and cultural factors that are linked with intimate
partner violence
 Malala Yousafzai has become an internationally
recognized advocate for girls’ education. At
age 15, in 2012, Malala was shot and gravely
wounded by members of the Taliban. Malala
survived the injury and was awarded the Nobel
Peace Prize in 2014.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

Why are education and literacy

so important?
Know how and why systems of mass education
emerged in the United States. Know some
basic facts about the education systems and
literacy rates of developing countries.

What is the link between education

mrelUcer-lilelairclaen
and inequality?
Become familiar with the most important
research on whether education reduces
or perpetuates inequality. Learn the social

Religion
and cultural influences on educational
achievement.

How do sociologists think

about religion?
Learn the elements that make up religion.
Know the sociological approaches to religion
developed by Marx, Durkheim, and Weber as
well as the religious economy approach.

How does religion affect life

throughout the world?
Understand the various ways religious com-
munities are organized and how they have
become institutionalized. Recognize how the
globalization of religion is reflected in religious
activism in poor countries and the rise of
religious nationalist movements.

Religious Affiliation “N How does religion affect your life in

p. 404 the United States?
Learn about the sociological dimensions of
religion in the United States.
 Most young American men and women take for granted that they will graduate high
school and even go on to college or graduate school. Yet in some parts of the world,
young women have to fight to receive even a middle school education. For the remarkable
Malala Yousafzai, her desire to receive an education nearly cost the teenager her life.
In October 2012, when Malala was just 15 years old, she was shot in the head and neck
as she rode the bus home from her school in Mingora in the Swat district of Pakistan's Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa province. The gunmen were members of the Taliban, an Islamic fundamentalist
group that has long oppressed women. The Taliban had set an edict that girls in Mingora could
not attend school after the age of 15. They had reportedly blown up more than 100 schools and
threatened to blow up others. But why would they single out Malala for attack?
Several years earlier, Malala had maintained a blog and spoken out publicly against the
Taliban's mistreatment of girls and women. In one of her early public speeches, the bold teen-
ager asked, “How dare the Taliban take away my basic right to education?” By challenging the

Education and Religion —~

 religious beliefs of the Taliban and advocating for the education of girls and women, Malala had
made herself a target (Peer, 2012; Yousafzai and Lamb, 2013).
The shooting of Malala sent shock waves throughout the world. In the days after her attack,
she lay unconscious at a local hospital in critical condition. Once her condition stabilized, she
was sent to a hospital in England for continued care. Her health improved, but she remained at
risk; members of the Taliban publicly stated that they still intended to kill Malala and her father, a
poet and social activist. Malala ultimately triumphed, however. She made a full recovery, wrote a
book documenting her ordeal (Yousafzai and Lamb, 2013), and became an internationally recog-
nized heroine—an advocate for women’s education worldwide. She received a litany of awards,
including the 2014 Nobel Peace Prize. Malala also graced the cover of Time magazine and was
named one of the 100 most influential people in the world. Her ordeal called attention to the
state of girls’ education in Pakistan and other parts of the world where a high school diploma
is not a privilege that teenagers take for granted. Just 2.6 percent of Pakistan's gross domestic
product is dedicated to education. According to United Nations data, nearly 5 million children in
Pakistan do not attend school; 62 percent of them are female. Due in part to this gender gap in
education, a stark gender gap in literacy rates persists; 34 percent of young women ages 15 to
24 (versus just 20 percent of their male peers) are illiterate, meaning that they cannot read or
write (UNESCO, 2018a).
At age 17, Malala became the Malala’s story highlights many important themes at the core of the sociology of education
youngest person to receive and the sociology of religion. Education is a social institution that teaches individuals how to
the Nobel Peace Prize. be active, engaged members of society. Through education, we become aware of the common
Recently, she cofounded
characteristics we share with other members of society and gain at least some knowledge
_ the Malala Fund, organizing
about our society’s geographic and political position in the world and its history. The educa-
projects in six countries to
FToNolet)(cM(olmmed] a om =108 for]ee) tion system both directly and indirectly exposes us to the lessons we need to learn to become
Elave M=1an)
ole)V(=1 medi Ce) effective participants in other major social institutions, such as the economy and the family.
become leaders. Yet education also gives us power; it provides us with intellectual resources that we can use
to scrutinize the world around us. As we saw in Chapter 7, formal education also provides

aN the tools and credentials needed to seek gainful employment and, in some cases, to become
upwardly mobile. It’s mainly for these reasons that the Taliban so opposed Malala and other
girls receiving an education: It would give them freedom, independence, and knowledge of a
world beyond the confines of their insular Muslim community.
Like education, religion is an institution that exercises a socializing influence. However,
while education is intended to be universalistic and to expose all young people in a given society
to similar messages, religious institutions vary widely in the values, beliefs, and practices that
they espouse. Some religions, for example, teach that all persons are created equal, whereas
others teach that some groups are morally superior to and worthier than others. Sociologists
of religion try to assess under what conditions religion unites communities and under what
conditions it divides them. The study of religion is a challenging enterprise that places special
demands on the sociological imagination, as we must be sensitive to individual beliefs that may
be rooted in faith more so than science.
This chapter focuses on the socializing processes of education and religion. To study these
issues, we look at how present-day education developed and analyze its socializing influence. We
also look at education in relation to social inequality and consider the degree to which the education
system exacerbates or reduces such inequality. Then we move to studying religion and the differ-
ent forms that religious beliefs and practices take. We also analyze the various types of religious
organizations and the effect of social change on religious belief and practice in the wider world.

378 CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

Why Are Education and
Literacy So Important? <
The term school has its origins in a Greek word meaning “leisure” or “recreation Know how and why
.” In
premodern societies, schooling existed for the few who had the time and resources systems of mass education
avail- emerged in the United
able to study the arts and philosophy. For some, engagement with schooling was like
States. Know some basic
taking up a hobby. For others, such as religious leaders or priests, schooling was a way facts about the education
of
gaining skills and thus increasing their ability to interpret sacred texts. But for the vast systems and literacy rates
majority of people, growing up meant learning by example the same social habits and work of developing countries.
skills as their elders. Learning was a family affair—there were no schools for the general
population. Since children often started to help with domestic duties and farming work
at very young ages, they rapidly became full-fledged members of the community.
Education in its modern form—the instruction of pupils within specially constructed
school premises—gradually emerged in the first few years of the nineteenth century,
when primary schools were first built in Europe and the United States. One main reason
for the rise of large education systems was the process of industrialization and the ensuing
expansion of cities.

Education and Industrialization

Until the first few decades of the nineteenth century, most of the world’s population had
no schooling whatsoever. But as the industrial economy rapidly expanded, there was a
great demand for specialized schooling that could produce an educated, capable workforce.
As occupations became more differentiated and were increasingly located away from the
home, it was impossible for work skills to be passed on directly from parents to children.
As education systems became universal, more and more people were exposed to
abstract learning (of subjects like math, science, history, and literature) rather than the
practical transmission of specific skills. In a modern society, people have to be furnished
with basic competencies—such as reading, writing, and calculating—and a general
knowledge of their physical, social, and economic environments, but it is also important
that they learn how to learn so that they are able to master new, sometimes very technical
forms of information. An advanced society also needs pure research and insights with no
immediate practical value to expand the boundaries of its knowledge. For example, com-
plex reasoning skills, the ability to debate the merits of competing theories, and an under-
standing of philosophical and religious debates are three skills essential to a cultured and
well-educated society.
In the modern age, education and other qualifications became important stepping-
stones into job opportunities and careers. For example, colleges and universities not only
broaden people's minds and perspectives but are also expected to prepare new genera-
tions of citizens for participation in economic life. Think about your own college education.
Perhaps you're required to take certain general education courses to provide you with a
broad base of knowledge; you might also take very specific courses in your major that help
prepare you for your future career. It can be difficult to achieve the right balance between
receiving a generalist education and mastering concepts and skills related to one's chosen

Why Are Education and Literacy So Important?

 nand for educated
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profession. Specialized forms of technical, vocational, and professional training often sup-
plement pupils’ liberal arts education and facilitate the transition from school to work.
Internships, for example, allow young people to gain specific knowledge applicable to
their future careers.
Although schools and universities seek above all to provide students with a well-
rounded education, policy makers and employers are concerned with ensuring that edu-
cation and training programs produce a stream of graduates who can meet a country’s
employment demands. Yet in times of rapid economic and technical change, the priori-
ties of the education system don't always match up with the availability of professional
opportunities. The rapid expansion of a country’s health care system, for example, would
dramatically increase the demand for trained health professionals, laboratory technicians,
capable administrators, and computer systems analysts familiar with public health issues.

HOMESCHOOLING
The complex relationship between the education system and the country’s employment
demands may be further complicated by an emerging trend: homeschooling. Between 1999
and 2012, the number of students who were homeschooled more than doubled; an esti-
mated 1.8 million (or 3.4 percent of all) children do not attend traditional public or private
homeschooling
schools and have instead opted for homeschooling (Redford et al., 2017). Homeschooling
The practice of parents,
means that children are taught by their parents, guardians, or a team of adults who over-
guardians, or teams of
adults educating their see their educational development. The curricula that homeschooled children follow vary
children at home, for widely from state to state, with some states mandating quite strict ones and others far
religious, philosophical, more lax ones, offering parents greater leeway.
or safety reasons. A survey conducted by the U.S. Department of Education in 2012 queried parents about
their motivations for homeschooling their children. The most frequently cited reasons were

380 Education and Religion

a concern about the school environment (91 percent), a desire to provide moral
instruction
(77 percent), and dissatisfaction with the academic instruction at other schools (74 percent).
It remains to be seen how well homeschooling prepares young adults for the future
chal-
lenges of college or employment in the United States. Very few empirical studies have been
conducted on the effectiveness of homeschooling on subsequent academic performance,
and
those that have been done typically examine a small number of cases, One study that com-
pared college students who were homeschooled with their high school-educated classmates
found that homeschooled young adults enjoyed higher ACT scores, grade point averages,
and graduation rates (Cogan, 2010). Another study, based on self-reports, found that college
students who had been homeschooled had higher self-esteem, lower rates of depression, and
greater academic success than those given a traditional education (Drenovsky and Cohen,
2012). However, many sociologists would like to see these findings confirmed in other sam-
ples before concluding that homeschooling provides the same benefits as traditional schools.
The difficulty of homeschooling a larger segment of the population became evident
during the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, when parents across the United States were unex-
pectedly forced to play a far more significant role in their children’s education after K-12
schools closed their doors. Although classes were conducted remotely via online platforms,
television broadcasts, and paper pamphlets, parents were called on to supervise their
children’s progress and assume many of the responsibilities of teachers. Those with
homeschooling experience suddenly became wellsprings of information and advice
(Kamenetz and Turner, 2020; Rummel, 2020; Willen, 2020), which, however well-
intentioned, was often irrelevant or useless to parents without the knowledge, tempera-
ment, and vocation of professional educators (Long, 2020).
Although the situation was difficult for most working parents, those of comfortable
means generally had the educational background, resources, and physical space to provide
proper supervision for their children and cope with part-time homeschooling for many
months. Those without these luxuries were often at a loss: How could they teach a subject
of which they had no knowledge? How could they find a quiet place for their children to
study in a crowded home shared by extended family? How could they maintain discipline
and ensure that each child got equal time to do their work on a shared device?
Parents who were called on to homeschool students with disabilities were hit espe-
cially hard as teachers were not required to provide them with Individualized Education
Programs once schools shut their doors. Even when they did, many parents lacked the
proper training or time to provide or keep up with the special needs of their children,
whose conditions were in danger of rapid regression if their carefully structured schedules
unraveled (Chiavaroli, 2020). In other cases, it was parents who suffered from a disability
or debilitating illness and who now faced the challenge of supplementing their children's
education all day long for weeks on end (Panico and Duhart, 2020).
The frustration, even exasperation, voiced by parents throughout the pandemic bore
witness to the fact that homeschooling, however successful for a small minority, is not an
effective alternative for the population at large.

Sociological Theories of Education

Sociologists have debated why formal systems of schooling developed in modern societies
through the three lenses we have used elsewhere in this textbook: functionalism, symbolic
interactionism, and conflict theory.

Why Are Education and Literacy So Important? 381

 FUNCTIONALISM
Functionalist theory focuses on the way schooling helps contribute to the stability of
society. Robert K. Merton, one of the founders of functionalist theory, argued that “schools are
of course the official agency for passing on [society's] prevailing values” (Merton, 1968).
This is no less true today than it was 50 years ago, and schools achieve this through both
their manifest and latent functions. The manifest functions (education's intended con-
sequences) include socializing children into a society's norms and values, providing the
knowledge and skills deemed to be culturally important (for example, reading, writing,
mathematics, history, civics, arts, and humanities), preparing students for work and even-
tual careers, and developing a sense of national identity. Reciting the Pledge of Allegiance
at the beginning of class or celebrating President's Day or Lincoln's birthday are among
the ways that schools promote a sense of national identity and patriotic feelings among
students. Students also celebrate Martin Luther King Jr. Day in school in honor of the
civil rights leader who was assassinated in 1968; a national commitment to King’s belief
in the nonviolent pursuit of racial equality is thus acknowledged as an integral part of
the American identity. According to this approach, the content of education is particularly
important in creating a common culture.
But education has latent functions, or unintended consequences, that also serve to pro-
mote social stability; for example, students learn to sit (relatively) quietly for long hours
and to respect authority. This training serves as preparation for the desk-bound jobs many
graduates will pursue. Other latent functions include keeping young people in classrooms
for long hours rather than leaving them to their own devices, where they may be more
likely to get into trouble.

SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONISM
Symbolic interactionism provides a way to better understand how education’s manifest
and latent functions play out in practice, because it provides a lens through which to exam-
ine how meaning is negotiated and constructed through the many interactions that occur
in the school environment. For example, students develop a sense of self based on their
interpretations of how they are viewed by their peers and their teachers. In a classic study,
Robert Rosenthal and Lenore Jacobson (1968/2003) gave intelligence (IQ) tests to students
in a California elementary school. One-fifth of the students were randomly selected and
labeled “intellectual bloomers” with high IQs, even though they were in reality no differ-
ent, on average, than other students. Teachers were then told who these allegedly gifted
students were. Based on subsequent testing, the students identified as intellectual bloom-
ers outperformed other students. Rosenthal and Jacobson concluded that because teachers
had higher expectations for the bloomers, they consciously or unconsciously interacted
with them in ways that reinforced the bloomers’ sense of self as gifted. The intellectual
Schools promote a sense bloomers were expected to perform well, they received special attention from their teach-
of national identity among
ers, and they, on average, lived up to their teachers’ expectations.
students through customs
From a symbolic interactionist perspective, the intellectual bloomers’ improved aca-
like the Pledge of Allegiance.
demic performance resulted from their heightened sense of themselves as achievers, as
seen through their teachers’ eyes. Although the Rosenthal and Jacobson study was done
WN a half-century ago, subsequent studies have reinforced the symbolic interactionist insight
that one’s sense of self can be strongly shaped by interactions with others in educationa
l

382 CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

 settings at all levels, whether it be developing a professional
identity (Heggen and Terum,
2017) or learning how to improvise as a musician (Monk,
2013; Isbell, 2008). One meta-
analysis of nearly three dozen studies of teacher-student interact
ions, such as praising or
blaming, concluded that teachers initiated more interactions with
male students than with
female students—and that the interactions with males were more likely
to be negative than
those with females (no gender differences were observed in terms of positive
interactions).
Such interactions play an important part in shaping gender roles (Jones and Dindia,
2004).

CONFLICT THEORY
Conflict theory is less concerned with the content of an official curriculum and focuses
instead on how schooling reproduces social inequality (we further explore the link between
education and inequality later in the chapter). Working within this perspective, Bowles
and Gintis (1976) argue that the expansion of education was brought about by employers’
need for certain personality characteristics in their workers—self-discipline, dependabil-
ity, punctuality, obedience, and the like—all of which are taught in schools. Another influ-
ential conflict perspective comes from the sociologist Randall Collins, who has argued
that the primary social function of mass education derives from the need for diplomas and
degrees to determine one’s credentials for a job, even if the work involved has nothing to
do with the education one has received. Over time, the practice of credentialism results
in demands for higher credentials, which require higher levels of educational attainment.
Jobs that 30 years ago would have required a high school diploma now require a college
degree. Because educational attainment is closely related to class position, credentialism
reinforces the class structure within a society (Collins, 1971, 1979).

Education and Literacy in the Developing World

Literacy is the “baseline” of education. Without it, schooling cannot proceed. We take it for literacy
granted in the West that the majority of people are literate, but this is only a recent develop- The ability to read and
ment in Western history. The rise of literacy in Europe was closely tied to sweeping social write.
transformations, particularly the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century, when
Martin Luther, John Calvin, and others challenged the traditional authority of the Catholic
Church and the right of the pope in Rome to define acceptable Christian practice. Spurred
by the development of the printing press a century earlier, the Reformation brought about
individual study of the Bible. The social and political upheavals that resulted coincided
with the beginning of a revolution in science, which also questioned the authority of the
Catholic Church to dictate the laws of nature and astronomy. Literacy spread during this
period due largely to the development of printing from movable type. Compulsory schooling,
established in Europe and the United States in the nineteenth century, was perhaps the
most important influence on the high rates of literacy in the world today (Barton, 2006).
During the period of colonialism, colonial governments regarded education with
some trepidation. Until the twentieth century, most believed that indigenous populations
were too primitive to be worth educating. Later, education was seen as a way of making
local elites acclimate to European ways of life. To some extent, this backfired: The majority
of those who led anti-colonial and nationalist movements were educated elites who had
attended schools in Europe. They were able to compare firsthand the democratic institu-
tions of the European countries with the absence of democracy in their lands of origin.

Why Are Education and Literacy So Important? 383

 Colonial education usually focused on issues relevant to Europe, not the colonial areas
themselves. Africans educated in the British colonies, for instance, knew about the kings
and queens of England and read Shakespeare but learned next to nothing about their own
countries’ histories or cultural achievements. Policies of education reform since the end of
colonialism have not completely altered the situation even today.
Partly as a result of the legacy of colonial education, which was not directed Coney
the majority of the population, the education systems in many developing countries are top
heavy: Higher education is disproportionately developed relative to primary and second-
CONCEPT CHECKS ary education. The result is a correspondingly overqualified group that, having attended
colleges and universities, outnumbers the relatively few available white-collar and profes-
A
TahVace [Ke Bsyel afoYe]layed
sional jobs. Given the low level of industrial development, most of the better-paid positions
become widespread
only after the Industrial are in government, and there are not enough of those to go around.
Revolution? Today, 37 percent of the population ages 15 and older in the least-developed coun-
What are three of tries are illiterate. Literacy rates are lowest in sub-Saharan Africa (65 percent) and South
the most frequently and West Asia (74 percent). Nearly two-thirds of the global illiterate adult population
cited reasons for are women (UNICEF, 2019). In recent years, some developing countries, recognizing the
homeschooling?
shortcomings of the curricula they inherited from the colonial era, have tried to redirect
What are some of the their education programs toward the rural poor. They have had limited success, because
lavleven
dio) a\swe)ance)maar)
funding is usually insufficient to pay for the scale of the necessary innovations. Asa result,
schooling?
countries like India have begun programs of self-help education. Communities draw
What are some of the on existing resources without creating demands for high levels of financing. Those who
reasons there.are many
can read and write and who perhaps possess job skills are encouraged to take others on
illiterate people in the
as apprentices.
developing world?

What Is the Link between

? Education and Inequality?
Become familiar with the The expansion of education in both developing and wealthy nations has always been
most important research closely linked to the ideals of democracy. Reformers value education for its own sake—
on whether education
for the opportunity it provides individuals to develop their capabilities. Yet education
reduces or perpetuates
has also consistently been seen as a means of promoting equality. In their classic study of
inequality. Learn the social
and cultural influences on intergenerational mobility, which we discussed in Chapter 7, Peter Blau and Otis Dudley
educational achievement. Duncan found that educational attainment was a key factor behind occupational success.
Long-range intergenerational mobility was rare, they found, because a child’s education is
strongly influenced by family social status. Subsequent studies have confirmed the impor-
tance of education in status attainment, although how important it is relative to other
factors, such as family background or prevailing economic conditions, is debated (Hauser,
1980; Campbell et al., 2005; Schoon, 2008; Lui et al., 2013).
Would access to universal education help reduce disparities of wealth and power? Has
education in fact proved to be a great equalizer? The answer depends, in part, on whether
educational opportunities are truly equal for everyone. A large body of research suggests
that they are not.

384 CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

“Fire in the Ashes”
During the latter third of the twentieth century, after the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education
decision outlawed segregation and southern schools were integrated—often in the face of
violent resistance—it seemed possible that all students, regardless of race, might benefit
equally from access to education. Sadly, this has not turned out to be the case.
Between the 1980s and the first decade of the twenty-first century, the journalist
Jonathan Kozol studied schools in about 30 neighborhoods around the United States,
Through this work, he has vividly shown the inequality of schools in the United States
and demonstrated that these inequalities powerfully influence students’ lives as they enter
adulthood. What startled him most was the segregation within these schools and the
disparities among them. Kozol brought these terrible conditions to the attention of the
American people in his best-selling book Savage Inequalities (Kozol, 1991).
In his passionate opening chapter, he took readers to East St. Louis, Illinois, a city
that has been roughly 98 percent Black for the past several decades. At the time of Kozol’s
research, the city had no regular trash collection and few jobs. Three-quarters of its resi-
dents were living on welfare at the time. City residents were forced to use their backyards
as garbage dumps, which attracted a plague of flies and rats during the hot summer months.
East St. Louis also had some of the sickest children in the United States, with inordinately
high rates of infant death and asthma, poor nutrition, and extremely low rates of immu-
nization. Among the city’s other social problems were crime, dilapidated housing, poor
health care, and lack of education.
Kozol showed how the problems of the city affected the school on a daily basis.
Teachers often had to hold classes without chalk or paper. One teacher commented on how
these conditions affected her teaching: “I have no materials with the exception of a single
textbook given to each child. If Ibring in anything else—books or tapes or magazines—|
bring it in myself. ... The AV equipment in the school is so old that we are pressured not
to use it." Comments from students reflected the same concerns. “I don't go to physics class
because my lab has no equipment,” said one student. Only 55 percent of the students in
this high school ultimately graduated, about one-third of whom went on to college.
More than two decades later, Kozol revisited the neighborhoods and children he stud-
ied to find out what had happened to them. His portraits are often depressing, with many
of the children from the poorer districts growing up to be troubled adults. Their lives often
were derailed by alcohol abuse, unwanted pregnancies, murders, prison time, and even
suicide. Yet Kozol did find that a handful of the students succeeded even though the odds
were stacked against them. Most of these resilient children had been fortunate to have
especially devoted parents, support from their religious communities, or a serendipitous
scholarship opportunity. As Kozol notes in his 2012 book Fire in the Ashes: Twenty-Five Years
among the Poorest Children in America, “These children had unusual advantages: Someone
intervened in every case.” For example, one young girl named Pineapple, whom Kozol
met when she was a kindergartner, went on to graduate from college and become a social
worker. Pineapple attended a school that Kozol described as “almost always in a state of
chaos because so many teachers did not stay for long.” A local minister helped her get
scholarships to private schools. The daughter of Spanish-speaking immigrants, Pineapple
had to work hard to overcome deficits in reading, writing, and basic study skills, but she
and her older sister both were the first generation of their family to finish high school
and go to college (Kozol, 2012).

What Is the Link between Education and Inequality?

 While the personal tales of Pineapple and her sister are inspiring, Kozol’s analyses
reveal that very little has improved in the past two decades. As with his earlier studies
of East St. Louis, Kozol visited schools that were just a few miles apart geographically
but that offered vastly different educational opportunities. While suburban White schools
would offer advanced math, literature, and an array of arts electives, the nearby primarily
Black school would offer classes like hairdressing, typing, and auto shop. There remain vast
disparities in educational spending in largely Black and Latino city centers versus largely
White, well-to-do suburbs. Because school funding tends to come from local property taxes,
wealthier areas generate more funding for schools, while poorer neighborhoods with few
lavish private homes have far less money for schools. For example, in 2019, the Chicago
Ridge School District, where two-thirds of students come from low-income families, spent
$10,987 per child. Less than an hour north, in a wealthy Chicago suburb, the Rondout
District spent $31,491 per student (Illinois State Board of Education, 2019). According to
the U.S. Department of Education (2015), school districts with high levels of poverty spend,
on average, 16 percent less per student than districts with low levels of poverty; high-
poverty districts also tend to be those with higher percentages of non-White residents.
Kozol's poignant journalistic account of educational inequality has become part of
our nation’s conventional wisdom on the subject. But many sociologists have argued that
although Kozol's book is a moving portrait, it provides an inaccurate and incomplete view
of educational inequality. Why would Kozol's research not be compelling? There are several
reasons, including the unsystematic way that he chose the schools he studied. Sociologists,
however, have proposed a variety of theories and identified myriad factors that contribute
to the inequality and differential outcomes that Kozol witnessed in the schools he visited.

Coleman’s Study of “Between-School Effects”

in American Education
For the past three decades, sociological studies of education have focused on how schools
differ from one another, or “between-school effects.” One classic investigation of edu-
cational inequality was undertaken in the United States in the 1960s. The Civil Rights
Act of 1964 required the commissioner of education to prepare a report on educational
inequalities resulting from differences of ethnic background, religion, and national origin.
Sociologist James Coleman was tapped to direct the study, which ultimately became one of
the most extensive research projects ever carried out in sociology.
Coleman and his team collected information on more than half a million pupils, who
were given a range of achievement tests assessing their verbal and nonverbal abilities,
reading levels, and mathematical skills. The researchers also gathered data from 60,000
teachers representing about 4,000 schools. The report found that a large majority of chil-
dren went to schools that effectively segregated Black students from White students.
In almost 80 percent of schools attended by White students, African Americans consti-
tuted 10 percent or less of the student body. White and Asian American students scored
higher on achievement tests than did Black students and other ethnic-minority students.
Coleman had supposed his results would also show mainly African American schools to
have worse facilities, larger classes, and inferior buildings than schools that were predom-
inantly White. But surprisingly, the results showed far fewer differences of this type than
had been anticipated.

CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

 Coleman therefore concluded that the material resources provided in schools
made
little difference to educational performance; the decisive influence was
the children’s
backgrounds. In Coleman's words, “Inequalities imposed on children by their home,
neighborhood, and peer environment are carried along to become the inequalities
with which they confront adult life at the end of school” (Coleman et al., 1966). There
was, however, some evidence that students from disadvantaged backgrounds who formed
close friendships with those from more favorable circumstances were likely to be more
successful educationally. The findings of Coleman's study have been replicated many
times over the past decades, most notably by Christopher Jencks and colleagues (Jencks
et al., 1972; Schofield, 1995).

The Resegregation of American Schools?

More than 60 years have passed since Brown v. Board of Education outlawed school segrega-
tion on the basis of race. What has been achieved? Early experiments with school busing
as a way of integrating schools met with resistance, particularly on the part of White par-
ents. In recent years, court decisions have weakened the ability of schools to bus students
(Orfield et al., 2016), and the impetus to achieve mandated integration through busing
has weakened.
It appears that racial segregation of schools remains strong and in fact may be increasing.
One study of White, Black, and Hispanic students at more than 86,000 public schools found
that the racial and ethnic makeup of schools tended to reflect that of their surrounding neigh-
borhoods, defined in the study as census tracts with a roughly two-mile radius (Whitehurst
et al., 2017). Because many neighborhoods remain
racially segregated, such segregation is reflected in
schools as well: White and Black students tend to go
to different schools. On the other hand, an increase
in the Hispanic population has resulted in an over-
all decline in school segregation within neighbor-
hoods as the number of Hispanics in neighborhood
schools has increased. Between 1990 and 2013,
the Black share of enrollment in public schools
remained at roughly 15 percent, while the White
share dropped from 69 percent to 50 percent and
the Hispanic share increased from 11 percent to
25 percent (Orfield et al., 2016).
A study by Russ Whitehurst and colleagues
found that even though schools have become more
diverse as a result of an influx of Hispanic and
Asian students, White and Black students remain

eee Sean uty Sta Even though Brown v. Board of Education ruled that separate schools for
no more likely to be in the same classrooms today different races are unequal, schools today remain highly segregated by race. ;
than they were decades ago (Whitehurst et al.,
2017). The study also noted that racial segregation
between school districts (as opposed to within
“N
districts) has actually increased, suggesting that

What Is the Link between Education and Inequality? 387

 school district boundaries may be geographically constructed to produce more racially
homogenous schools. School segregation matters, the study concludes, because research
shows that students in high-poverty schools have worse outcomes, on average, than stu-
dents in more economically integrated schools. Because Black and Hispanic students are
much more likely to be poor, they are also more likely to attend schools with a high pro-
portion of poor students: 45 percent of Black and Hispanic students are in high-poverty
schools, compared to just 8 percent of White students. In other words, “Black students
are four times as likely to be in a high-poverty school as a low-poverty one; for Whites
the ratio is the other way around” (Whitehurst et al., 2017).

Tracking and “Within-School Effects”

tracking The practice of tracking—dividing students into groups that receive different instruction
Dividing students into on the basis of perceived similarities in ability or attainment—is common in American
groups that receive schools. In some schools, students are tracked only for certain subjects, in others, for all
different instruction on subjects. Sociologists have long believed that tracking partly explains why schooling seems
the basis of perceived to have little effect on existing social inequalities, because being placed in a particular track
similarities in ability.
labels a student as either able or otherwise. Children from more privileged backgrounds in
which academic work is encouraged are likely to find themselves in the higher tracks early
on—and by and large stay there.
In a classic study of school tracking, Jeannie Oakes (1985) studied 25 middle schools
and high schools, both large and small and in both urban and rural areas, and concen-
trated on differences within schools rather than among them. Although several schools
claimed they did not track students, she found that virtually all of them had mechanisms
for sorting students into groups on the basis of purported ability to make teaching eas-
ier. In other words, they employed tracking but did not choose to use the term tracking
itself. Oakes found that tracking encouraged both teachers and students to label students
based on their tracks—high ability, low achieving, slow, average, and so on. A student ina
“high-achieving” group was considered a high-achieving person—smart and quick. Pupils
in a “low-achieving” group came to be seen as slow and below average.
How does tracking affect students in the “low” group? A subsequent study by Oakes
found that these students received a poorer education in terms of the quality of courses,
teachers, and textbooks made available to them. Moreover, tracking had a negative impact
primarily on students who were poor, and particularly on African American and Latino
students (Oakes, 1990). Being assigned to a low track (or failing to get into a high track) can
have negative psychological effects as well: Just as the students labeled “intellectual bloom-
ers” in the Rosenthal and Jacobson (2003) study came to be seen (and therefore most likely
came to see themselves) as gifted, students identified as unworthy of special attention may
begin to take on that label themselves. Because students relegated to lower tracks are more
likely to be poor and non-White, tracking may also contribute to a cycle of poverty (Chiu et
al., 2008; Ansalone, 2003).
Despite these negative consequences, school systems typically track students on
the assumption that bright children learn more quickly and effectively in a group of oth-
ers who are equally able and that clever students are held back if placed in mixed groups.
This assumption was partially supported by a subsequent study by the sociologist Adam
Gamoran. He and his colleagues agreed with Oakes’s conclusions that tracking rein-
forces previously existing inequalities for average or poor students. However, they also

388 CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

found that tracking has positive benefits for some high-achieving students but little or
no effect for low-achieving students (Gamoran et al., 1995; Oakes, 1992; Winner, 1997;
Carbonaro, 2005).

The Social Reproduction of Inequality

As we mentioned earlier, the education system provides more than formal instruction: It
socializes children to get along with one another, teaches basic skills, and transmits elements
of culture, such as language and values. Sociologists have looked at education as a form of
social reproduction, a concept discussed in Chapter 1 and elsewhere. In the context of educa-
tion, social reproduction refers to the ways in which schools perpetuate social and economic
inequalities across generations. A number of sociologists have argued that the hidden cur- hidden
riculum is the mechanism through which social reproduction occurs; this idea addresses the curriculum
fact that much of what students learn in school has nothing directly to do with the formal Traits of behavior or
content of lessons. The hidden curriculum teaches children that their role in life is “to know attitudes that are learned
at school but not included
their place and to sit still with it” (Illich, 1983). Children spend long hours in school and get
within the formal
an early taste of what the world of work will be like, learning that they are expected to be
curriculum; for example,
punctual and apply themselves diligently to the tasks that those in authority set for them. gender differences.
In their classic study of social reproduction, Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis (1976)
provide an example of how the hidden curriculum works. Modern education, they pro-
pose, is a response to the economic needs of industrial capitalism. Schools help provide
the technical and social skills required by industrial enterprise, and they instill discipline
and respect for authority in the future labor force. Authority relations in school, which
are hierarchical and place a strong emphasis on obedience, directly parallel those domi-
nating the workplace. Under the current system, all w yew 8
schools “are destined to legitimize inequality, limit ' . iad ospias comin
personal development to forms compatible with
submission to arbitrary authority, and aid in the
process whereby youth are resigned to their fate”
(p. 266). If there were greater democracy in the
workplace and more equality in society at large,
Bowles and Gintis argue, a system of education
could be developed that would provide for greater
individual fulfillment.
Adherents of this perspective don’t completely
dismiss the content of the official curriculum. They
accept that the development of mass education has
had many beneficial consequences, including high
literacy rates compared with premodern times.
But because education has expanded mainly as
a response to economic needs, schooling has not
In addition to the official curriculum of reading, writing, and calculating,
become the “great equalizer.” Rather, within the there exists.a hidden curriculum in schools whereby students are instructed °
current economic and political system, schooling bon a hah eve,

reproduces social class stratification and intro-

duces many students to feelings of powerless- Nr

ness that continue throughout their experience in

industrial settings.

What Is the Link between Education and Inequality? 389

 Intelligence and Inequality
Suppose differences in educational attainment—and subsequent occupations and
incomes—directly reflected differences in intelligence. In such circumstances, it might be
argued, there is in fact equality of opportunity in the school system for people to forge a
path equivalent to their innate potential. For years, psychologists, geneticists, statisticians,
intelligence and others have debated whether any single human capability can be called intelligence
Level of intellectual ability, and, if so, whether it rests on innately determined differences. The term intelligence as it
particularly as measured is usually employed is difficult to define because it covers qualities that may be unrelated
by IQ (intelligence to each other. We might suppose, for example, that the “purest” form of intelligence is the
quotient) tests. ability to solve abstract mathematical puzzles. However, people who are very good at such
puzzles sometimes show low capabilities in other areas.
Since the concept has proved so resistant to definition, some psychologists have
IQ (intelligence
quotient) proposed (and many educators have by default accepted) that it should simply be
regarded as “what IQ (intelligence quotient) tests measure.” Most IQ tests consist of
A score attained on tests
of symbolic or reasoning a mixture of conceptual and computational problems. The tests are constructed such
abilities. that the average score falls at 100 points: Thus anyone scoring below that number is
labeled as having “below-average intelligence,” while anyone scoring above it is viewed
as having “above-average intelligence.” Despite the fundamental difficulty of measur-
ing intelligence, IQ tests are widely used in research studies as well as in schools and
businesses.
Scores on IQ tests do in fact correlate highly with academic performance (which is
not surprising, because IQ tests were originally developed to predict success at school).
They therefore also correlate closely with social, economic, and ethnic differences, because
these demographics are associated with variations in levels of educational attainment.
White students score better, on average, than African American students or members of
other disadvantaged minorities, although the gap has narrowed over time (Dickens and
Flynn, 2006). The relationship between race and intelligence is best explained by social
rather than biological causes, according to a team of Berkeley sociologists in their 1996
book Inequality by Design: Cracking the Bell Curve Myth (Fischer et al., 1996). The authors
conducted this research as a way to rigorously evaluate the controversial claims made
by Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray in their book The Bell Curve (1994), which
argued that the Black-White gap in IQ is due in part to genetic differences in intelligence.
All societies have oppressed ethnic groups. Low status, often coupled with discrimi-
nation and mistreatment, leads to socioeconomic deprivation, group segregation, and a
stigma of inferiority. The combination of these forces often prevents members of these
groups from obtaining an education; consequently, their scores on standardized intelli-
gence tests are lower.
The average lower IQ score of African Americans in the United States is remark-
ably similar to that of underprivileged ethnic minorities in other countries—such
as the Dalits in India (who are at the very bottom of the caste system), the Maori in
New Zealand, and the burakumin of Japan. Children in these groups score an aver-
age of 10 to 15 IQ points below children who belong to the ethnic majority. Such
observations strongly suggest that the IQ variations between African Americans and
Whites in the United States result from social, cultural, and economic—rather than
genetic—factors.

CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

Education Reform in the United States
Research done by sociologists has played a major role in reforming the education system.
The object of James Coleman's research, commissioned as part of the 1964 Civil Rights
Act, was not solely academic; it was undertaken to influence policy. Education has long
been a political battleground. In the 1960s, partly in response to Coleman's work, some
politicians, educators, and community activists pushed for universal access to high-quality
education through such initiatives as busing programs to mitigate racial segregation, bilin-
gual education programs, multicultural education, open admissions to college, the estab-
lishment of ethnic studies programs on campuses, and more equitable fundyng schemes.
Such initiatives were seen as supporting civil rights and equality. Education policies in the
twenty-first century have similarly intended to provide quality education to all children
and close the achievement gap. However, scholars disagree about how successful recent
policies have been in meeting this goal.
One important target of U.S. education policy today is improving levels of functional functional
literacy. Literacy is more than the ability to read and write; literacy is also the ability to literacy
process complex information in our increasingly technology-focused society. The National Reading and writing skills
Center for Education Statistics breaks literacy into three components: prose literacy, docu- that are beyond a basic
level and are sufficient to
ment literacy, and quantitative literacy. Prose literacy means that a person can look at a short
manage one’s everyday
piece of text to get a small piece of uncomplicated information. Document literacy refers to a
activities and employment
person's ability to locate and use information in forms, schedules, charts, graphs, and other tasks.
informational tables. Quantitative literacy is the ability to do simple addition. In the United
States today, only 13 percent of the population is proficient in these three areas (Kutner
et al., 2007). Of course, the United States is a country of immigrants, who may not be
able to read, write, or command the English language when they arrive. However, this
doesn't explain why America lags behind most other industrial countries in terms of
its level of functional literacy.
Some policy makers believe that one of the most effective ways to enhance literacy
and other academic outcomes is through formal testing and benchmarking of student
progress. The No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act, signed into law by President George W.
Bush in 2002, aimed to improve academic outcomes for all children and to close achieve-
ment gaps. As we saw in Chapter 10, rates of high school graduation and college atten-
dance vary dramatically by race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic background. At the top of
the act's agenda was instituting standardized testing, in which all students in a state standardized
take the same test under the same conditions as a means of measuring students’ academic
testing
performance. The act also provided a strong push for school choice; that is, in the spirit of A procedure whereby all
students in a state take the
competition, parents are to be given choices as to where they send their children to school.
same test under the same
Low-performing schools that cannot attract enough students may jeopardize their funding conditions.
and eventually be closed. Another significant implication of NCLB was that for the first
time since 1968, states were not required to offer non-English-speaking students bilingual
education. Instead, the act emphasized learning English over using students’ native lan-
guage and favored English-only program models. NCLB also provided support for a “zero
tolerance” approach to school discipline that was first mandated in the Gun-Free School
Zones Act of 1990.
NCLB was widely criticized for requiring teachers to “teach to the test.” Critics have
argued that the emphasis on standardized testing as the metric by which schools are

What Is the Link between Education and Inequality? 391]

 evaluated encourages teachers to teach a narrow set of skills that will improve students
’

test performance rather than help students acquire a more diverse set of concepts and
skills that might enhance their education in other ways (Hursh, 2007). Because teachers
and principals at underperforming schools risk losing their jobs, some critics described the
program as a punitive model of school reform. They also noted that the policy did nothing
to remedy achievement gaps and that the policy neglected the important fact that the
broader socioeconomic context affects school functioning.
In 2009, shortly after taking office, President Barack Obama—eager to leave his
own stamp on education—implemented Race to the Top, a program that rewarded states
that demonstrated improvements in student outcomes, including closing achievement
gaps, increasing graduation rates, and better preparing students for college. States com-
peting for the more than $4 billion in grant money had to outline plans for developing
and adopting common standards and assessments, building data systems to track student
growth, recruiting and retaining high-quality teachers, and improving the lowest-achiev-
ing schools. Like NCLB, however, Race to the Top was roundly criticized for relying too
heavily on high-stakes testing and also for failing to address the true causes of low student
achievement, namely, poverty and lack of opportunity (Dillon, 2010). In 2012, recognizing
that NCLB was not effective for all school systems, Obama granted waivers from NCLB
requirements to 32 states, allowing them to develop their own standards and exempting
them from the 2014 targets set by NCLB. And in 2015, at the end of his presidency, Obama
replaced NCLB entirely with a much weaker act, dubbed Every Student Succeeds, which
retained standardized testing but ceded control to states and school districts.
The crisis in American schools won't be solved in the short term, and it won't be
solved by education reforms alone, no matter how well intended. In fact, a 2006 study
by the U.S. Department of Education found that the schools identified as most in need of
improvement were disproportionately urban, high-poverty schools and that school pov-
erty and district size were more powerful predictors of school success than any policies
actually implemented by the schools (U.S. Department of Education, 2006). A further
unintended consequence of the current emphasis on testing is that schools have nar-
rowed their course offerings to focus much more heavily on tested subject areas while
cutting time in science, social studies, music, art, and physical education (Center on
Education Policy, 2007).
The lesson of sociological research is that inequalities and barriers in educational
opportunity reflect wider social divisions and tensions. While the United States remains
In 1970, a U.S. judge in
wracked by racial tensions and the polarization between disadvantaged cities and afflu-
North Carolina ordered
that Black students be
ent suburbs persists, the crisis in the school system is likely to prove difficult to turn
bused to White schools around.
and that White students What is to be done? Some have proposed giving schools more control over their
be bused to Black schools budgets (a reform that has been carried out in Britain). The idea is that more responsi-
in an attempt to end the
bility for and control over budgeting decisions will increase schools’ drive to improve.
de facto segregation of
Further proposals include the refunding of federal programs, such as Head Start, which
[oJ0)
0)Com=fo4 aoe) Ko Mot-UK{-10 |o)Y7
segregated neighborhoods. promotes school readiness for young children from low-income families, to ensure
healthy early childhood development and thus save millions of dollars in later costs.
In March 2017, President Donald Trump signed bills that weakened federal regulation
“N of local schools, overturning such Obama-era rules as requiring states to rate teacher-
training programs on the basis of student performance on standardized tests (Brown,

CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

2017). The clearly stated goal of education reform under Trump, however, spearhea
ded
by Education Secretary Betsy DeVos, is to greatly expand school choice: the ability
of CONCEPT CHECKS
parents to use public funds, in the form of vouchers or tax credits, to enroll their children
in various alternatives to public schools. Such alternatives might include private schools, PANotole)
ge[[ay>m (om oye) Par 1s)
charter schools (public schools run by private companies), Catholic schools, or, ideally, education become an
any educational environment of their choice. Proponents of such reforms argue that equalizer in American
this will enable parents, especially parents of low-income children, to get their children society? Why or why not?

into far better schools than the ones they currently attend: they also argue that public How do Coleman's
schools will improve if forced to compete with alternatives (Coulson, 2009; Jeynes, 2012; findings differ from

EdChoice, 2018; Chingos and Peterson, 2018). Opponents of school choice reform claim the results of Kozol’s
research? Whose
that it will greatly weaken the public school system by redirecting public funds to pri-
theory, in your opinion,
vate schools and is far more likely to benefit middle- or upper-income families than poor can better explain the
families, because vouchers will be insufficient to make alternative schools affordable to racial gap in educational
the poor (Hopkinson, 2011; Singer, 2017; Klein, 2017). achievement?

One thing seems clear: Continually changing efforts at education reform have resulted What effect does
in “reform fatigue” among teachers. In a recent national survey of more than 500 K-12 tracking have on
teachers, 58 percent reported they have “experienced too much or way too much reform academic achievement?

in the past two years,” and fully 68 percent are skeptical that “new” education reforms are How do schools
truly new (Education Week Research Center, 2017). Teachers are not only frustrated with perpetuate existing
the ever-changing national requirements; they are also discouraged by low pay. Nationally, inequalities across
generations?
teachers earn roughly three-quarters as much as other college graduates; in Arizona and
Oklahoma, they earn only two-thirds as much (Allegretto, 2018). In early 2018, teachers in Describe the
West Virginia, Kentucky, and Oklahoma walked out in protest of low pay. Perhaps a good components and
critiques of the No Child
starting point for improving public education would be to provide teachers with more
Left Behind Act and
equitable (and competitive) salaries. Race to the Top.

How Do Sociologists
Think about Religion’? <
Whereas modern education emerged in the nineteenth century, religion is one of the old- Learn the elements
that make up religion.
est human institutions. Cave drawings suggest that religious beliefs and practices existed
Know the sociological
more than 40,000 years ago. According to anthropologists, there have probably been about approaches to religion
100,000 religions throughout human history (Hadden, 1997A). Notoriously difficult to developed by Marx,
define, sociologists think of religion as a cultural system of commonly shared beliefs and Durkheim, and Weber
rituals that provides a sense of meaning and purpose for adherents by creating an idea of as well as the religious
economy approach.
reality that is sacred (Berger, 1967; Durkheim, 1912/1965; Wuthnow, 1988). There are three
key elements in this definition:

1. Religion is a form of culture. You will recall from Chapter 2 that culture
consists of the shared beliefs, values, norms, and material conditions that cre-
ate a common identity among a group of people. Religion shares all of these
characteristics.

How Do Sociologists Think about Religion?

 2. Religion involves beliefs that take the form of ritualized practices. All
religions have a behavioral aspect—special activities that identify believers as
religion
members of the religious community.
A set of beliefs adhered
to by the members of a 3. Perhaps most important, religion provides a sense of purpose—a feeling that
community, incorporating life is meaningful. It does so by explaining what transcends or overshadows
symbols regarded with a everyday life in ways that other aspects of culture (such as an education system or
sense of awe or won-
a belief in democracy) typically cannot (Geertz, 1973; Wuthnow, 1988).
der together with ritual
practices. Religions do not What is absent from the sociological definition of religion is as important as what is
universally involve a belief
included: Nowhere is there mention of God. We often think of theism—a belief in one or
in supernatural entities.
more supernatural deities (the term originates from the Greek word for God)}—as basic to
religion, but this is not necessarily the case. Some religions, such as Buddhism, believe in
theism the existence of spiritual forces rather than in a particular God.
A belief in one or more Four broad conditions set the stage for the sociological study of religion:
supernatural deities.
1. Sociologists are not concerned with whether religious beliefs are true
or false. From a sociological perspective, religions are regarded not as being
decreed by God but as being socially constructed by human beings. As a
result, sociologists put aside their personal beliefs when they study religion.
They are concerned with the human rather than the divine aspects of religion.
Sociologists ask: How is the religion organized? How is it related to the larger
society? What explains its success or failure in recruiting and retaining believ-
ers? The question of whether a particular belief is “good” or “true,” however
important it may be to the believers of the religion under study, is not some-
thing that sociologists are able to address as sociologists. (As individuals, they
may have strong opinions, but one hopes that they can keep these opinions
from biasing their research.)

2. Sociologists are especially concerned with the social organization of reli-

gion. Religions are among the most important institutions in society. They are a
primary source of deeply seated norms and values. At the same time, religions are
typically practiced through an enormous variety of social forms. The sociology of
religion is concerned with how different religious institutions and organizations
actually function. The earliest European religions were often indistinguishable
from the larger society, as religious beliefs and practices were incorporated into
daily life. This is still true in many parts of the world today. In modern industrial
society, however, religions have become established in separate, often bureau-
cratic, organizations, and so sociologists focus on the organizations through
which religions must operate to survive (Hammond, 1992).

3. Sociologists often view religions as a major source of social solidarity

because religions provide their believers with a common set of norms and
values. Religious beliefs, rituals, and bonds help to create a “moral community”
in which all members know how to behave toward one another (Wuthnow,
1988). If a single religion dominates a society, the religion may be an important
source of social stability. However, religion can also be oppressive if, like the reli-
gion practiced by the Taliban, it requires absolute conformity to a particular set
of beliefs and punishes those who deviate from these beliefs. For example, the

394 CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

 are some similarities and dif

attempted murder of Malala Yousafzai, whom we met in the chapter's opener,

was an effort by some Taliban leaders to punish a young girl who defied their
beliefs.

Sociologists tend to explain the appeal of religion in terms of social forces

rather than purely personal, spiritual, or psychological factors. For many
people, religious beliefs are a deeply personal experience, involving a powerful
sense of connection with forces that transcend everyday reality. Sociologists do
not question the depth of such feelings and experiences, but they are unlikely to
limit themselves to a purely spiritual explanation of religious commitment. Some
researchers argue that people often “get religion” when their fundamental sense of
a social order is threatened by economic hardship, loneliness, loss or grief, physi-
cal suffering, or poor health (Berger, 1967; Glock, 1976; Schwartz, 1970; Stark and
Bainbridge, 1980). In explaining the appeal of religious movements, sociologists
are more likely to focus on the problems of the social order than on the psycholog
ical response of the individual.

of Marx,
Sociological approaches to religion are strongly influenced by the classical theories
that
Durkheim, and Weber. None of the three was religious himself, and they all believed
religion
religion would become less and less significant in modern times. Each argued that
connec-
was fundamentally an illusion: The very diversity of religions and their obvious
inherently
tion to different societies and regions of the world made their advocates’ claims
and gatherers would
implausible. An individual born into an Australian society of hunters
India or into
hold different religious beliefs from someone born into the caste system of
the Catholic Church of medieval Europe.

How Do Sociologists Think about Religion? Svo

 MARX: RELIGION AND INEQUALITY
Despite the influence of his views on the subject, Karl Marx never studied religion in any
detail. His thinking on religion was derived mostly from the writings of Ludwig Feuerbach,
alienation who believed that through a process he called alienation, human beings tend to attribute
The sense that our own their own culturally created values and norms to divine forces or gods because they do not
abilities as human beings understand their own history. Thus, the story of the Ten Commandments that God gave
are taken over by other to Moses is a mythical version of the origins of the moral precepts that govern the lives of
entities. The term was Jewish and Christian believers.
originally used by Karl
Marx accepted the view that religion represents human self-alienation. In a famous
Marx to refer to the pro-
jection of human powers
phrase, Marx declared that religion is the “opium of the people.” Religion defers happiness
onto gods. Subsequently, and reward to the afterlife, he said, teaching the resigned acceptance of existing conditions
he used the term to refer in the earthly life. Attention is thus diverted from injustices in this world by the promise
to the loss of workers’ of what is to come in the next. Religious belief also can provide justifications for those in
control over the nature and power. For example, “the meek shall inherit the earth” suggests attitudes of humility and
products of their labor.
nonresistance to oppression.

DURKHEIM: RELIGION AND FUNCTIONALISM

In contrast to Marx, Emile Durkheim studied religion extensively and connected reli-
gion not with social inequalities or power but with the overall nature of a society's
institutions. In The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1912/1965), Durkheim con-
centrated on totemism: the worship of objects, such as animals or plants, believed to
embody mystical spirits. Durkheim studied totemism as practiced by Australian aborig-
inal societies, arguing that such beliefs represented religion in its most “elementary”
form (hence the title of his book). Durkheim sought to show that totems served a dual
purpose: They are “at once the symbol of the god and the society.” This then raises a
central question: “Is that not because the god and the society are only one?” In answer-
ing that question, Durkheim concludes that “the god of the clan, the totemic princi-
ple, can therefore be nothing else than the clan itself, personified and represented to
the imagination under the visible form of the animal or vegetable which serves as
totem” (Durkheim, 1912/1965). Although Durkheim focused on Australian aboriginal
societies, he argued that these elementary forms of religion provided insights into
modern society as well. Religion, for Durkheim, was society writ large. Sociologist Reza
Aslan (2017) extends this argument, drawing on archeological as well as contemporary
evidence.
Durkheim defined religion in terms of a distinction between the sacred and
sacred
the profane. Sacred objects and symbols, he held, are treated as apart from the rou-
That which inspires awe
tine aspects of day-to-day existence—the realm of the profane. A totem, Durkheim
or reverence among those
who believe in a given set
argued, is a sacred object, regarded with veneration and surrounded by ritual activities.
of religious ideas. These ceremonies and rituals, in Durkheim’s view, are essential to unifying the
members of groups.
Durkheim's theory of religion is a good example of the functionalist tradition in
profane sociology. To analyze the function of a social behavior or social institution like religion is
That which belongs to the to study the contribution it makes to the continuation of a group, community, or society.
mundane, everyday world. According to Durkheim, religion has the function of uniting a society by ensuring that
people meet regularly to affirm common beliefs and values.

CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

 Hinduism stresses escaping
material e {

of pas:

argued thal

icmsaalslarciemela mcr

WEBER: THE WORLD RELIGIONS AND SOCIAL CHANGE

Whereas Durkheim based his arguments on a restricted range of examples, Max Weber
embarked on a massive study of religions worldwide. No scholar before or since has
undertaken a task of this scope. Weber's writings on religion differ from those of
Durkheim because they concentrate on the connection between religion and social
change, something to which Durkheim gave little direct attention. They also contrast
with those of Marx, because Weber argued that religion is not necessarily a conserva-
tive force; on the contrary, religiously inspired movements have often produced dra-
matic social transformations. Thus, Protestantism, particularly Puritanism, according
to Weber, was the source of the capitalistic outlook found in the modern West. The
early entrepreneurs were mostly Calvinists. Their drive to succeed, which helped initi-
ate Western economic development, was originally prompted by a desire to serve God.
Material success was a sign of divine favor. But because Calvinists also believed that
one should not ostentatiously flaunt one’s wealth, Calvinist entrepreneurs were likely
to reinvest their wealth in their enterprises rather than spend it on personal consump-
tion. Such “worldly asceticism,” as Weber called it, resulted in capital accumulation—
the hallmark of a successful capitalist system.
Weber conceived of his research on the world religions as a single project. His discus-
sion of the impact of Protestantism on the development of the West was connected to a
comprehensive attempt to understand the influence of religion on social and economic life
in various cultures. After analyzing Eastern religions, Weber concluded that they provided
barriers to the development of industrial capitalism like that which took place in the West.
Eastern civilizations, he observed, were oriented toward different values, such as escape
from the toils of the material world.
Weber regarded Christianity as a salvation religion. According to such religions,
human beings can be “saved” if they are converted to the beliefs of the religion and

How Do Sociologists Think about Religion? SIE

 follow its moral tenets. The notions of “sin” and being rescued from sinfulness by
God's grace generate a tension and an emotional dynamism essentially absent from the
Eastern religions. Salvation religions have a“revolutionary” aspect. According to Weber,
whereas the religions of the East cultivate an attitude of passivity or acceptance within
the believer, Christianity demands a constant struggle against sin and so can stimu-
late revolt against the existing order. Religious leaders have arisen—such as Luther or
Calvin—who reinterpret existing doctrines in such a way as to challenge the extant
power structure.

CRITICAL ASSESSMENT OF THE CLASSICAL VIEW

Marx, Durkheim, and Weber each identified some important general characteristics
of religion, and in some ways, their views complement one another. Marx was cor-
rect to claim that religion often has ideological implications, serving to justify the
interests of ruling groups at the expense of others. There are innumerable instances
of this in history. For example, the European missionaries who sought to convert
“heathen” peoples to Christian beliefs were no doubt sincere in their efforts. Yet their
teachings contributed to the destruction of traditional cultures and the imposition of
White domination. Almost all Christian denominations tolerated, or endorsed, slav-
ery in the United States and other parts of the world into the nineteenth century.
Doctrines were developed proclaiming slavery to be based on divine law, with disobe-
dient enslaved people being guilty of an offense against God as well as their masters
(Stampp, 1956).
Weber also emphasized the unsettling and often revolutionary impact of religious
ideals on the established social order. Despite many churches’ early support for slavery
in the United States, church leaders later played a key role in fighting to abolish the
institution. Religious beliefs have prompted social movements seeking to overthrow
unjust systems of authority; for instance, religious sentiments played a prominent part in
the civil rights movement of the 1960s.
These divisive influences of religion, so prominent in history, find little men-
tion in Durkheim's work. Durkheim emphasized the role of religion in promoting
social cohesion. Yet it is not difficult to redirect his ideas toward explaining religious
division, conflict, and change as well as solidarity. After all, much of the strength
of feeling that may be generated against other religious groups derives from the
commitment to religious values generated within each community of believers.
Among the most valuable points of Durkheim's work is his stress on ritual and
ceremony. All religions comprise regular assemblies of believers at which ritual
prescriptions are observed. As Durkheim rightly points out, ritual activities
also mark the major life stages—birth, the transition to adulthood (rituals associ-
ated with puberty are found in many cultures), marriage, and death (van Gennep,
secular thinking 1908/1977).
Worldly thinking, particu- Finally, the theories of Marx, Durkheim, and Weber on religion were based on
larly as seen in the rise of their studies of societies in which a single religion predominated. As a consequence,
science, technology, and it seemed reasonable for them to examine the relationship between a predominant
rational thought in general. religion and society as a whole. However, in the past 50 years, this classical view
has been challenged by some U.S. sociologists. Because of their own experience ina

398 CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

society that is highly tolerant of religious diversity, these theorists
have focused on
religious pluralism rather than religious domination. Not surprising]
, their conclu- ; ;
sions differ substantially y ffrom those of Marx, Durkheim, and ca Weber, each
nt of whom Ta ae ai
regarded religion as closely bound up with the larger society. Religion was
believed Fd ae : ee
e inftuence of reugion.
to reflect and reinforce society's values, or at least the values of those who were Socilarimation eaten
most powerful; to provide an important source of solidarity and social stability; and
levels of involvement with
to drive social change. According to this view, religion is threatened by the rise of religious organizations,
secular thinking, particularly as seen in the rise of science, technology, and rational the social and material
thought in general. influence wielded by reli-
gious organizations, and
The classical theorists argued that the key problem facing religions in the modern
the degree to which people
world is secularization, or the process by which religious belief and involvement decline
hold religious beliefs.
and thus result in a weakening of the social and political power of religious organizations.
Peter Berger (1967) has described religion in premodern societies as a “sacred canopy” that
covered all aspects of life and therefore was seldom questioned. In modern society, how- religious economy
ever, the sacred canopy is more like a quilt, a patchwork of different religious and secular A theoretical framework
belief systems. When multiple belief systems coexist, it becomes increasingly difficult to within the sociology of
sustain the idea that there is any single true faith. According to this view, secularization is Fetghonines akgues has
religions can be fruitfully
the e likely result.
likely resu :
understood as organiza-
tions in competition with
CONTEMPORARY APPROACHES: RELIGIOUS ECONOMY Ge anathar tor felines

One of the most influential contemporary approaches to the sociol-

ogy of religion is tailored to societies, such as the United States,
that offer many different faiths from which to pick and choose.
Sociologists who favor the religious economy approach argue that
religions can be thought of as organizations in competition with one
another for followers (Finke and Stark, 1988, 1992; Hammond, 1992;
Moore, 1994; Roof and McKinney, 1990; Stark and Bainbridge, 1987;
Warner, 1993).
Like contemporary economists who study businesses, these
sociologists argue that competition is preferable to monop-
oly when it comes to ensuring religious vitality. This posi-
tion is exactly opposite to that of the classical theorists. Marx,
Durkheim, and Weber assumed that religion weakens when chal-
lenged by different religious or secular viewpoints, whereas the
religious economists argue that competition increases the over-
all level of religious involvement in modern society. Religious
economists believe that this is true for two reasons. First, com-
petition makes each religious group try harder to win followers.
Second, the presence of numerous religions means that there
According to the religious economy approach, the
is likely to be something for just about everyone. In a cultur-
presence of numerous religious groups increases
ally diverse society like the United States, a single religion will participation.

probably appeal to only a limited range of followers, whereas

the presence of Hindu gurus and fundamentalist preachers, in N
addition to mainline churches, is likely to encourage a high level of
religious participation.

How Do Sociologists Think about Religion? SKS)

 A criticism of the religious economy approach is that it overestimates the extent
to which people rationally pick and choose among different religions, as if they
were shopping for a new car or a pair of shoes. Among deeply committed believers,
CONCEPT CHECKS
particularly in societies that lack religious pluralism, it is not obvious that religion

.What are the three main is a matter of rational choice. Even when people are allowed to choose among dif-
components of religion ferent religions, most are likely to practice their childhood religion without ever
as a social institution? questioning whether there are more appealing alternatives. Moreover, the spiritual
mLeNVane (o<olel
(e)(eyed 1s aspects of religion may be overlooked if sociologists simply assume that religious
differ from other scholars buyers are always on spiritual shopping sprees. Wade Clark Roof's (1993) study
in their approach to of 1,400 baby boomers found that one-third had remained loyal to their child-
studying fclitctiolate
hood faith, while another third had continued to profess their childhood beliefs,
NV
Vatcvarclacwiatcmelliiclaslavercts) although they no longer belonged to a religious organization. Only one-third were
between classical and
actively searching for a new religion, making the sorts of choices presumed by the
(orolal
(lan ole)irs1mVar-] ©)€)Rer=(elal=s)
religious economy approach (Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, 2008).
to understanding religion?

How Does Religion

Affect Life througnout
> the World’
Understand the Religion is one of the most truly global of all social institutions, affecting almost all
various ways religious aspects of social life. In this section, we describe how religion shapes life throughout the
communities are organized globe. We begin, however, by briefly describing the different ways that world religions
and how they have
are organized.
become institutionalized.
Recognize how the
globalization of religion
is reflected in religious
Types of Religious Organizations
activism in poor countries Early theorists such as Max Weber (1921/1963), Ernst Troeltsch (1931), and Richard
and the rise of religious Niebuhr (1929) described religious organizations as falling along a continuum based
nationalist movements.
on the degree to which they are well established and conventional: Churches lie at |
one end (they are conventional and well established), cults lie at the other (they are
neither), and sects fall somewhere in the middle. These distinctions were based on

church the study of those religions that account for the majority of persons in Europe and

A large, established reli- the United States. There is much debate over how well they apply to the non-
gious body, normally having Christian world.
a formal, bureaucratic Today, sociologists are aware that the terms sect and cult have negative conno-
structure and a hierarchy tations, something they wish to avoid. For this reason, contemporary sociologists
of religious officials. The
of religion sometimes use the phrase new religious movements to characterize novel
term is also used to refer to
religious organizations that have not yet achieved the respectability that comes
the place in which religious
ceremonies are carried out. with being well established for a long period of time (Hadden, 1997b; Hexham and
Poewe, 1997).

400 CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

CHURCHES AND SECTS
Churches are large, established religious bodies; one example is the Roman Catholic sect
Church. They normally have a formal, bureaucratic structure and a hierarchy of religious A religious movement
officials. Churches often represent a traditional face of religion, because they are integrated phat Diaaks Mey ee
Vig Luho eee : ; larger organization and
within the existing institutional order. Most of their adherents are born into and grow up i
et thie chart follows its own unique set
within the churcn. aS ge
of rules and principles.
A sect is typically described as a religious subgroup that breaks away from the larger
organization and consequently follows its own unique set of rules and principles. Sects d . .
he Dagsmaller, lessathighly organized groups
are ; enomination
of committed believers, usually set up in protest
against an established church. Sects aim to discover or follow the “true way” and either try A religious sect that has
beat the « ; wert : aA qs ; lost its revivalist dynamism
to change the surrounding society or withdraw from it into communities of their own, a ate ke
and become an institution-
process known as revival. Many \ sects have few orr no
is officials, and
no officials, ; »>mbers
all members are regarded
are regarde alized body, commanding
as equal participants. For the most part, people are not born into sects but actively join the adherence of signifi-
them to further commitments in which they believe. cant numbers of people.

DENOMINATIONS AND CULTS cult

A denomination is a sect that has cooled down and become an institutionalized body PX WAgIe Mary Feneiatks
ak. ; ; ! : : grouping to which individ-
rather than an activist protest group. Sects that survive over any period of time inevitably islehice laasele nthneeten
y affili
become denominations. Denominations are recognized as legitimate by churches and exist but that lacks any perma-
alongside them, often cooperating harmoniously with them. nent structure.
Cults, by contrast, are the most loosely knit
and transient of all religious organizations. They
are composed of individuals who reject what they
see as the values of the outside society. Unlike sects,
which try to revive an established church, cults are
a form of religious innovation rather than revival.
Their focus is on individual experience, bringing
like-minded people together. Like sects, cults often
form around the influence of an inspirational leader.
Similar to sects, cults flourish when there
is a breakdown in well-established and wide-
spread societal belief systems. This is happening
throughout the world today, in places as diverse
as Japan, India, and the United States. When such
a breakdown occurs, cults may originate within a
society, or they may be “imported” from outside.
In the United States, examples of homegrown, or a ; Pi

indigenous, cults include New Age religions based

=
IVelanletclacted ikalcMelaltiteri(tolam lalllnelafar]Ciom davon7amtom
(elelal (townCar-lanlcze!
on such things as spiritualism, astrology, and
for the church's founder, the Reverend Sun Myung Moon), participate
religious practices adapted from Asian or Native in a mass wedding. The Holy Marriage Blessing Ceremony strengthens
American cultures. One of the largest imported participants’ dedication to the church.

cults is the late Reverend Sun Myung Moon's

Unification Church (whose adherents are called Nn

“Moonies”), which originated in South Korea and

is now led by the Reverend's wife.

How Does Religion Affect Life throughout the World? 401

 Globalization and Religion
More than half of the world’s population follows one of two faiths: Christianity (31 per-
cent) or Islam (24 percent), religions that have long been unconstrained by national borders
(Pew Research Center, 2017c). The current globalization of religion is reflected in political
activism among religious groups in poor countries and in the rise of religious nationalist
movements in opposition to the modern secular state.

THE GLOBAL RISE OF RELIGIOUS NATIONALISM

religious One of the most important trends in global religion today is the rise of religious national-
nationalism ism, the linking of strongly held religious convictions with beliefs about a people's social
The linking of strongly held and political destiny. In countries around the world, religious nationalist movements reject
religious convictions with the notion that religion, government, and politics should be separate and call instead for
beliefs about a people’s
a revival of traditional religious beliefs that are directly embodied in the nation and its
social and political destiny.
leadership (Beyer, 1994). These nationalist movements represent a strong reaction against
the impact of technological and economic modernization on local religious beliefs. In par-
ticular, religious nationalists oppose what they see as the destructive aspects of Western
influence on local culture and religion, ranging from American television to the mission-
ary efforts of foreign evangelicals.
Religious nationalist movements accept many aspects of modern life, including mod-
ern technology, politics, and economics. For example, Islamic fundamentalists use video
and television to reach millions of Muslims worldwide. However, they also emphasize a
strict interpretation of religious values and completely reject the notion of secularization
(Juergensmeyer, 1993, 2003). Nationalist movements do not simply revive ancient religious
beliefs. Rather, nationalist movements partly “invent” the past, selectively drawing on dif-
ferent traditions and reinterpreting past events to serve their current beliefs and inter-
ests. Violent conflicts between religious groups sometimes result from their competing
interpretations of the same historical event (Anderson, 1991; Juergensmeyer, 1993, 2003;
van der Veer, 1994).
Religious nationalism is on the rise throughout the world—perhaps because in times
of rapid social change, unshakable ideas have strong appeal. An early example is the Islamic
Republic of Iran, which took power through a revolution in 1979. The aim of the Islamic
Republic was to organize government and society so that traditional Islamic teachings
would dominate all spheres of life. The Guardian Council of religious leaders determines
whether laws, policies, and candidates for parliament adequately conform to an extremely
strict interpretation of Islamic beliefs, even though Iran has a U.S.-style constitution pro-
viding for elected officials and the separation of powers. Although recent years have seen
some hopeful signs that Iran is liberalizing, such hopes have in the past proved to be short-
lived. The 2013 election saw a swing in the liberal direction with the election of Hassan
Rouhani as president, who has sought to improve relations with the West. Rouhani easily
won reelection in 2017, but since then he has been confronted with widespread protests as
Iranians across the country have vented their anger over economic stagnation and polit-
ical repression. In siding with the protesters, Rouhani made it clear that he intended to
pursue reforms, even in the face of opposition from hard-line religious leaders, who wield
considerable power (Cunningham, 2018). The success of Rouhani’s reform efforts remain
to be seen. When Iran agreed to roll back its nuclear program in exchange for an easing of

402 CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

Western economic sanctions in 2015, there was hope
not only that a military confronta-
tion could be avoided but that Iran's citizens would benefit
economically. With the Trump
administration's decision to pull out of the agreement in
2018 and the economic benefits
yet to filter down to ordinary Iranians, tensions are again
on the rise, and Rouhani’s
reforms may be in jeopardy.
Religious nationalist movements sometimes turn violent as they
seek to impose their
vision of the world on others. For most Americans, the most promine
nt example today is
ISIS—the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria—which has used terror and
extreme brutality
in its effort to spread its power over parts of the Middle East. But
as sociologist Mark
Juergensmeyer has shown in Terror in the Mind of God (2017) and other
books (Jerryson
and Juergensmeyer, 2010; Juergensmeyer, 1993, 2005), extremist religious national
ism is
not confined to any one religion. While Islamist extremism has been of greatest
concern
to Americans since 9/11, India has experienced violent Sikh nationalism in the past
and
Hindu nationalism today; Christian extremism in the United States has resulted in assas-
sinations and the 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma
City, which killed 168 people; Buddhist nationalism, led by militant Buddhist monks, has
resulted in a genocidal ethnic cleansing of Myanmar’s Rohingya Muslims; and Jewish
nationalism was responsible for the 1995 assassination of Israel's president Yitzhak Rabin
following the Oslo Peace Accords between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization.
Juergensmeyer argues that “what makes religious violence particularly savage and
relentless is that its perpetrators have placed such religious images of divine struggle—
cosmic war—in the service of worldly political battles. For this reason, acts of religious
terror serve not only as tactics in a political strategy but also as evocations of a much larger
spiritual confrontation” (Juergensmeyer, 2017).

ACTIVIST RELIGION AND SOCIAL CHANGE

THROUGHOUT THE WORLD
Religion has played a critical role in effecting positive social change over the past 50-plus
years. In Vietnam in the 1960s, Buddhist priests burned themselves alive to protest the
policies of the South Vietnamese government. Their willingness to sacrifice their lives for
their beliefs, seen on television sets around the world, contributed to growing U.S. opposi-
tion to the war. Buddhist monks in Thailand are currently protesting deforestation.
An activist form of Catholicism, termed liberation theology, combines Catholic liberation
beliefs with a passion for social justice for the poor, particularly in Central and South theology
America and in Africa. Catholic priests and nuns organize farming cooperatives, build An activist Catholic
health clinics and schools, and challenge government policies that impoverish the peas- religious movement that
combines Catholic beliefs
antry. A similar role is played by Islamic socialists in Pakistan and Buddhist socialists in
with a passion for social
Sri Lanka (Berryman, 1987; Juergensmeyer, 1993; Sigmund, 1990). In some Central
justice for the poor.
and Eastern European countries once dominated by the former Soviet Union, long-
suppressed religious organizations provided an important basis for overturning socialist
regimes during the early 1990s. In Poland, the Catholic Church was closely allied with
the Solidarity movement, which toppled the socialist government in 1989. Many reli-
gious leaders have paid with their lives for their activism, which government and military
leaders often regard as subversive.
Religious organizations also played a key role in the U.S. civil rights movement. The
Southern Christian Leadership Conference, led by the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr.,

How Does Religion Affect Life throughout the World? 403

 Religious Affiliation

More than eight in ten people in the world are affiliated with a religion. While Christianity is currently the largest.”
religion in the world, Islam is growing at a faster fate. Consequently, it is projected that there will be nearly equal
numbers of Muslims and Christians by mid-century.

A ee Global religious affiliation’

0.8% ,
Other Jewish

16.4% (Ak 5.9%

Unaffiliated Buddhist Folk Religions

31.4% 23.2% f 15%.” *Percentage of

Christian Muslim Hindu the global population

Religious affiliation in the United States

@ Buddhist
WE Spiritual | 1”
9
a Christian a Agnostic 28
: 65% | 5% .

WiNothing iin particular | Atheist.

17 | 4%
: Mormon :
: 2% ‘ae Hindu 7) Muslim. . MY Jewish |
. res 1% 1% : 2%
Source: Pew Research-Center, 2019e. :
{
organized key marches, boycotts, and other forms of nonviolent civil disobedience that
inspired the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Religious groups were also a major force
in the Arab Spring that began with the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi, a poor
Tunisian street vendor who set himself on fire to protest harassment by corrupt local
officials who had made it impossible for him to eke out a living. Bouazizi's sacrifice, seen
Lote).
[od=f2 x04|108,=)
around the world on YouTube and other social media, sparked revolutions in the Middle
East and North Africa that overturned dictatorships in Egypt, Libya, and Yemen and Describe four types of
sparked a civil war in Syria. religious organizations.
The Arab Spring proved fleeting: Syria, Yemen, and Libya were ravaged by internal What is religious
strife and civil wars that had, at least in part, a religious dimension. Conflicts spilled over nationalism? Why
into Jordan and Lebanon as well as parts of North Africa. With the exception of Egypt, can it be viewed as a

where it was repressed, there was a resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism throughout the reaction to economic
modernization and
region. The only country to remain democratic, among all the countries that had partici-
Westernization of local
pated in the Arab Spring, was Tunisia—the country where it began. religious beliefs?

How Does Religion

Affect Your Life in the
United States’ <
Trends in Religious Affiliation Learn about the
sociological dimensions
The United States is the most religiously diverse country in the world, with more than
of religion in the United
1,500 distinct religions (Melton, 1989). Yet the vast majority of people belong to a rela-
States.
tively small number of religious denominations: About 67.3 percent of Americans identify
as Christian (CIA, 2020).
In comparison with the citizens of other industrial nations, Americans are highly
religious; nearly nine in ten U.S. adults believe in God, and one in two attend services
at least monthly (Pew Research Center, 2015a). However, levels of religious participa-
such
tion have declined since the mid-twentieth century. As measured by indicators
as belief in God, religious membership, and attendance at religious services, religios-
part
ity reached its highest levels in the 1950s and has been declining ever since—in
their prede-
because post-World War II baby boomers have been less religious than
of Catholics and
cessors (Roof, 1999). In one national survey, overwhelming majorities
they were chil-
liberal Protestants reported attending church on a weekly basis while
reached their early
dren, but their attendance had dropped sharply by the time they
members of conserva-
twenties. Levels of participation, however, remain high among
tive Protestant groups.
in 2008 found
Surveys of nearly 114,000 adults in 1990 and more than 50,000 adults
period. In 1990, 90 per-
that religious identification declined sharply during the 18-year
2008, the figure was less than
cent of all adults identified with some religious group, in

Does Religion Affect Your Life in the United States? 405

How
TABLE 12.1 80 percent. The principal decline was among self-identified
. ier OO no Christians (from 86 percent to 76 percent). By 2014, the

Changes IN Religious Affiliation Christian share of the U.S. population had dropped even

in the United States further—to 71 percent (Table 12.1). This decline has been
driven in large part by the growing number of adults who
RELIGIOUS identify as atheists or agnostics or who say their religion is
SELF-IDENTIFICATION “nothing in particular,” referred to as the “rise of the nones.”
This rapid growth in religious “nones” was reflected in a
Ee eee ee ak aut 2019 survey conducted by the Pew Research Center, which
Catholic 33.9% 50.8% found that about 26 percent of the U.S. adult population is
religiously unaffiliated, up from 16 percent in 2007. Much
Mainline Protestant 18.1% 14.7% of this growth can be tied to generational replacement:
40 percent of millennials (born between 1981 and 1996)
Jewish 1.7% 1.9% are religiously unaffiliated (Pew Research Center, 2019e).
Despite this rise of the nones, a significant majority—
Muslim 0.4% 0.9% 74 percent—of Americans identify with a religion. One
reason so many Americans are religiously affiliated is that
proche! Die OL religious organizations are an important source of social
ties and friendship networks. Churches, synagogues, and
Hindu 0.4% 0.7% .
mosques are communities of people who share the same
ecrinsted 161% 52 8% beliefs and values and who support one another during
times of need. Religious communities thus often play a
Source: Pew Research Center, 2015a. family-like role, offering help in times of emergency as well
as more routine assistance, such as child care.
The 2016 American Values Atlas Religion Report
conducted by the Public Religion Research Institute surveyed more than 101,000
Americans in all 50 states and found that American religion is experiencing signif-
icant changes: White Christians, once the dominant religious group, now account
for less than half of all U.S. adults, down from roughly 81 percent in 1976; less than
half the states are majority White Christian (compared with nearly four out of five
states only a decade ago). Only 17 percent of White Americans reported being evan-
gelical Protestants, compared with 23 percent a decade earlier; similar trends were
noted for White mainline Protestants (18 percent to 13 percent) and White Catholics
(16 percent to 11 percent). These trends partly reflect the growing non-White pop-
ulation in the United States, particularly the Hispanic population. One interesting
finding is that the most youthful religious groups (those with large proportions of
members who are under age 30) are all non-Christian: 42 percent of Muslims are
under age 30, along with 36 percent of Hindus and 35 percent of Buddhists (Jones
and Cox, 2017).

PROTESTANTS: THE STRENGTH OF CONSERVATIVE DENOMINATIONS

A more detailed picture of recent trends in American religion can be obtained if we
break down the large Protestant category into major subgroups. According to the Pew
Research Center's 2014 U.S. Religious Landscape Study, the largest number of house-
holds were Baptist, accounting for 33 percent of all Protestants—more than three times
the size of the second-largest group, Methodists (10 percent). There were far fewer

406 CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

From Pulpits to iPads?

The United States is one of the most religious countries in the Other apps allow users to type in prayers and send them off
world. Yet religion is not an important part of the everyday lives to God, to the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem, or simply into cyber-
of millions of Americans. For example, more than one in five space (Wagner, 2011). For those who believe that scriptures can
Americans report that they have no religious affiliation; this pro- be used to substantiate their political views, there are apps that
portion grows to more than one-third among Americans ages help users quickly locate a biblical passage to support argu-
18 to 29 (Pew Research Center, 2015a). And while roughly ments for (or against) everything from abortion to same-sex
40 percent of Americans report that they “usually” attend religious marriage (Vitello, 2011). Even those without religious views can
services once a week, recent research based on daily diary data use such apps to support their politics through apps that “allow
shows that the proportion of Americans who regularly attend the atheist to keep the most funny and irrational Bible verses
services is as low as 24 percent, with rates even lower among right in their pocket” (Vitello, 2011).
young adults (Brenner, 2011). Technology also keeps us connected to religious communi-
In the past decade, young adults and other Americans have ties. Hundreds if not thousands of religious organizations allow
found new ways to incorporate religion and spirituality into their people to “attend” religious services virtually. For example, many
lives, beyond the pews of their local churches and synagogues. synagogues throughout the United States livestream their ser-
The Internet and smartphones have allowed Americans to par- vices over the High Holidays of Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur.
ticipate in religious activities on their own grounds and on their Advocates say that technology helps bring worship to people
own schedules. For example, a spate of smartphone apps allow who don't have another way to participate in services and ser-
users to download full texts of scriptures like the Bible, Book mons, such as members of the military, the homebound, or Jews
of Mormon, Koran, or Torah. Muslims can use apps to ascer- who live in areas without a local congregation (Mandel, 2010).
tain the time of day for their five daily prayers and to learn Do you believe that technology will help people become
what direction to face when praying toward Mecca. Jews and more engaged in religion by enabling them to practice their faith
Seventh-day Adventists can use programs like the Sabbath where, when, and how they are comfortable? Or do you believe
App to calculate sunset times for Friday evening and Saturday that these apps undermine some of the core aspects of religion,
evening each week, so they'll know exactly when the Sabbath including interacting with a community of like-minded others or
begins and ends in their hometowns. Hindus can use their rituals like praying together? Do you think apps will ever replace
phones to present virtual offerings of incense and coconut to in-person participation in religious services or activities? Why
the god Ganesh. or why not?
 Lutherans (8 percent), Presbyterians (5 percent),
and Episcopalians (3 percent) (Pew Research
Center, 20158).
These figures are important because they
reveal the relative strength of conservative
Protestants in the United States. Conservative
Protestants, which include Pentecostals as well
as evangelical wings of historically mainline
Protestant churches, emphasize a literal inter-
pretation of the Bible, morality in daily life, and
conversion through evangelizing. A quarter
of all U.S. adults today identify as evangelical.
Conservative Protestants can be contrasted
Evangelical Christians account for a majority of Protestants in the United
with the more historically established mainline
States today. Many attend megachurches, which attract as many as
and liberal Protestants, such as Episcopalians,
30,000 congregants on any given Sunday.
Presbyterians, and Methodists, who tend to
adopt a more flexible, humanistic approach to
“N religious practice. While mainline Protestant
churches have seen their numbers decline rap-
idly in recent years, conservative Protestant
churches have been much more stable (Pew Research Center, 2015a). Evangelical
Protestants had an outsize effect on the 2016 presidential election, when four out
of five voted for Trump—tby far the highest of any religious group (Martinez and
Smith, 2016).

CATHOLICISM
Catholics make up about one-fifth (21 percent) of the U.S. population, although only
16 percent of Millennials are Catholic (Pew Research Center, 2015a). Currently,
one-third of Catholics in the United States are Hispanic, and this proportion is
likely to grow in the coming decades. While the Catholic share of the U.S. pop-
ulation has been relatively stable over the long term, the number of Catholics
appears to be declining. Part of this decline is due to the fact that more people are
leaving Catholicism for another faith than are joining the Church: Of the nearly one-
third of Americans who were born Catholic, 41 percent no longer identify with the
Catholic Church.
Church attendance declined sharply in the 1960s and early 1970s, leveling off in the
mid-1970s. While the reasons for this decline are unclear, one reason likely has to do
with the papal encyclical of 1968 that reaffirmed the ban on the use of contraceptives
by Catholics. The encyclical offered no leeway for people whose conscience allowed
for the use of contraceptives. They were faced with disobeying the Church, and many
Catholics did just that. According to a 2015 Pew survey, three-quarters (76 percent) of
U.S. Catholics say the Church should allow the use of birth control. Church attendance
has continued to decline in recent decades: In 1975, 47 percent of Catholics reported
attending Mass at least once a week. By 2017, that figure had dropped to 39 percent
(Saad, 2018).

408 CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

OTHER RELIGIOUS GROUPS
Judaism in the United States has historically been divided into three major movements
:
Orthodox Judaism, which believes in the divine origins of the Jewish Bible (called
by Christians the Old Testament) and follows highly traditional religious practices;
Conservative Judaism, which is a blend of traditional and more contemporary beliefs and
practices; and Reform Judaism, which rejects most traditional practices and is progressive
in its ritual practices (services, for example, are more likely to be conducted in English than
in Hebrew). Both Conservative and Reform Judaism reflect efforts by Jewish immigrants
(or their descendants) to develop beliefs and rituals that turned away from “Old World”
traditions and were more consistent with their new homeland.
Despite (or partly because of) these efforts to modernize Judaism, the number of
Jews in the United States has declined. Low birthrates, intermarriage, and assimila-
tion are all contributing factors. Nearly 60 percent of Jews who have gotten married
since 2000 have a non-Jewish spouse (Pew Research Center, 2013b). Estimates of the
number of Jewish Americans today vary, which may reflect precisely how Jews are iden-
tified and counted. Some Americans identify as Jewish if they have a Jewish mother—
even if they have never practiced their religion. Some may self-identify as Jewish
only if they participate actively in the religion, whereas others may identify as “cul-
turally Jewish,” meaning they celebrate their heritage and culture but do not actively
practice the religion. In 2020, just 1.9 percent of the U.S. population identified as
Jewish (CIA, 2020).
Among Muslims, growing emigration from Asia and Africa may change the U.S. reli-
gious profile. According to the Pew Research Center, Muslims in the United States will
outnumber Jews by 2040, becoming the second-largest religious group after Christians
(Mohamed, 2018). In 2017, 1.1 percent of the U.S. population identified as Muslim, reflect-
ing large gains since just 2007; by 2050, that number is predicted to nearly double to
2.1 percent. These figures may be underestimates, as many Muslims are reluctant to disclose
their religious affiliation in the post-9/11 political climate—fewer than half of Americans
held a favorable view of Muslims in 2017 (Pew Research Center, 20174). The vast majority
of Muslims in the United States are immigrants (58 percent), with many coming from the
Asia-Pacific region, the Middle East, North Africa, and sub-Saharan Africa (Pew Research
Center, 2017e).

Religious Affiliation and Socioeconomic Status

The principal religious groupings in the United States vary substantially by region and
socioeconomic status. Liberal Protestants tend to be well educated and have jobs and
incomes that would classify them as middle or upper class. They are concentrated in the
northeastern states and, to a small extent, in the West as well. Moderate Protestants fall
at a somewhat lower level than liberal Protestants in terms of education and income.
In fact, they are typical of the national average on these measures. They tend to live in
the Midwest and, to some extent, in the West. Black Protestants are, on average, the
least educated and poorest of any of the religious groups. Conservative Protestants
have a similar profile, although they fall at a marginally higher level on all these
measures (Pew Research Center, 2015a). Catholics strongly resemble moderate

How Does Religion Affect Your Life in the United States? 409
 Protestants (and so average Americans, as well) in terms of their socioeconomic pro-
file. Catholics are pretty evenly distributed across the United States, though we are
witnessing a shift from the Northeast and Midwest to the South and West
(Pew Research Center, 20154).
Jews historically
have had the mostsuccessful socioeconomic profile. Jews tend to be
college graduates in middle- or upper-income categories. In 2014, 44 percent of Jews
earned more than $100,000 a year, compared to 17 percent of Christians. Hindus—
who also report high levels of educational attainment—have a similarly high socio-
economic profile, with 36 percent earning more than $100,000 (Pew Research Center,
2015a). Whereas the large majority of Jews once lived in the northeastern states, today
fewer than half do, as many have relocated throughout the United States. One recent
study suggests that this high degree of geographical mobility is associated with
lower involvement in Jewish institutions. Jews who move across the country are less
likely to belong to synagogues, have Jewish friends, or be married to Jewish spouses
(Goldstein and Goldstein, 1996).
There are political differences across religious groups as well. Jews tend to be the
most heavily Democratic of all the major religious groups, while fundamentalist and
evangelical Christians are the most Republican. The more moderate Protestant denom-
inations are somewhere in between (Jones and Cox, 2017; Kosmin et al., 2001). As such,
religious groups also differ widely regarding their views on major social issues in the
United States, including abortion. On average, Jews and persons with no affiliation tend
to hold the most liberal political views, meaning that they are likely to say that they
believe women should have legal access to abortion. Fundamentalist and evangelical
Christians are least likely to support these stances, while liberal Protestants, moder-
ate Protestants, and Catholics sit toward the middle of the political continuum (Pew
Research Center, 20158).
Religion has a subtle yet powerful influence on daily life in the United States and
throughout the world. In analyzing religious practices and traditions, we must at once be
sensitive to ideals that inspire profound conviction in believers and take a balanced view of
these belief systems. We must confront ideas that seek the eternal while recognizing that

410 CHAPTER 12 Education and Religion

religious groups also promote mundane goals, such as earning money or attracting follow-
ers. We need to recognize not only the diversity of religious beliefs and models of conduct Lote).
[od= a 5 |109€-)
but also the nature of religion as a global phenomenon.
We have also seen that education and religion are two social institutions that are What are the reasons
powerful socializing agents. Religion and education teach young people the skills and so many Americans
belong to religious
beliefs that are essential to one’s culture. However, the two institutions differ in a criti-
organizations?
cal way: Education is intended to be universalistic and to expose all children to similar
Describe the main
messages, whereas religious institutions vary widely in the values, beliefs, and practices
differences between
that they impart. As we saw in our chapter opener, these institutions may occasionally
conservative and liberal
collide; Malala’s attempt to obtain an education was at odds with the fundamentalist Protestants.
religious beliefs that reigned in her city. However, both education systems and religious
Contrast the political
institutions are dynamic and may evolve as social contexts and policies change. The efforts views and socioeconomic
of pioneering young women like Malala may be instrumental in helping to create a context statuses of major
where education and religious institutions meet the needs of all citizens, regardless of their religious groups in the
gender, ethnicity, or social background. United States.

Religion Affect Your Life in the United States?

411
How Does
CHAPTER12 Learning Objectives

ats Know how and why systems of mass

education emerged in the United States.

Big: Picture Why Are Education

and Literacy So
Important? |
Know some basic facts about education
systems and literacy rates of developing
countries.

Education and Religion P. 379

Become familiar with the most important

What Is the Link research on whether education reduces
between Education or perpetuates inequality. Learn the social
and Inequality? and cultural influences on educational

Thinking Sociologically achievement.

p. 384

1. From your reading of this chapter,

describe what might be the principal
advantages and disadvantages of
How Do Sociologists Learn the elements that make up religion.
having children go to private versus Know the sociological approaches to religion
Think about Religion?
public schools in the United States developed by Marx, Durkheim, and Weber
at this time. Assess whether as well as the religious economy approach.
P. 393
privatization of our public schools
would help to improve them.

2. Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, and Max

Weber had different viewpoints on
How Does Religion
the nature of religion and its social Affect Life throughout Understand the various ways religious S
significance. Briefly explain the the World? communities are organized and how they
viewpoints of each. Which theorist’s have become institutionalized. Recognize TR
how the globalization of religion is reflected
views have the most to offer in
p. 400 in religious activism in poor countries and
explaining the rise of national TR
fee

the rise of religious nationalist movements.

and international fundamentalism
ba
ae
today? Why?

How Doss Religion _

- Affect Your Life
: in the United States?
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

. Why did schooling become widespread only after the Industrial Revolution?
. What are three of the most frequently cited reasons for homeschooling?
- What are some of the functions of formal schooling?
pa
Wn. What are some of the reasons there are many illiterate people in the
developing world?
homeschooling » literacy

. According to Kozol, has education become an equalizer in American society?

Why or why not?
tracking * hidden curriculum ° intelligence « 2. How do Coleman's findings differ from the results of Kozol’s research?
IQ (intelligence quotient) * functional literacy « Whose theory, in your opinion, can better explain the racial gap in
standardized testing educational achievement?
3. What effect does tracking have on academic achievement?
4. How do schools perpetuate existing inequalities across generations?
5. Describe the components and critiques of the No Child Left Behind Act and
Race to the Top.

religion * theism ® alienation * sacred ® profane ¢

secular thinking * secularization religious
economy 1. What are the three main components of religion as a social institution?
2. How do sociologists differ from other scholars in their approach to
studying religion?
3. What are the differences between classical and contemporary approaches
to understanding religion?

church ¢ sect * denomination ¢ cult « religious

nationalism ¢ liberation theology
1. Describe four types of religious organizations
2. What is religious nationalism? Why can it be viewed as a reaction to
economic modernization and Westernization of local religious beliefs?
 >
Workers gather at the Capitol in April 2015 to
protest for a higher minimum wage. The current
federal minimum—$7.25 per hour—hasn't
changed since 2009.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

How did the state develop?

Learn the basic concepts underlying modern
nation-states.

How do democracies function?

Learn about different types of democracy, how
this form of government has spread around
the world, key theories about power in
e e a democracy, and some of the problems
ae |T|'S S :}a e associated with modern-day democracy.

What is the social significance

: e e of work?
E¢ 3
@ | '@ | | ( | fe Assess the sociological ramifications of paid
- and unpaid work. Understand that modern
economies are based on the division of labor
and economic interdependence. Familiarize
af te yourself with modern systems of economic
production.

What are key elements of the

modern economy?
= ee oe. See the importance of the rise of large

é \ ae corporations; consider particularly the global

impact of transnational corporations.

How does work affect everyday

life today?
Learn about the impact of global economic
competition on employment. Consider how
work will change over the coming years.
Voter Turnout
p. 427

Unemployment Rates
p. 451
 On April 15, 2015—the day income taxes are typically due—fast-food workers,
home-care and day-care workers, adjunct faculty at colleges and universities, air-
port workers, and labor union members in 236 U.S. cities went on strike to advo-
cate raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour. Seattle and the District of Columbia
had already done so, and after the strike, many other cities soon followed suit. As of 2020,
13 states (and the District of Columbia) had raised their minimum wages through legislation,
while the minimum wages in another eight states had increased as a matter of routine, thanks
to legislation tying the wages to the rate of inflation (National Conference of State Legislatures
[NCSL], 2020a). These increases have put billions of dollars into the hands of millions of low-
wage workers. In total, 29 states (and the District of Columbia) now have minimum wages
above the federal level (Economic Policy Institute, 2020). And municipalities have also gotten
into the act: As of 2019, 44 localities have adopted minimum wages above their state minimum,
with Santa Monica mandating increases that reached $15 an hour in 2020, more than double

Politics and Economic Life

FIGURE 13.1 the current federal hourly minimum of $7.25 - an amount
that hasn't changed since 2009 (Economic Policy Institute,
Who Earns Less than $15 ti
ane aiOunae When the U.S. government established a national min-
imum wage in 1938, it argued that wages should be suffi-
cient to provide “the minimum standard of living necessary
60 -——
for health, efficiency, and general well-being” (U.S. FLSA,
50
2011). The current U.S. minimum wage works out to a
40 |}-— yearly income of $15,131 for a full-time worker, which
30 is well below the current official poverty level for a two-
PERCENT person household (roughly $17,240). This amount clearly
20
fails to provide a “minimum standard of living.” Raising the
minimum hourly wage to $15—$31,305 in yearly income for
Bloc ating full-time workers—would make a big difference in the lives
All Female White
Workers of minimum-wage earners, enabling them to cover basic
living costs. The Democratic Party, which supports an increase
Note: Proportion of workers within each demographic group making in the minimum wage, succeeded in having the House of
less than $15 per hour.
Representatives pass the Raise the Wage Act of 2019, which
Source: Tung et al., 2015. would raise the federal minimum wage to $15 by 2025,
increasing pay for 40 million workers (Cooper, 2019). The
Republican Party argues that such an increase would hurt
businesses and mainly benefit young people who will eventually move on to higher-paying jobs,
and representatives of the party have so far prevented the passage of the bill in the Senate.
How many Americans actually earn less than $15 an hour (Figure 13.1)? Opponents to
raising the minimum wage claim that it is mainly high school students or young adults who are
working part time in fast-food restaurants or as sales clerks, often living with their parents,
who will go on to land more lucrative jobs. But one study found that more than two out of every
five workers in the United States currently earn less than $15 an hour—a figure that rises to
half of all African American workers and three out of every five Latino/a workers. Nor are
low-wage jobs restricted to the very young: The study found that over a quarter of all workers
between the ages of 35 and 49 make less than $15 an hour (Tung et al., 2015).
Some businesses have responded by increasing the minimum wage for their own work-
ers. Walmart reported that its average wage for full-time hourly employees in 2019 was $14 an
hour (Green, 2019); other companies that have significantly raised their minimum hourly wages
include Target ($13), Bank of America ($17), Facebook ($15, up to $20 in high-cost areas such
as San Francisco), Amazon ($15), and Costco ($15) (Connley, 2019). Costco also enjoys low
worker turnover, high worker satisfaction, and revenue per employee that far exceeds that of its
principal competitors. Facebook, Google, and Ben & Jerry's are among a small number of firms
that adopted a $15 minimum wage as early as 2015, as have some universities (Tung et al., 2015).
Will raising the minimum wage to $15 cause businesses to fail and their workers to lose
their jobs, as some economists predict? Supporters of an increase point out that, in today’s
dollars, the minimum wage grew from roughly $5.00 an hour in 1940 to a high of $10.86 in
1968 without adversely affecting the rapid economic growth of that time period; since then, it
has actually lost ground in terms of actual purchasing power (Kurtz and Yellin, 2015). Raising
the minimum wage, proponents argue, will put more money into the pockets of workers, whose
spending will in turn stimulate economic growth. Recent research also finds that raising the

416 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

 minimum wage to $12 would reduce the cost of public assistan
ce by $17 billion annually, result-
Ing In Savings In government expenditures (Cooper, 2016).
Research on whether increases in the minimum wage will help
or hurt workers has found
mixed results (Neumark, 2015). Some economists favor a smaller
increase to $12, fearful that
a $15 minimum would “put us in uncharted waters, and risk undesira
ble and unintended con-
sequences,” such as job loss (Krueger, 2015). Perhaps, as former U.S.
labor secretary Robert
Reich (2015) has concluded, “maybe some jobs are worth risking if a strong
moral case can be
made for a $15 minimum. That moral case is that no one should be working
full time and still
remain in poverty.” Reich regards an adequate wage as a human right—a topic
to which we
will return when we consider social rights as one of the rights of citizenship in modern
states.
Some observers have argued that the only way to ensure a reasonable standard of
living for
low-wage workers is for them to unionize (Eidelson, 2013).
As the growing movement for a $15 minimum wage reveals, the government, economics,
and politics are closely intertwined. Government refers to the regular enactment of poli-
cies, decisions, and matters of state on the part of the officials within a political apparatus. A
government often develops policies, such as the federal minimum wage, that have sweeping
economic consequences, whether for nations, states, cities, or even the individual lives of
workers. Politics concerns the means by which power is used to affect the scope and content
of governmental activities. But the political sphere is not limited only to those who work in
government; it also involves the actions of others.
There are many ways in which people outside the political apparatus seek influence. The
workers across the country who protested and walked off their jobs on April 15 attempted to
exert power both on their employers and on public policies. A few major businesses responded
by providing modest wage hikes for their workers, some state and local governments have
economy
raised their minimum wages or plan to do so, and the $15 minimum became a national issue
The system of production
during the 2016 presidential campaign. These actions show how politics is frequently inter-
and exchange that provides
twined with economics. The economy consists of the system of production and exchange that for the material needs
provides for the material needs of individuals living in a particular society. of individuals living in a
In this chapter, we study the main factors affecting political and economic life today. We given society. Economic
institutions are of key
begin with a discussion of politics and then turn to work and the economy. The sphere of gov-
importance in all social
ernment is the sphere of political power. All political life is about power: the people who hold it,
orders.
how they achieve it, and what they do with it. As mentioned in Chapter 1, the study of power is
of fundamental importance for sociology. Power is the ability of individuals or groups to make
their own interests or concerns count, even when others resist. It sometimes involves the power
direct use of physical force, such as when the United States and its allies use military force to The ability of individuals or
counter the growth of extremist groups like ISIS in the Middle East. At other times, it involves the members of a group to
the use of threats, whether a threat to walk off the job or a threat to vote a leader who does achieve aims or further the
interests they hold, even
not meet the needs of the electorate out of office. Power is an element in almost all social rela-
when others resist. Power
tionships, such as that between employer and employee. This chapter focuses on a narrower is a pervasive element in
aspect of power: governmental power. In this form, power is almost always accompanied by all human relationships.
ideologies, or belief systems that are used to justify the actions of the powerful. For example,
Democratic congresspersons who support the minimum wage hike tend to embrace an ideol-
ogy that emphasizes social justice and workers’ rights, whereas their Republican colleagues
authority
tend to subscribe to an ideology that emphasizes fiscal conservatism and free enterprise. A government's legitimate
use of power.
Authority is a government's legitimate (that is, lawful) use of power. For a government
to have authority, its citizens must consent to its use of power. Power is thus different from

Politics and Economic Life 417

 authority: A government may rule by the use of power but lack authority in the eyes of its
citizens. Contrary to what many believe, democracy—a system of government in which, as we
state
discuss later, citizens ultimately exert authority through their representatives—is not the only
A political apparatus ruling
type of government people consider legitimate. Dictatorships, in which a single individual or
over a given territory whose
authority is backed by law group exercises virtually total authority, can have legitimacy as well, as can states governed by
and the ability to use force. religious leaders. But as we shall see later, democracy is currently the most widespread form
of government considered legitimate.

> How Did the State Develop’

Learn the basic concepts A state exists where there is a political apparatus of government (comprising institutions
underlying modern like a parliament or congress, plus civil service officials) ruling over a given territory whose
nation-states. authority is backed by a legal system and by the capacity to use force to implement its
policies. All modern states lay claim to specific territories, possess formalized codes of
law, and are backed by military force. Nation-states have come into existence at various
times in different parts of the world (for example, the United States in 1776 and the Czech

nation-state Republic in 1993). Their main characteristics, however, contrast rather sharply with those
of states in traditional civilizations.
A particular type of state,
characteristic of the modern
world, in which a govern- Characteristics of the State
ment has sovereign power
within a defined territory SOVEREIGNTY
and the population com-
The territories ruled by traditional states were always poorly defined, with the level of
prises citizens who believe
themselves to be part of a control wielded by the central government being quite weak. The notion of sovereignty—
single nation or people. that a government possesses authority over an area with clear-cut borders, within which
it is the supreme power—had little relevance. All modern nation-states, by contrast, are
sovereign states.
sovereignty
The undisputed political CITIZENSHIP
rule of a state over a given
In traditional states, most of the population ruled by a king or emperor showed little
territory.
awareness of, or interest in, the people who governed them. Nor did they have any polit-
ical rights or influence. Normally only the dominant classes or more affluent groups felt
citizens a sense of belonging to an overall political community. In modern societies, by contrast,
Members of a political most people living within the borders of a political system are citizens, having common
community, having both rights and duties and knowing themselves to be members of a national political commu-
rights and duties associated nity (Brubaker, 1992). Although some people, such as political refugees and undocumented
with that membership.
immigrants, are “stateless,” almost everyone in the world today sees themself as a member
of a definite national political community.

nationalism
NATIONALISM
A set of symbols and
beliefs expressing identi- Nation-states are associated with the rise of nationalism, which can be defined as a sense of
fication with a national belonging to a single national political community, commonly expressed through a set of shared
community. symbols and beliefs. Thus, individuals feel a sense of pride and belonging in being American,
Indian, or Chinese. Probably people have always felt some kind of identity with social groups

418 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

of one form or another-—their family, village, or religiou
s community. Nationalism, however
made its appearance only with the development of the modern
nation-state.
Nationalist loyalties do not always fit the physical borders
marking the territories
of states in the world today. Virtually all nation-states were built
from communities of
diverse backgrounds. As a result, local nationalisms have frequently arisen
in opposition
to nationalisms fostered by the states. Thus, in Canada, for instance, national
ist feelings
among the French-speaking population in Québec may present a challen
ge to feelings
of “Canadianness,” while such feelings among the Basque popuiation of Spain
may chal-
lenge the feeling of being a Spaniard. Yet, while the relation between the nation-s
tate and
nationalism is a complicated one, the two have come into being as part of the same process.
We can now offer a comprehensive definition of the nation-state: It is possessed of a
governmental apparatus that is recognized to have sovereign rights within the borders
of a defined territory, it is able to back its claims to sovereignty with military power, and
many of its citizens have positive feelings of commitment to and identification with its
national identity.
Feelings of nationalism
are on full display at
CITIZENSHIP RIGHTS
international events like
Three types of rights are associated with citizenship (Marshall, 1973). Civil liberties refer the Olympic Games.
to the rights of the individual as established by law. These include privileges many of us
take for granted today but that took a long time to achieve (and are by no means fully recog-
nized in all countries). Examples are the freedom of individuals to live where they choose,
“N
freedom of speech and religion, the right to own property, the right to legally marry, and
the right to equal justice before the law. These rights were not fully established in most
European countries until the early nineteenth century. Although the U.S. Constitution
granted such rights to Americans in 1789, African Americans were excluded. Even after
the Civil War, when Black Americans were formally given these rights by the Fourteenth local nationalisms
Amendment, they were not able to exercise them. The 1964 Civil Rights Act, the result of The belief that communi-
decades of organizing, activism, and non-violent civil disobedience on the part of African ties that share a cultural
Americans and white supporters, outlawed discrimination based on race, color, religion, identity should have
political autonomy, even
sex, or national origin. Women also were denied many civil rights; for example, at the turn
within smaller units of a
of the nineteenth century in the United States, women had few rights independent of their
nation-state.
husbands. They could not own property, write wills, collect an inheritance, vote, or even
earn a salary. Throughout the nineteenth century, states gradually began affording such
rights to women regardless of their marital status (Speth, 2011). civil liberties
The second type of citizenship rights consists of political rights, especially the right Legal rights held by all
to participate in elections and the right to run for public office. Again, these were not won citizens in a given national

easily or quickly. Even in the United States, the achievement of full voting rights even community.

for all men is relatively recent and was gained only after struggles in the face of govern-
ments reluctant to admit the principle of the universal vote. In most European countries, political rights
the vote was at first limited to male citizens who owned a certain amount of property,
Rights of political partici-
which effectively limited voting rights to an affluent minority. Universal suffrage for men pation, such as the right to
was won in most Western nations by the early years of the twentieth century. Women vote in elections and the
had to wait longer; in most Western countries, the vote for women was achieved partly as right to run for office, held
a result of the efforts of women’s movements and partly as a consequence of the mobiliza- by citizens of a national
community.
tion of women into the formal economy during World War I. In the United States, women
did not get the vote until the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified in 1920, and African

How Did the State Develop? 419

 Americans were prevented from voting in
many states until the passage of the 1965
Voting Rights Act, which prohibited racial
from Nogales, Sonora, discrimination in voting.
Mexico, on the U.S.-M hexico
The third type is social rights, or
border. What strategies has
the United States used to the rights of individuals to enjoy a certain
achieve social| closure? minimum standard of economic welfare
and security. Social rights include such
entitlements as sickness benefits, benefits
in case of unemployment, and, as we have
seen, the guarantee of minimum levels of
wages. In most societies, social rights have
been the last to develop. This is because
the establishment of civil and particularly
political rights has usually been the basis
of the fight for social rights. Social rights
have been won largely as a result of the political strength that poorer groups have been
able to develop after obtaining the vote.
The broadening of social rights is closely connected with the welfare state, which
has been firmly established in Western societies only since World War II. A welfare state
social rights
exists where government organizations provide material benefits for those who are unable
Rights of social and
to support themselves adequately through paid employment—including people who are
welfare provision held by
all citizens in a national unemployed, sick, disabled, and elderly. While all Western countries today provide exten-
community. sive welfare benefits, these benefits are virtually nonexistent in many poorer countries.
Although an extensive welfare state was seen as the culmination of the development of
citizenship rights, in recent years, welfare states have come under pressure from increasing
welfare state global economic competition and the movement of people from poorer, often war-torn coun-
A political system that tries to richer ones. As a result, the United States and some European countries have sought
provides a wide range
to reduce benefits to noncitizens and to prevent new immigrants from entering the coun-
of welfare benefits for
try. For example, for many years, the U.S. government has patrolled its border with Mexico
its citizens.
and constructed walls of concrete and barbed wire in an attempt to keep undocumented
immigrants out of the country—an issue that resurfaced during the 2016 presidential cam-
paign. In 2015, more than a million refugees from civil war and religious violence in Syria,
Afghanistan, Iraq, and other countries fled their homelands and sought asylum in Europe,
straining resources and provoking an anti-immigrant backlash among some segments of
the European population. Citizenship and the bundle of rights and privileges accompany-
ing it serve as powerful instruments of social closure (Brubaker, 1992), whereby prosperous
nation-states have attempted to exclude less affluent immigrants from the status and benefits
that citizenship confers. Concern over immigration was one of the driving forces behind
the 2016 British vote to leave the European Union (the so-called Brexit) and contributed to
Donald Trump's presidential victory in 2016; during the campaign, one of Trump's promises
was to “build a wall” between the United States and Mexico and make Mexico pay for it.
Having learned some of the important characteristics of modern states, we now
consider the nature of democracy in modern societies.

420 Politics and Economic Life

How Do Democracies
Function? <
The word democracy has its roots in the Greek term demokratia—demos (people) and kratos Learn about different
(rule). Its basic meaning is therefore a political system in which the people, not monarchs types of democracy, how
or dictators, rule. What does it mean to be ruled by the people? The answer to that question this form of government
has spread around the
has taken contrasting forms at varying periods and in different societies. For example,
world, key theories about
“the people” have been variously understood as owners of property, white men, educated
power in a democracy,
men, all men, and adult men and women. In some societies, the officially accepted version and some of the problems
of democracy is limited to the political sphere, whereas in others, it is extended to other associated with modern-
areas of social life. day democracy.

Participatory Democracy
In participatory democracy, all members of a group or community participate collectively
in making major decisions. This was the original type of democracy practiced in ancient democracy
Athens. Those who were citizens, a small minority of Athenian society, regularly assem-
A political system that
bled to consider policies and make major decisions. Participatory democracy is of limited allows the citizens to
importance in modern societies; because the vast majority of the population has political participate in political
rights, it is functionally impossible for everyone to participate actively in the making of all decision making or to elect
representatives to govern-
the decisions that affect them. In modern societies, direct democracy is a much more real-
ment bodies.
istic approach to engaging citizens in decisions. Direct democracy is a form of participa-
tory democracy in which citizens vote directly on laws and policies; however, they do not
need to convene in one setting to do so. For example, communities and states sometimes participatory
have ballot measures proposing specific laws or policies; Americans can then vote, in their democracy
hometowns, on such legislation (which is, of course, a small portion of the total legislation A system of democracy
that affects their lives). in which all members of
a group or community
Monatrchies and Liberal Democracies participate collectively in
making major decisions.
Some modern states, including Great Britain and Belgium, still have monarchs, but monar-
chies across the world are few and far between. Where traditional rulers of this sort are still
found, their real power is usually limited or nonexistent. In a tiny number of countries, such as direct democracy
Saudi Arabia and Jordan, monarchs continue to hold some degree of control over government, A form of participatory
but in most cases they are symbols of national identity rather than personages having any democracy that allows
citizens to vote directly on
direct power in political life. The queen of England, the king of Sweden, and even the emperor
laws and policies.
of Japan are all constitutional monarchs: Their real power is severely restricted by the con-
stitutions of their respective countries, which vest authority in elected representatives of the
people. For the vast majority of modern states there is no king or queen. Almost every modern constitutional
state professes adherence to democracy, including constitutional monarchies. monarchs
Countries in which voters can choose between two or more political parties and in Kings or queens who are
which the majority of the adult population has the right to vote are usually called liberal largely figureheads. Real
power rests in the hands
democracies. The United States, the Western European countries, Japan, Australia, and
of other political leaders.
New Zealand all fall into this category. Some developing countries, such as India, also have
liberal democratic systems.

How Do Democracies Function? 42]

 The Spread of Liberal Democracy
liberal For much of the twentieth century, the political systems of the world were divided pri-
democracies marily between liberal democracy and communism, which governed the former Soviet
Countries in which voters Union and still exists in some form today in China, Vietnam, Cuba, and North Korea. As
can choose between two
we learned in Chapter 1, the philosophical roots of communism can be found in the writ-
or more political parties
ings of Karl Marx, who predicted that’in the future, capitalism would be replaced by a
and in which the majority
of the adult population has society in which there were no classes—no divisions between rich and poor—and the eco-
the right to vote. nomic system would come under communal ownership. Under these circumstances, Marx
believed, a more equal society would be established. Marx’s work had a far-reaching effect
in the twentieth century. Through most of the century, until the fall of Soviet communism
communism
in the early 1990s, more than a third of the world’s population lived in societies whose
A social system based governments claimed to derive their inspiration from Marx's ideas. In practice, however,
on everyone owning the
communism often exists as a system of one-party rule. Voters are typically given a choice
means of production and
sharing in the wealth it
not between different parties but between different candidates of the same party—the
produces. Communist Party—and often they are not given a choice between candidates at all. The
party controls the economy as well as the political system.
Since 1989, when the Soviet Union's hold over Eastern Europe was broken, processes
of democratization have swept across the world in a sort of chain reaction. The number
of democratic nations almost doubled between 1989 and 2017, from 66 to 123 (Freedom
House, 2005, 2018). Freedom House classifies a nation as democratic if it maintains a com-
petitive multiparty political system, all adults have a right to vote, election procedures are
transparent, and major political parties have access to the general public via media and
campaigning. Yet the trend toward democracy is hardly irreversible. Over the past decade,
113 countries have experienced declines in political rights and civil liberties, including the
United States (Freedom House, 2019).

THE INTERNET AND DEMOCRATIZATION

The Internet transcends national and cultural borders, facilitating the global spread of ideas.
More and more people worldwide access the Internet regularly and consider it important
to their lifestyles. According to one service that tracks global Internet usage, as of 2019,
more than 4.1 billion people were using the Internet in some form—approximately
54 percent of the world’s population (International Telecommunications Union, 2020).
Internet use, of course, reflects global inequalities as well: 81 percent of people living in
developed countries are Internet users, compared with 40 percent of people in developing
countries. Still, this picture is rapidly changing: Internet usage in Africa has grown to
25 percent, more than two and a half times the rate of Internet usage in 2010—by far the
highest rate of increase in the world (International Telecommunication Union [ITU], 2017).
While a June 2019 survey by the Pew Research Center found that go percent of
Americans report using the Internet, those most likely to do so are young (100 percent
of people between the ages of 18 and 29, compared with only 73 percent of people 65
and older), relatively wealthy (98 percent of those earning over $75,000, compared with
82 percent of those earning less than $30,000), and educated (98 percent of those with a
college education, compared with only 71 percent of those without a high school diploma).
Racial differences were slight, with 92 percent of White Americans using the Internet,
86 percent of Hispanics, and 85 percent of African Americans (Pew Research Center, 2019b).

422 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

Americans increasingly use the Internet on an array of devices and
gadgets. In 2019,
81 percent of adults in the United States owned a smartphone. Younger people—
those
ages 18 to 29—are much more likely to use smartphones (96 percent) than
people 65 and
older (53 percent) (Pew Research Center, 20198).
The Internet is replacing television and newspapers as the principal source for news for
a growing number of people. Nearly half of all Americans with access to the Internet report
getting news about government and politics from Facebook (48 percent}—roughly the same
percentage that get their news from local TV (49 percent). Smaller percentages of people
get news from CNN (44 percent), Fox News (39 percent), or NBC News (37 percent) (Pew
Research Center, 2015¢). Does this easy access to the world’s information result in greater
open-mindedness—an ability to find information that challenges one’s pet beliefs, thereby
contributing to the free exchange of ideas ideally associated with democracy? This answer
is far from clear. While the Internet may democratize access to a wide range of sources, most
people get their news and information from Internet sources that reinforce their beliefs. On
Facebook, for example, users are more likely to see political posts from like-minded friends
than from people with differing political views (Pew Research Center, 20150).
While the Internet (especially social media) played a major role in the 2016 presiden-
tial election, television still proved to be a more important source of information. During
the presidential primaries, 62 percent of Trump supporters reported that they got most of
their election news from television, compared with only 28 percent who relied on news
websites and social media. For those supporting his opponent, Hillary Clinton, the corre-
sponding figures were similar: 56 percent and 28 percent (Gottfried, Barthel, and Mitchell,
2017). Both as candidate and as president, Trump used Twitter to mobilize his supporters.
Twitter provides Trump with direct access to his strongest devotees, bypassing the more
mainstream print and television news outlets. Because his tweets are often provocative
and controversial, they are frequently covered by the mainstream media, enabling Trump
to reach an even wider audience.

Populist Authoritarianism
In recent years, there has been a turn toward what has been described as “populist author-
itarianism” in many countries, including European countries and the United States.
Populist authoritarianism is both a philosophy and a style of governance characterized
by assertive leadership that values security over civil liberties. It is typically coupled with populism
a strong nationalism that is anti-immigrant and—in its current form—strongly anti-
The belief that politics
globalization. As the term suggests, it combines two ideas: populism (the belief that should reflect the needs
politics should reflect the needs and interests of ordinary people rather than those of elite and interests of ordinary
individuals or groups) and authoritarianism (a political system in which the governing people rather than those of
elite individuals or groups.
bodies or leaders use force to maintain control). Populist authoritarianism can become a
challenge to liberal democracy (Norris and Inglehart, 2018).

authoritarianism
Democracy in the United States A political system in which
The United States is a representative democracy in which citizens elect officials to carry the governing bodies
or leaders use force to
out political decision making on their behalf. Political parties have come to play a key role
maintain control.
in elections, while interest groups have significant (and, some would argue, growing)

influence behind the scenes and on electoral politics.

How Do Democracies Function? 423

EMPLOYING Political Activist
YOUR
Teoled
(oe)Melci Ley-VE When Barack Obama ran for his second term as president in 2012, he had a well-

IMAGINATION organized team of political activists who drummed up grassroots support for his success-
ful campaign. His campaign organization, Obama for America, was based in his home city
of Chicago; its national network of key activists, spread out across the country, included
nearly a dozen people who listed their undergraduate major as sociology (Obama for
America, 2012).
It is not surprising that young people, fresh from a major in sociology, might be
attracted to political and social activism. As we have shown throughout this chapter,
sociology looks at the intersection of politics and economics—how politics plays a role in
shaping the world of work or societal responses to inequality (Manza and Sauder, 2009).
Obama's presidential victory in November 2008 inspired many young people who wanted
change during a time of growing inequality. Sociology majors tend to be motivated in
large part by idealism (Spalter-Roth and Van Vooren, 2008b)—a belief that they can

contribute to “change we can believe in” (Obama's campaign slogan) in the service of a
more just and sustainable world.
But an activist’s work doesn’t stop once their candidate is elected. Political activists
also are committed to larger social changes such as the fight for economic equality,
which inspired the Occupy Wall Street movement. This movement first erupted in the
fall of 2011 when a group of protesters created a tent city in New York City’s financial
district to protest the growing wealth and power of what they termed the “1 percent”
(Gamson and Sifry, 2013). The movement spread to other cities and motivated young
people to get involved in politics, many of whom volunteered for Obama's second-term
campaign. At the other end of the political spectrum, the Trump campaign in 2016

POLITICAL PARTIES
A political party is an organization of individuals with broadly similar political aims,
oriented toward achieving legitimate control of government through an electoral process.
Where elections are winner-take-all, as in the United States, two parties tend to dominate
the political system. In many countries, including most European countries, some system
of proportional representation is practiced, under which parties receive seats in proportion
to the vote they get in electoral districts; five or six different parties, or even more, may be
represented in the legislature. An advantage to the system of proportional representation
is that minority political parties have a say. For example, in the United States, the Green
Party has almost no presence at the national level. Yet in Germany, which abides by the
proportional representation system, new and smaller political parties that are supported
by even a small part of the electorate have a chance of being represented in parliament
(Krennerich, 2014). If no single party has an overall majority, a group of parties will form an
alliance, or coalition, which allows them to control the legislature as a group. This arrange-
ment can lead to indecision and stalemate if compromises can’t be worked out.

424 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

focused on declining prospects for the working class, especially among white men in
such industries as mining and manufacturing. Political activists also are running for office
themselves. The November 2018 congressional races included candidates like Alexandria
Ocasio-Cortez (popularly known as AOC), a 29-year-old Democrat from New York who
had previously fought human rights violations related to the Flint water crisis, the Dakota
Access Pipeline, and other social problems affecting disadvantaged populations.
Inequality is a topic about which sociologists have a great deal to say. While inequality
is often studied primarily in economic terms, sociologists also focus oni social inequality—
its causes and effects—in such intersecting sociocultural categories as class, race and
ethnicity, gender, and age. Sociologists understand the structural sources of inequality—the
ways in which economic policies, unequal educational opportunities, or racism and sexism
contribute to different economic and social outcomes for different social groups (Keister
and Southgate, 2012; Grusky and Szelényi, 2011). A strong grasp of sociology is critical to
the work that political activists do, regardless of whether they are fighting racism, sex-
ism, poverty, the exploitation of immigrant populations, or public policies that systemically
discriminate against some social groups. Activists are motivated by a key theme of the
U.S. Congresswoman Maxine
sociological imagination: Public issues require sweeping social, political, and economic
Waters got her bachelor’s degree
changes rather than personal adaptations on the part of those individuals who are suffering.
in sociology from California State
Among prominent politicians, former sociology majors include both past and current
University, Los Angeles, before
members of Congress: senators Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Barbara Mikulski and rep-
launching her political career.
resentatives Shirley Chisholm, Tim Holden, and Maxine Waters. And as you learned in She has been an outspoken critic
Chapter 1, former president Ronald Reagan majored in sociology and economics while an of President Trump and his policy
undergraduate at Eureka College, and former first lady Michelle Obama chose sociology of separating immigrant families
at Princeton. Even if you don’t end up serving in the White House, a degree in sociology at the border.
can help you play a key role in determining who does—whether as a political activist,
campaign adviser, or up-and-coming politician.

In the United States, the system has become effectively a two-party system compris-
ing Republicans and Democrats, although no formal restriction is placed on the number
of political parties. The nation’s founders made no mention of parties in the Constitution
because they thought that party conflict might threaten the unity of the new republic.
Building mass support for a party in the United States is difficult because the country is so
large-and includes so many different regional, cultural, and ethnic groups. Each party has
tried to develop its electoral strength by forging broad regional bases of support and by
campaigning for very general political ideals.
As measured by levels of membership, party identification, and voting support, both
of reg-
of the major American parties are in decline. In 2002, roughly equal proportions
with sig-
istered voters identified as Democrats (34 percent) and Republicans (33 percent),
nificantly fewer identifying as Independents (26 percent). By August 2020, the proportion
as
identifying as Democrats had declined slightly (to 31 percent), the proportion identifying
identifying
Republicans had declined somewhat more steeply (to 26 percent), and the share
one takes a lon-
as Independents had grown significantly (to 41 percent) (Gallup, 2020). If
as Democrats,
ger view, however, in 1964 the majority of Americans (51 percent) identified

How Do Democracies Function? 425

 compared with 25 percent as Republicans and 23 percent as Independents. The U.S. elecs
torate is increasingly divided, with growing numbers refusing to identify with either party
(Pew Research Center, 2015b, 2018b).
Moreover, Democrats and Republicans have become increasingly polarized in the
past few years. For example, Republicans are much more likely to be pro-business and
believe in limited government, whereas Democrats are more likely to be critical of busi-
ness while favoring stronger government support for middle-class and poor Americans
(Pew Research Center, 2014). As we saw earlier in this chapter, Democrats tend to be more
supportive of raising the minimum wage to help low-wage workers secure an adequate
standard of living, while their Republican counterparts worry that raising the minimum
wage will be hurtful to business owners, especially small, independent business owners.

POLITICS AND VOTING

Since the early 1960s, the proportion of the population that has turned out to vote in the
United States has generally decreased, although recent elections suggest a possible reversal
of this trend. In 1960, 64 percent of the eligible voting-age population turned out to vote;
by 1996, that figure had dropped to 52 percent. The presidential election of 2008 bucked
this declining trend with voter turnout levels of 62 percent of eligible voters, the high-
est since the Kennedy and Johnson elections in 1960 (64 percent) and 1964 (63 percent),
respectively. The rate dipped slightly to 59 percent in 2012 and to 60 percent in 2016
(U.S. Elections Project, 2018).
There are significant differences in voter turnout by race and ethnicity, age, educational
attainment, and income. In the 2016 election, turnout was highest among non-Hispanic
White people (65 percent), somewhat lower among Black people (60 percent), and consider-
ably lower for Hispanics (48 percent). Turnout also varied considerably with age, with older
citizens voting at much higher rates than younger adults: 71 percent of eligible citizens
65 and older turned out to vote, compared with 67 percent of adults between the ages of
45 and 64, 59 percent of adults ages 30 to 44, and only 46 percent of adults ages 18 to 29
(File, 2017). Education also influences voting behavior: In the 2016 election, 35 percent of
persons who lacked a high school diploma turned out to vote, compared with 76 percent of
those with a bachelor’s degree or higher. Turnout was just 48 percent among voters whose
family income was less than $30,000, rising to 78 percent among voters whose family
income was more than $100,000 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2017¢).
Voter turnout in the United States is among the world's lowest. Many studies have found
that countries with high rates of literacy, high average incomes, and well-established
political freedoms and civil liberties have high rates of voter turnout (International
Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2004). Even though the United States
ranks highly on all these measures, it fails to motivate people to vote. The United States
ranks 31st in voter turnout among the 35 advanced industrial countries that belong to the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), which includes the
United States, Japan, Israel, most European countries, and such emerging economies as
Chile, Turkey, and South Korea. Voting is compulsory for six OECD countries, but that
alone cannot account for the United States’ low ranking (25 OECD countries that do not
legally require people to vote still outrank the United States) (Desilver, 2016).
Of those expressing continuing trust in government, most vote in presidential elections;
of those who lack trust, most do not vote. As we have seen, younger people have traditionally

426 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

 /

Despite high literacy rates, high average incomes, and well-established political freedoms and civil rig hts, voter turnout
in the United States is among the world’s lowest.

Voter turnout" ©) Total population

CG) Compulsory voting

of 2016, vo ter turnout was 56%.

e population that voted. **During the presidential elections
*Voter turnout is defined as the percentage of the voting-ag ens and those ineli gible to vote due to past
population that has voted up to 2018. Excluding non-citiz
Current data represents the percentage of the voter-age
of the total voter-elig ible populatio n voted in 2016, according to the U.S. Elections Project.
felony convictions, approximately 60.2% percent

Who voted for Trump?

_ By Race _ By Education
t

White High school or less

STRAP
OR
a

Some college / Associate degree White women

Black

| 29% College graduate Men

Hispanic / Latino

White men
Postgraduate study
Asian
Researc h for the National
2018; U.S. Elections Project, 2016; Edison
e for Democracy and Electoral Assistance,
Sources: Desilver, 2018; International Institut
Election Pool, 2016.
 had less interest in electoral politics than older generations have, although the young have
a greater interest than their elders in issues like the environment. In the 2008 presidential
election, Obama's call for “change we can believe in” apparently resonated with young voters:
Turnout in the 18- to 24-year-old age group reached 49 percent, a 2 percent increase over the
previous presidential election, with two-thirds voting for Obama. Bernie Sanders's primary
campaign in 2016, with its focus on ending inequality (and free higher education), similarly
attracted large numbers of young voters. Yet 5 million fewer young voters bothered to turn
out in the presidential election that year—most likely because they were dissatisfied with
both Clinton and Trump, the two major-party candidates (Purtill, 2016).
Why is voter turnout so low in the United States? While there are no clear-cut answers,
a number of factors undoubtedly play a role. First, in the United States—unlike in many
other countries—voter registration is not automatic. Many people find the process of reg-
istering to vote burdensome and so don't bother. In some states, significant barriers have
been raised that make it more difficult for some people to vote, including so-called voter
ID laws, which require voters to provide a driver's license, a birth certificate, or some other
form of identification at the polls in order to vote. These laws are most likely to affect
low-income voters and voters of color. Voter ID laws have proliferated in recent years, and
as of 2020 (as well as for the 2016 election cycle), 10 states required photo identification in
order to vote (Hajnal, Lajevardi, and Nielson, 2017; Highton, 2017, NCSL, 2020b).
Another possible reason is that since winner-take-all elections discourage the forma-
tion of third parties, voters may sometimes feel that they lack viable choices when it comes
time to vote. A large (and growing) number of people clearly feel that the current system
is unresponsive to their needs. This was an important factor in the rise of populism in
the 2016 presidential campaigns, with Sanders and Trump—oth rejecting “business as
usual’—attracting the most enthusiastic support among dedicated followers. In countries
where proportional representation is practiced, even small parties can often muster suf-
ficient support to elect one or two representatives. When voters have a wider range of
choices, they are more likely to vote.

INTEREST GROUPS
interest group Interest groups and lobbying play a distinctive part in American politics. An interest
A group organized to group is a group organized to pursue specific interests in the political arena, operating pri-
pursue specific interests marily by lobbying the members of legislative bodies. The American Medical Association,
in the political arena, oper- the National Organization for Women, and the National Rifle Association are three exam-
ating primarily by lobbying
ples. Interest groups vary in size; some are national, others statewide. Some are perma-
the members of legislative
nently organized; others are short-lived. Interest groups engage in lobbying: the act of
bodies.
presenting arguments to influential officials to convince them to vote in favor of a cause or
otherwise lend support to the aims of an interest group. The word lobby originated in the
British parliamentary system: In days past, members of parliament did not have offices, so
their business was conducted in the lobbies of the parliament buildings.
To run as a candidate is enormously expensive, and interest groups provide much of
the funding for elections at all levels of political office. Donald Trump, the 2016 Republican
candidate for president, raised roughly $398 million, while Hillary Clinton, the Democratic
candidate, raised $768 million—mnearly twice as much. On the other hand, Trump received
far greater media coverage throughout the campaign; such “free media” exposure was esti-
mated as worth more than $5.9 billion for Trump, twice the $2.8 billion in free media

428 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

estimated for Clinton. When “outside money” is factored in, including
money from political action committees (PACs) that are set up by interest
groups to raise and distribute campaign funds, total spending on the 2016
presidential and congressional campaigns is estimated to have exceeded
$6.4 billion: nearly $2.4 billion for the presidency and more than $4 billion
for House and Senate races (Sultan, 2017).
Incumbents, or those already in office, have an enormous advantage in
soliciting money. In the 2018 House and Senate elections, incumbents raised
one and a half times as much money as their challengers—$1 3 billion com-
pared with $898 million (Center for Responsive Politics, 2020A). Special
interests and other contributors are generally more inclined to donate to
the campaigns of incumbents because they are ina position to ensure favor-
able votes on important issues and to obtain spending on pet projects and
other “pork” for their districts. Incumbency also provides familiarity—a
formidable (and costly) obstacle for most challengers to overcome. In 2018,
91 percent of incumbent House members and 84 percent of incumbent
Senate members were reelected (Center for Responsive Politics, 2020b).
More than 40 percent of the funding in congressional elections comes
from PACs. Paid lobbyists play a significant role in influencing the out-
come of votes in Congress and decisions by the president. The Center for —P
Responsive Politics (2018) reported that businesses, unions, and other
advocacy groups spent some $3.4 billion in 2017, employing more than The National Rifle Association is an interest
11,500 lobbyists. The largest sector, health, spent $561 million in lobbying group that advocates for gun rights. In 2015,
the NRA spent more than $3 million to
efforts, with the pharmaceutical industry accounting for more than half of
influence gun policy.
that amount. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, broadly representing busi-
ness interests, was the top spender in 2017 ($82 million), followed by the
National Association of Realtors ($54 million). All of the top 20 organiza- “N
tions in 2017 represented business interests.

The Political Participation of Women

Voting has a special meaning for women given their long struggle to obtain suffrage, or
the legal right to vote. The members of the early women’s movements saw the vote both
as a symbol of political freedom and as a means of achieving greater economic and social
equality. After a long, hard fight, women now can vote in nearly all of the world’s nations;
however, this has not greatly altered the nature of politics. Women’s voting patterns, like
those of men, are shaped by party preferences, policy options, and the choice of available
candidates. In the 2016 election, 54 percent of women voted for Clinton, compared to
42 percent for Trump. The reverse was true for men, with 53 percent voting for Trump and
41 percent for Clinton, suggesting a strong gender gap in the first U.S. election in which a
major party presidential candidate was female (Tyson and Maniam, 2016).
The influence of women on politics cannot be assessed solely through voting patterns,
however. Feminist groups have made an impact on political life independently of the fran-
chise, particularly in recent decades. Since the early 1960s, the National Organization for
Women (NOW) and other women’s groups in the United States have played a significant
role in the passing of equal opportunity acts and have pressed for a range of issues directly
affecting women to be placed on the political agenda. Such issues include equal rights at

How Do Democracies Function? 429

 work, the availability of abortion, changes in family and divorce laws, and LGBTQ rights.
In 1973, women achieved a legal victory when the Supreme Court ruled in Roe v. Wade
that women have a legal right to abortion. The 1989 Court ruling in Webster v. Reproductive
Health Services, which placed restrictions on that right, resulted in a resurgence of involve-
ment in the women’s movement.
Women such as Kamala Harris (elected vice president in 2020), Nancy Pelosi, Elizabeth
Warren, Kirsten Gillibrand, Amy Klobuchar, and Nikki Haley now play central roles in
American politics. Still, women remain underrepresented in government. In 2020, there
were only 25 women in the Senate and only 101 in the House of Representatives, represent-
ing almost 25 percent of all seats in Congress (Center for American Women and Politics,
2020a). While these percentages may seem low, from a historical perspective, they repre-
sent a sea change in women's roles in politics. In 1970, there was only a single woman in the
Senate, and there were just 10 in the House. Despite the gender gap in Congress and other
A leader in the Democratic
elected offices, both the Democratic and Republican parties today are nominally commit-
Party, Elizabeth Warren
ted to securing equal opportunities for women and men. Since 1990, female candidates for
became the first
female senator from political office have been successful. The critical factor seems to be that political parties
Massachusetts when she (which are largely run by men) have not recruited as many women to run for office.
beat Republican Scott We now broaden our scope to look at some basic ideas of political power. First, we take
Brown in November 2012. up the issue of who actually holds the reins of power, drawing on comparative materials to
help illuminate the discussion. We then consider whether democratic governments around
“N the world are “in crisis.”

Who Rules? Theories of Democracy

Classical sociology offers three different ideas of how modern democracies actually func-
tion: through rule by elites who possess the necessary expertise but are accountable to the
electorate; through interest groups that compete for influence, providing a form of checks
and balances against one another; and through an elite of the wealthy and powerful that
shapes policy in its interest while operating in the background.

DEMOCRATIC ELITISM
One of the most influential views of the nature and limits of modern democracy was set
out by Max Weber and, in rather modified form, by the economist Joseph Schumpeter
(1942/1983).
The ideas they developed are sometimes referred to as the theory of
democratic democratic elitism.
elitism Weber began from the assumption that direct democracy is impossible as a means of
A theory of the limits regular governance in large-scale societies. This is not only for the obvious logistical reason
of democracy, which that millions of people cannot meet to make political decisions but also because running a
holds that in large-scale
complex society demands expertise. Participatory democracy, Weber believed, can succeed
societies, democratic
only in small organizations in which the work to be carried out is fairly simple and straight-
participation is necessarily
limited to the regular elec- forward. When more complicated decisions have to be made or policies worked out, even in
tion of political leaders. modest-sized groups—such as a small business firm—specialized knowledge and skills are
necessary. Experts have to carry out their jobs on a continuous basis; positions that require
expertise cannot be subject to the regular election of people who may only have a vague
knowledge of the necessary skills and information. While higher officials, responsible for
overall policy decisions, are elected, there must be a large substratum of full-time bureau-
cratic officials who play an essential part in running a country (Weber 1921/1979).

CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

 Weber placed a great deal of emphasis on the importance of leadership
in democracy—
which is why his view is referred to as “democratic elitism.” He argued
that rule by elites
is inevitable; the best we can hope for is that those elites effectively represen
t our inter-
ests and that they do so in an innovative and insightful fashion. Weber valued
multiparty
democracy more for the quality of leadership it generates than for the mass participat
ion in
politics it makes possible.

PLURALIST THEORIES
According to pluralist theories of modern democracy, government policies in a democracy pluralist theories
are influenced by continual processes of bargaining among numerous groups representing of modern
different interests—business organizations, trade unions, ethnic groups, environmental democracy
organizations, religious groups, and so forth. While pluralists accept that individual citi- Theories that emphasize
zens have little or no direct influence on political decision making, they argue that the pres- the role of diverse and
ence of interest groups can limit the centralization of power in the hands of government potentially competing
interest groups, none
officials.A democratic political order is one in which there is a balance among competing
of which dominate the
interests, all having some impact on policy but none dominating the actual mechanisms political process.
of government. Elections are also influenced by this situation; to achieve a broad enough
base of support to lay claim to government, parties must be responsive to numerous
diverse interest groups. The United States, it is held, is the most pluralistic of industri-
alized societies and, therefore, the most democratic. Competition among diverse inter-
est groups occurs not only at the national level but within the states and in the politics of
local communities.

THE POWER ELITE

The view suggested by C. Wright Mills in his celebrated work The Power Elite (1956) is quite
different from pluralist theories. Mills argued that during the course of the twentieth cen-
tury, a process of institutional centralization occurred in the political order, the economy,
and the sphere of the military. Not only did each of these spheres become more centralized,
according to Mills, but each increasingly merged with the others to form a unified system of
power. Those who are in the highest positions in all three institutional areas come from sim-
ilar social backgrounds, have parallel interests, and often know one another on a personal
basis. By the mid-twentieth century, they had become a single power elite that ran, and power elite
continues to run, the country—and, given the international position of the United States, Small networks of individ-
also influences a great deal of the rest of the world. Today, this elite group is sometimes uals who, according to
called the “deep state’-—entrenched government officials and bureaucrats, often linked to C. Wright Mills, hold
concentrated power in
global business interests, who are unresponsive to the electorate, even in liberal democra-
modern societies.
cies. Widespread dissatisfaction with governments considered unresponsive has fueled the
rise of antigovernment movements on both the right and left throughout the world.
The power elite, in Mills’s portrayal, is composed mainly of white Anglo-Saxon
Protestants (WASPs). Many are from wealthy families, have been to the same prestigious
universities, belong to the same clubs, and sit on government committees with one another.
They have closely connected concerns. Business and political leaders work together, and
both have close relationships with the military through weapons contracting and the sup-
ply of goods for the armed forces. There is a great deal of movement among top positions in
the three spheres. Politicians have business interests; business leaders often run for public
office; higher military personnel sit on the boards of large companies.

How Do Democracies Function? 431

 Since Mills published his study, numerous other investigations have analyzed the
social background and interconnections of leading figures in the various spheres of
American society (Dye, 1986). All studies agree on the finding that the social backgrounds
of those in leading positions are highly unrepresentative of the population as a whole
(Domhoff, 1971, 1979, 1983, 1998, 2013).

THE ROLE OF THE MILITARY ©

Mills’s argument that the military plays a central role among the power elite was but-
tressed by a well-known warning from a former military hero and U.S. president, Dwight
David Eisenhower. In his farewell presidential speech in 1961, Eisenhower—who was
the supreme commander of the Allied forces in Europe in World War II-—warned of the
dangers of what he termed the “military—industrial complex.” As Eisenhower bluntly put

TABLE 13.1

Applying Sociology to Government, Political Power,

and Social Movements
APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING
GOVERNMENT, POLITICAL POWER,
CONCEPT AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS CONTEMPORARY APPLICATION

Democratic Elitism In societies with large populations, direct In the United States, two political parties (Democrat
democracy (in which everybody participates in and Republican) dominate politics. The degree to which
making policy) is not possible. What is possible either represents the interest of the majority is often
is government by elected representatives, debated, and voter turnout tends to be lower than in
although such representative democracy may other industrialized countries.
be weakened when political parties emerge
that establish elite control over public policies.

Pluralist Theories Although direct democracy may not be possible During the latter part of the twentieth century, big
in large-scale societies, it can be achieved unions (such as the United Automobile Workers) were
nonetheless, since interest groups emerge that seen as countervailing powers against the economic
represent competing interests in society, such might of such companies as General Motors (then the
that each group ultimately has a voice that is world’s largest corporation). Unions have declined in
heard. Examples of such competing interests membership and power over the past half century,
are business organizations, trade unions, however.
ethnic groups, environmental organizations,
and religious groups.

The Power Elite Democracy is thwarted by small groups of General Dwight David Eisenhower, U.S. President
rich and powerful individuals whose interests (1953-1961) and Supreme Commander of the Allied
ultimately shape government policy. forces in Europe during World War II, during his
farewell presidential address warned that “we must
guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence,
whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial
complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of
misplaced power exists and will persist.”
hw
ese
it, “The conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large
arms industry is
new in the American experience. In the councils of government, we must
guard against
the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by
the military—
industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power
exists and
will persist” (Eisenhower Library, 1961).
With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States emerged as the world’s
unrivaled military superpower; it accounted for 36 percent of total world military spending
in 2017—2.6 times more than China, the next-highest spender (Stockholm International
Peace Research Institute, 2019). Eisenhower's dire warning seems no less apt today than
when he uttered it more than 50 years ago.

Democracy in Trouble?
Democracy almost everywhere is in some difficulty today. Even in the United States, voter
turnout is low, and many people tell pollsters that they don't trust politicians. In 1964,
confidence in government was fairly high: Nearly four of five people answered “most of the
time” or “just about always” when asked, “How much of the time do you trust the govern-
ment in Washington to do the right thing?” However, as we saw in Chapter 5, confidence
in the U.S. government has neared historic lows in recent years. Following the terrorist
attacks of 9/11, a solid majority (55 percent) of Americans reported that they trusted the
government “most of the time” or “just about always.” Recently, however, trust in the gov-
ernment has declined as a result of disillusionment over the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan,
the economic collapse of 2008, the long, slow recovery that followed, and government
paralysis in Washington. By 2020, just 20 percent of Americans said they could trust the
government in Washington always or most of the time (Pew Research Center, 2020a).
Roughly half of all Americans believe that government is too large, a perception
that in part reflects this low level of trust (Pew Research Center, 2019f). Yet among the
27 industrial democracies in the OECD, the United States ranks 24th in terms of federal,
state, and local government spending as a proportion of its total economy. Nine OECD
countries spend more than half of their GDP on government at all levels, with France and
Finland topping the list at 57 percent of GDP. The United States, by way of comparison,
spends only 37 percent (OECD, 2015).
Despite widespread mistrust, many Americans have favored an expanded role for gov-
ernment, representing a shift from over a decade ago when a majority favored smaller govern-
ment (Stokes, 2013). In a recent survey of nearly 10,000 U.S. adults, 55 percent agreed with
the statement “the government should do more to solve problems,” while 43 percent agreed
with-the opposite statement that “the government is doing too many things better left to
businesses and individuals.” But the responses differed sharply along lines of gender, race,
age, and political party. The percentage favoring an expanded role for government in prob-
lem solving was higher among women (59 percent) than men (52 percent), higher among
Black (74 percent) and Hispanic (70 percent) respondents than White respondents (48 per-
cent), and higher among youth ages 18 to 29 (65 percent) than those over 65 (44 percent).
The most significant differences were by political party, with 78 percent of Democrats or
those who lean Democrat favoring an expanded role for government, compared with only
28 percent of Republicans or those who lean Republican (Pew Research Center, 2019)).
Skepticism over the role of government has been fueled by a steady stream of well-
financed criticism from conservative think tanks, news media, and politicians who share

How Do Democracies Function? 433

 the belief that government is part of the problem rather than part of the solution. The elec-
tion of Barack Obama in 2008—awith his positive message of hope—amay have helped drive
CONCEPT CHECKS
the increase in favorable views of the role of government: Bernie Sanders’s surge in the early
Why is it problematic stages of the 2020 Democratic presidential primary similarly reflected such a hope. Yet at
for contemporary states the same time, frustration with the role of government was partially responsible for. the
to have participatory election of Donald Trump in 20126, with his promise to “make America great again”
democracy? Perceptions of the role of government are clearly in flux. In the United States—as
What are two well as throughout much of the world today—the very factors that have helped to spread
explanations for low a global belief in democracy are now serving to challenge that belief: the global impact of
voter turnout in the
capitalism and the globalization of social life. While capitalist economies generate more
United States?
wealth than any other type of economic system, that wealth is unevenly distributed, as
we learned in Chapter 7. Many people are left behind, inequality has greatly increased, and

American politics.
governments at best seem unable to solve these problems—and at worst are seen by many
as part of the problems. Wealthy individuals and corporations, and the interest groups
Compare and contrast
that represent them, are seen as having an outsize influence on who gets elected and the
pluralist theories of
rrodern democracy and policies that are ultimately implemented.
the power elite model.

What Is the Social

> Significance of Work’?
Assess the sociological Because politics is inextricably linked with economic life, we now turn our attention to
ramifications of paid and the ways that work and the economy have changed. Work refers to the activity by which
unpaid work. Understand people produce from the natural world and so ensure their survival. Work should not be
that modern economies
thought of exchusively as paid employment. In traditional cultures, there was only a radi
are based on the division
of labor and economic mentary monetary System, and few people worked for money. In modern societies, there
interdependence. remain types of work that do not involve direct payment (e.g. housework) An occupation.
Familiarize yourself or job, is any form of paid employment in which an individual regularly works. In all
with modern systems of cultures, work is the basis of the economic system. -
economic production.
The study of economic institutions is of major importance in sociology because the
economy influences all segments of society and therefore social reproduction in general.
Hunting and gathering, pastoralism, agriculture, industrialism—hese different ways of
maintaining a livelihood have a fundamental influence on the lives people lead. The distr?-
bution of goods and variations in the economic position of these who produce them also
strongly influence social inequalities of all kinds. Wealth and power do not inevitably go
together, but in general, people who are privileged in terms of wealth are also among the
more powerful members of society.
In the remainder of this chapter, we analyze the nature of work in modern societies
and look at the major changes affecting economic life today. We investigate the changing
nature of industrial production and of work itself. Modern industry differs in a fundamen-
tal way from premodern systems of production, which were based above all on agriculture.
Most people worked in the fields or cared for livestock. In modern societies, by contrast,

CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

only a tiny fraction of the population works in agriculture, and
farming itself has become
industrialized—tt is carried on largely by means of machines.
Modern industry is itself always changing—technological change is work
one of its main
features. Technology involves the application of knowledge of the material The activity by which
world to pro-
duction, including the creation of material instruments (such as machines) people produce from
used in human the natural world and so
interaction with nature. The nature of industrial production also changes in relation
to ensure their survival. Work
wider social and economic influences, and we show how both technological and economic should not be thought
change are transforming industry today. We also demonstrate that globalization makes of exclusively as paid
a
great deal of difference to our working lives; the nature of the work we do is being changed employment. In traditional
cultures, there was only
by forces of global economic competition.
a rudimentary monetary

The Importance of Paid and Unpaid Work system, and few people
worked for money. In mod-
We often associate the notion of work with drudgery—with a set of tasks that we want ern societies, there remain
to minimize and, if possible, escape altogether. Is this most people's attitude toward their types of work that do not
involve direct payment
work, and if so, why?
(e.g., housework).
Work is more than just drudgery, or people would not feel so lost and disoriented when
they become unemployed. How would you feel if you thought you would never get a job?
In modern societies, having a job is important for maintaining a sense of purpose, as well occupation
as a means of earning a living. Even where work conditions are relatively unpleasant and Any form of paid
the tasks involved are dull, work tends to be a structuring element in people's psychological employment in which an
makeup and the cycle of their daily activities. individual regularly works.

Work need not conform to the standard categories of paid employment. Nonpaid labor
(such as repairing one’s own car or doing one’s own housework) is an important aspect of
technology
many people's lives. Much of the work done in the informal economy, for example, is not
. The application of knowl-
recorded in official employment statistics. The term informal economy refers to transac- edge of the material world
tions outside the sphere of regular employment, sometimes involving the exchange of cash to production, including
for services provided but also often involving the direct exchange of goods or services. the creation of material
One's babysitter might be paid in cash “off the books,” or without any receipt being given instruments (such as
machines) used in human
or details of the job recorded.
interaction with nature.
The informal economy includes not only “hidden” cash transactions but many forms
of self-provisioning that people carry on inside and outside the home. Do-it-yourself activ-
ities with household appliances and tools, for instance, provide goods and services that informal economy
would otherwise have to be purchased (Gershuny and Miles, 1983). Housework is usually Economic transactions
unpaid, but it is work—often very hard and exhausting work—nevertheless. Volunteer carried on outside the
work for charities or other organizations also has an important social role. Having a paid sphere of formal paid
job is important—but the category of “work” stretches more widely. employment.

Globally, it is estimated that there are nearly 70 million domestic workers, the vast
majority of whom are women. Nearly one out of six are migrants in the countries where
housework
they work, which means they are especially vulnerable to all forms of economic, physical,
Unpaid work carried out
and sexual abuse (International Labour Organization, 2016). In the United States, some
in the home, usually by
2 million domestic workers play a critical economic role, doing work such as houseclean- women; domestic chores
ing, caring for children, and serving as caregivers for the infirm and elderly. Home health such as cooking, cleaning,
care is one of the fastest-growing jobs in the U.S. economy, as aging baby boomers (the and shopping. Also called
domestic labor.
large cohort of children born during the two decades following World War II), many with
declining health, choose to stay at home rather than move into nursing homes (there are
currently 55 million Americans over 70, and 20 million over 80). An estimated 2 million

What Is the Social Significance of Work? 435

DIGITAL LIFE

Will a Robot Take Your Job?

The microchip has changed the way we tive, Communication

has become easy and borderless. The world’s Informatian S &
our fingertips. The goods and services We CONSUME Bre Cheanly TANG, TRIOOTS'S and Many Medle Managers Can imcreasngty
sourced from around the planet. Cars are smarter (even iftheir de perlormed dy arthoal Maligerce sotware. Some ssimate
drivers aren’d. Are we heading for 8 utopien ture in which That BS Many 3S tad-Fs oF all ads iM He Umied Rates could
“smart machines” do the Grudge work, freeing up humans for
more satisfying pursuits? Or wii jobs disappear, resulting in _ Ford, 2008, 2070). As ane techraiegy writer has oated, “the
massive unemployment? augance S mmSiutahe That Co™puUte set automation, networks
Because the U.S. population is growing, more than 2 million and artical meligexce (D-imckdrg machmeearmirg,
new jobs must be created each year just to avo an Increase
in the unemployment rate (rum, 2016). Yet, over the past SOMWwas—sre agMMy LD Teer Mary Os smy atsaiete”
decade, employment has felled to keep up. Many workers are (The Evans,
2OM.
SO discouraged that they sre no longer looking for work while One techmaingy that has the aotantal 2 radically change
66 percent of the adult population was in the lsdor force ip the nature of work & addtne manwiectumrg, of SD omning.
2006, eleven years later, in 2017, the percentage had Gronped
to 63 percent (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics [BLS], 2018). Dy layer 2} Creale DSR AHee’s Suc 3S Sor accessomes,
These changes are due in part to technolagy thet has kG
the offshoring of manufacturing snd service-sector jobs % caQun- tor the Mars rover, Because & S sofware Graven, 3D ariniinge
DOES THe NOMS Y Mant Belvenrg aoduess Pat Meet the
States often employ fewer workers, thanks also ft advances in @xact requiramenss of individual cansumers (Chowder, 207:
technology (Sherk, 2010): Some automobile plants use robots Peas, 2072) Nike and Agess, Dy exame are Doth develoning
to assemble cars, banks use ATMs, and supermertets use the adilty % Stan 2 Castorer’S hot and oriet aut 2 custom
self-checkout services, for instance. While much has been made of Gesgned athetc Swe PM Te Sors—or avertuailly, as QD amnt-
“twenty-first-century onshoring”—the
return of some manufactur STS Come Gown M COS. Derhags even im the customer's home
ing jobs to the United States—these jobs often pey low wages and, (Matisons, 207). fFTNs indeed comes ® pass, what wall happen
thanks to automation, also require fewer workers (Gamurts, 2073). tO) The Hungress OF Thacsancs ots aund Te glade currenity
While many lost jobs affect lower-skilled workers, rapid Gevotd Totwsar Manviaturry?
advances in software in such areas as business Intelligence, Wil 3 radot tate your (Od? SgmPcanty, 2 least ome robot—
decision making, and “big data” analysis hold the promise of Sin—hasat
3 clue.
home health care workers, mainly women, earn poverty-level wages providing emotion-
ally stressful and physically demanding work (the 2017 median income for home
health
care workers was only $16,200). Turnover in this field is understandably high, and an addi-
tional million new jobs will be needed by 2026 to serve the growing number of elderly
people who need care (PHI, 2019; Newman, 2019; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 20204).
Most domestic workers are women, most are non-White, and many are immigrants
(including some who are undocumented). Because domestic workers are typically socially
isolated as well as “off the books,” their lack of access to legal protection invites exploita-
tion and abuse. There is a large market for domestic workers not only because both people
in two-person households are likely to be working but also because there is an abundant
supply of people who are desperate for work (Wallis, 2019; Burnham, 2012).

The Importance of the Division of Labor

The economic system of modern societies rests on a highly complex division of labor. division of labor
Recall that in Chapter 1 we introduced this concept, which the nineteenth-century scholar The specialization of work
Emile Durkheim viewed as the basis for the social cohesion that results when multiple tasks, by means of which
parts of society function as an integrated whole. Under a division of labor, work is divided different occupations are
into an enormous number of different occupations in which people may specialize. In tra- combined within a produc-
tion system. All societies
ditional societies, nonagricultural work entailed the mastery of a specific skill. A worker
have at least some rudi-
typically learned a craft through a lengthy period of apprenticeship and then carried out mentary form of division of
all aspects of the production process from beginning to end. For example, a metalworker labor, especially between
making a plow would forge the iron, shape it, and assemble the plow itself. With the rise the tasks allocated to men
of modern industrial production, most traditional crafts have disappeared altogether, and those performed
by women.
replaced by skills that form part of larger-scale production processes.
The contrast in the division of labor between traditional and modern societies is
truly extraordinary. Even in the largest traditional societies, there usually existed no
more than 20 or 30 major craft trades, together with such specialized professions as mer-
chant, soldier, and priest. In a modern industrial system, there are literally thousands of
distinct occupations. The U.S. Census Bureau lists more than 31,000 distinct jobs that
together compose the American economy (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2016a). In tradi-
tional communities, most people worked on farms and were economically self-sufficient.
They produced their own food, clothes, and other necessities of life. One of the main
features of modern societies, by contrast, is an enormous expansion of economic inter- economic
dependence. The vast majority of people in modern societies do not produce the food interdependence
they eat or the material goods they consume. Moreover, the division of labor is now truly The fact that with a divi-
sion of labor, individuals
global, since the components of virtually all products are sourced from many factories in
depend on others to pro-
different countries.
duce many or most of the
goods they need to sustain
Industrial Work their lives.
Writing more than two centuries ago, Adam Smith, one of the founders of modern eco-
nomics, identified advantages that the division of labor provides in terms of increasing
productivity. His most famous work, The Wealth of Nations, opens with a description of the
pin factory. A person working alone could perhaps make 20 pins per
division of labor ina
day. By breaking down that worker's task into a number of simple operations, however,
10 workers carrying out specialized jobs in collaboration with one another could collec-
tively produce 48,000 pins per day. The rate of production per worker, in other words,

What Is the Social Significance of Work? 437

 is increased from 20 to 4,800 pins, with each
specialist operator producing 240 times
more than they would if working alone.
More than a century later, these ideas
reached their most developed expression in
the writings of Frederick Winslow Taylor, an
American management consultant. Taylor's
approach to what he called “scientific man-
agement” involved the detailed study of
industrial processes to break them down
into simple operations that could be precisely
timed and organized. Taylor’s principles were
appropriated by the industrialist Henry Ford.
In 1908, Ford designed his first auto plant
From 1908 to 1927, factory workers at the Ford Motor Company assembled
NVfeye
(=)OmMire1UL Colanve)oy](=x
in Highland Park, Michigan, to manufac-
ture only one product—the Model T Ford—
thereby allowing him to take advantage of
aN specialized tools and machinery designed for
speed, precision, and simplicity of operation.
One of Ford’s most significant innovations
was the assembly line, said to have been inspired by Chicago slaughterhouses in which
animals were disassembled section by section on a moving conveyor belt. Each worker
on Ford’s assembly line was assigned a specialized task, such as fitting the left-side door
handles as the car bodies moved along the line. By 1927, when production of the Model T
ceased, more than 15 million cars had been assembled.

WORK AND ALIENATION

Karl Marx was one of the first writers to grasp that the development of modern indus-
alienation try would reduce many people's work to dull, uninteresting tasks. Alienation refers to the
The sense that our own sense that our own abilities as human beings are taken over by others. Karl Marx used the
abilities as human beings term to refer to the loss of workers’ control over both the process and products of their labor.
are taken over by others. In traditional societies, Marx pointed out, work was often exhausting; peasant farm-
Karl Marx used the term
ers sometimes toiled from dawn to dusk. Yet peasants had control over their work, which
to refer to the loss of
required much knowledge and skill. Many industrial workers, by contrast, have little con-
workers’ control over both
the process and products trol over their jobs, only contribute a fraction to the creation of the overall product, and
of their labor. have no influence over how or to whom it is eventually sold. Work thus appears as some-
thing alien, a task that the worker must carry out to earn an income but that is intrinsically
unsatisfying.

INDUSTRIAL CONFLICT
There have long been conflicts between workers and the people who exercise economic
and political authority over them. Riots against high taxes and food riots during peri-
ods of harvest failure were common in urban areas of Europe in the eighteenth century.
These “premodern” forms of labor conflict continued up to the late nineteenth century in
some countries. Such traditional forms of confrontation were not just sporadic, irrational

438 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

outbursts of violence: The threat or use of violence had the effect of lowering the price of
grain and other essential foodstuffs (Booth, 1977; Rudé, 1964; Thompson, 1971).
Industrial conflict between workers and employers at first tended to follow these older
patterns. In situations of confrontation, workers would quite often leave their places of
employment and form crowds in the streets; they would make their grievances known
through their unruly behavior or by engaging in acts of violence against the authorities.
Workers in some parts of France in the late nineteenth century would threaten disliked
employers with hanging (Holton, 1978). Striking as a weapon, today commonly associated strike
with collective bargaining between workers and management, developed only slowly and A temporary stoppage
sporadically. of work by a group of
employees in order to
A strike is a temporary stoppage of work by a group of employees to express a griev-
express a grievance or
ance or enforce a demand (Hyman, 1984). As we saw earlier in this chapter, workers who enforce a demand.
were dissatisfied with their low wages and working conditions staged work stoppages
throughout American cities in April 2015. Workers go on strike for many reasons. They
unions
may be seeking higher wages or greater job security, protesting a proposed reduction in
their earnings, or objecting to technological changes that make their work more repeti- Organizations that advance
and protect the interests
tive, more difficult, or may lead to layoffs. However, in all these circumstances, the strike
of workers with respect to
is essentially a mechanism of power: a weapon of people who are relatively powerless in working conditions, wages,
the workplace and whose working lives are affected by managerial decisions over which and benefits.
they have little control. Strikes typically occur when other negotiations have failed,
because workers on strike either receive no income or depend on union funds, which
collective
might be limited. As Figure 13.2 shows, work stoppages in the United States dropped
bargaining
off considerably in the 1980s. This is due in large part to the fact that union membership
The rights of employees
decreased markedly at this time. In the next section, we explain the reasons behind this
_ and workers to negotiate
precipitous decline. with their employers for
basic rights and benefits.

LABOR UNIONS
Although their levels of membership and
the extent of their power vary widely,
union organizations exist in all Western FIGURE 13.2
countries, which also all legally recognize
the right of workers to strike in pursuit of Work Stoppages,* 1947-2019
economic objectives. In the early develop-
ment of modern industry, workers in most a
countries had no political rights and little » 400
influence over their working conditions. 8
Unions developed as a means of redressing 5 300
the imbalance of power between workers M
and employers. As we saw earlier in this ae
chapter, one tactic unions use is collec- 2 100
tive bargaining: the process of negotia-
tion between employers and their workers.
1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020
These negotiations are used to reach agree-
ments about a broad range of working *Involving 1,000 or more workers

conditions, including pay scales, working Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019a.
 hours, training, health and safety, and the right to file grievances. Whereas workers may
have limited power as individuals, banding together as a collective organization consid-
erably increases their influence. An employer can do without the labor of any particular

CONCEPT CHECKS worker but cannot carry on business without all or most of the workers ina factory or plant.
After 1980, unions suffered declines across the advanced industrial countries. In the

Why is it important for United States, the share of the workforce belonging to unions declined from 23 percent
sociologists to study in 1980 to 11 percent in 2018. The decline has been steepest among private-sector wage
economic institutions? and salary workers, where only 6.4 percent of workers (7.6 million) are unionized. Among
Define and provide an public-sector (government) workers, fully 34 percent of workers (7.2 million) remain union-
example of work that ized. (BLS, 2020i, 2020)).
takes place within the There are several widely accepted explanations for the difficulties confronted by
informal economy.
unions since 1980. One major factor is the outsourcing of once-unionized U.S. manu-
Using the concept facturing jobs to low-wage countries around the world, particularly in East Asia and
of division of labor,
most notably China—a country where independent labor unions are illegal. This trend
describe the key
has greatly weakened the bargaining power of unions in the manufacturing sector and,
differences in the
nature of work in as a result, has lowered their appeal to workers. Why join a union and pay union dues
traditional versus: if the union cannot deliver wage increases or job security? Unionization efforts in the
modern societies. United States have also been hampered in recent years by decisions of the National Labor
What is a labor union? ; Relations Board (NLRB), the government agency responsible for protecting the right of
Why have unions in the workers to form unions and engage in collective bargaining. The NLRB has proven inef-
United States suffered fective at protecting workers’ efforts to unionize their workplaces, often failing to take
from.a decline in
aggressive action when businesses harass or fire union organizers (Clawson and Clawson,
membership since
1999; Estlund, 2006).
the 1980s?

What Are Key Elements

> of the Modern Economy?
Modern societies are, in Marx's term, capitalistic. As we learned in Chapter 1, capitalism
See the importance of the
rise of large corporations; is a way of organizing economic life that is distinguished by the following important fea-
consider particularly tures: private ownership of the means of production; profit as incentive; competition for
the global impact of markets in which to sell goods, acquire cheap materials, and use cheap labor; and expansion
transnational corporations.
and investment to accumulate capital. Capitalism, which began to spread globally with
the growth of the Industrial Revolution in the early nineteenth century, is a vastly more
dynamic economic system than any other that preceded it in history. Although the sys-
capitalism tem has had many critics, such as Marx, it is now the most widespread form of economic
organization in the world.
An economic system
based on the private own- So far, we have been looking at industry mostly from the perspective of occupations
ership of wealth, which is and employees. But we also have to concern ourselves with the nature of the business
invested and reinvested in firms in which the workforce is employed. (It should be recognized that many people today
order to produce profit. are employees of government organizations, although we will not consider these here.)
What is happening to business corporations today, and how are they run?

440 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

Corporations and Corporate Power
The world economy is increasingly influenced by the rise of large business corporations. corporations
In 2019, the 2,000 largest corporations in the world had total annual revenues of more Business firms or
than $40 trillion and assets valued at $186 trillion. According to one estimate, this rep- companies.
resents half the value of all officially measured assets in the world combined. The two larg-
est economic sectors, banking and finance, account for nearly three-fifths of total assets.
entrepreneur
The largest bank in the world is the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, with more
The owner or founder of a
than $4 trillion in assets (Ponciano and Hansen, 2019; Fortune, 2020; Credit Suisse, 2019;
business firm.
Desjardins, 2020).
Of course, thousands of smaller firms and enterprises still exist within the American
economy. In these companies, the image of the entrepreneur—the boss who owns and monopoly
runs the firm—is by no means obsolete. Large corporations are a different matter. Ever since A situation in which a
Adolf Berle and Gardiner Means published their celebrated study The Modern Corporation single firm dominates in a
and Private Property nearly go years ago, it has been accepted that most of the largest firms given industry.
are not run by those who own them (Berle and Means, 1932/1982). In theory, the large cor-
porations are the property of their shareholders, who have the right to make all important
oligopoly
decisions. But Berle and Means argued that since share ownership is so dispersed, actual
A situation in which a
control has passed into the hands of the managers who run firms on a day-to-day basis.
small number of firms
The power of the major corporations is very extensive. Corporations often cooperate dominates a given
in setting prices rather than freely competing with one another. Thus, the giant oil compa- industry.
nies normally follow one another's lead in the price charged for gasoline. When one firm
occupies a commanding position in a given industry, it is said to be in a monopoly position.
More common is a situation of oligopoly, in which a small group of giant corporations family capitalism
predominates. In situations of oligopoly, firms are able more or less to dictate the terms on Capitalistic enterprises
owned and administered by
which they buy goods and services from the smaller firms that are their suppliers.
entrepreneurial families.
The emergence of the global economy has contributed to a wave of corporate mergers
and acquisitions on an unprecedented scale, exceeding $3.3 trillion in 2018. Three of the
largest mergers and acquisitions involved pharmaceuticals (Cigna acquired Express Scripts
for $68.5 billion) and telecommunications (AT&T acquired Time Warner for $85 billion, and
T-Mobile acquired Sprint for $587 billion) (Stebbins, 2018a; Gold and Schneider, 2018). The
previous year, the drugstore chain CVS's merger with health insurance company Aetna
was valued at $69 billion, while Amazon's acquisition of Whole Foods (for $13.7 billion)
signaled that the online retail titan was moving into the grocery business (Stebbins, 2018b).
The resulting giants are seen as oligopolies that critics predict will restrict consumer
choice and ultimately raise prices. AT&T, Comcast, Verizon, Walt Disney Corporation, and
ViacomCBS are among the world’s biggest media and communication corporations; all are
based in the United States (although the largest telecom company in terms of subscribers
is in China) (Parietti, 2019).

TYPES OF CORPORATE CAPITALISM

The development of business corporations has several general stages, although each
overlaps with the others and all continue to coexist today. ‘The first stage, characteristic
of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, was dominated by family capitalism.
Large firms were run either by individual entrepreneurs or by members of the same fam-
ily and then passed on to their descendants. The famous corporate dynasties, such as the

What Are Key Elements of the Modern Economy?

 Rockefellers and Fords, belong in this category. These individuals and families did not
just own a single large corporation but held a diversity of economic interests and stood
at the apex of economic empires.
Most of the big firms founded by entrepreneurial families have since become public
companies—that is, shares of their stock are traded on the open market—and have passed
into managerial control. In the large corporate sector, family capitalism was increasingly
managerial succeeded by managerial capitalism. As managers came to have more and more influence
capitalism through the growth of very large firms, the entrepreneurial families were displaced. The
Capitalistic enterprises result has been described as the replacement of the family in the company by the com-
administered by manage- pany itself (Allen, 1981). The company is no longer privately owned by the founding fam-
rial executives rather than ily but rather is publicly traded, in theory giving everyone an opportunity to buy shares
by owners.
and become an owner. The corporation thus emerged as a more defined economic entity
with professional management—although ownership (and therefore a degree of control)

welfare is likely concentrated in a relatively small number of shareholders. Managerial capitalism

capitalism has left an indelible imprint on modern society. The large corporation drives not only pat-
Practice in which large terns of consumption but also the experience of employment in contemporary society; as
corporations protect their large corporations have moved much of their production overseas, the work lives of many
employees from the fluctu- Americans have changed. Those changes have often involved the loss of higher-paying jobs
ations of the economy. in large, unionized factories and their replacement with lower-paying service jobs, from
serving food in restaurants to driving for Lyft or Uber.
Sociologists have identified another area in which the large corporation has left a mark
institutional
capitalism on modern institutions. Welfare capitalism refers to a practice that sought to make the
corporation—rather than the state or trade unions—the primary shelter from the uncer-
Consolidated networks
of business leadership tainties of the market in modern industrial life. Beginning at the end of the nineteenth cen-
in which corporations tury, large firms began to provide certain services to their employees, including child care,
hold stock shares in one recreational facilities, profit-sharing plans, paid vacations, and group life and unemploy-
another, resulting in
ment insurance. By the end of World War II, many corporations, as well as public employers
increased concentration of
such as governments and educational institutions, also began to offset much of the cost
corporate power.
of purchasing private medical insurance for their employees. Welfare capitalist programs
often had a paternalistic bent, such as sponsoring “home visits” for the “moral education”
interlocking of employees. Viewed in less benevolent terms, one of their major objectives was coercion,
directorates as employers deployed all manner of tactics—including violence—to avoid unionization.
Linkages among cor- Despite the overwhelming importance of managerial capitalism in shaping the mod-
porations created by ern economy, many scholars now see the contours of a different phase in the evolution of
individuals who sit on two
the corporation emerging. They argue that managerial capitalism has today partly ceded
or more corporate boards.
to institutional capitalism. This term refers to the emergence of a consolidated network
of business leadership concerned not only with decision making within single firms but
also with the development of corporate power beyond them. Institutional capitalism is
based on the practice of corporations holding stock shares in other firms. Interlocking
directorates—inkages among corporations created by individuals who sit on two or
more corporate boards—exercise control over much of the corporate landscape (Caiazza
et al., 2018). This reverses the process of increasing managerial control, since the manag-
ers’ shareholdings are dwarfed by the large blocks of shares owned by other corporations.
Rather than investing directly by buying shares in a business, individuals can now invest
in money market, trust, insurance, and pension funds that are controlled by large financial
organizations, which in turn invest these grouped investments in industrial corporations.

442 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

 Container ships are cargo.
ships that carry all of
their load in truck-sized _
containers. As this technique
greatly accelerates the
speedatwhich goods can
be transported to and from
ships now carry
yo i

- drycargo.
a aes ~

Finally, some sociologists argue that we have now entered a new stage in the devel-
opment of business corporations—a form of institutional capitalism they see as global
global capitalism
capitalism. According to this view, corporations are increasingly stateless: Giant trans-
The current transnational
national entities roam freely around the planet in search of lower costs and higher profits,
phase of capitalism,
loyal to no country regardless of where they might be headquartered. The major corpo- characterized by global
rations today are global not only in the sense that they operate transnationally but also markets, production, and
because their shareholders, directors, and top officers are drawn from many countries finances; a transnational
capitalist class whose
(Robinson, 2004, 2014, 2019; Sklair, 2000b).
business concerns are
global rather than national:
TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS
and transnational systems
With the intensifying of globalization, most large corporations now operate in an interna- of governance (such as the

tional economic context. When they establish branches in two or more countries, they are World Trade Organization)
that promote global busi-
referred to as multinational or transnational corporations, indicating that they operate
ness interests.
across many different national boundaries. Swiss researchers identified more than 43,000
transnational corporations in 2007. The top 50 firms were primarily financial institutions,
including Barclays, JPMorgan Chase, and Merrill Lynch, which strongly suggests that the transnational
financial services industry has a great deal of power and influence in the global economy corporations
(Vitali et al., 2011). As we noted earlier, in 2019 the largest banking and financial service Business corporations
corporations accounted for three-fifths of total global assets, reinforcing the conclusions of located in two or more
countries.
the earlier Swiss study.
The largest transnationals are gigantic, with wealth greater than that of many coun-
tries. The scope of their operations is staggering. The combined revenues of the world's
500 largest transnational corporations totaled $327 trillion in 2018 (Fortune, 2019). To
give an idea of the magnitude of that number, that same year, $86 trillion in goods and
services were produced by the entire world (World Bank, 2020b).

What Are Key Elements of the Modern Economy?

 The United States is home to the largest number of firms among the top 500 transna-
tional corporations, although the share of American-based companies has fallen sharply
in recent years as the number of transnational corporations based in other countries—
especially Asian countries such as South Korea and China—has increased. While U.S.-
and European-based transnational corporations continue to dominate the global economy
by a wide margin, China has developed a significant presence, with a greater number of
global corporations among the top 500 than Japan.
The reach of the transnationals over the past 30 years would not have been pos-
CONCEPT CHECKS sible without advances in transportation and communications. Air travel now allows
people to move around the world at a speed that would have seemed inconceivable
WiakelarclacmUalmantlia
even 60 years ago; container ships the size of small cities move hundreds of thousands
features of capitalism?
of tons of goods across the Pacific Ocean in 11 days. Telecommunications technologies
Compare and contrast
now permit more or less instantaneous communication from one part of the world
the different types of
to another.
capitalism.

How Does Work Affect

> Everyday Life Today’?
Learn about the impact The globalization of economic production, together with the spread of information tech-
of global economic nology, is altering the nature of the jobs most people do. As discussed earlier, the propor-
competition on employment. tion of people working in blue-collar jobs in industrial countries has progressively fallen.
Consider how work
Fewer and fewer people work in factories, and new jobs have been created in offices, in
will change over the
service centers such as superstores like Walmart, and in airports. Many of these new jobs
coming years.
are filled by women.

Work and Technology

The relationship between technology and work has long been of interest to sociolo-
gists. How is our experience of work affected by the type of technology that is involved?
As industrialization has progressed, technology has assumed an ever-greater role at the
workplace—from factory automation to the computerization of office work. The cur-
rent information technology revolution has attracted renewed interest in this question.
Technology can lead to greater efficiency and productivity, but how does it affect the way
work is experienced by those who carry it out? For sociologists, one of the main questions
is how the move to more complex systems influences the nature of work and the institu-
tions in which it is performed.

automation
AUTOMATION AND THE SKILL DEBATE
Production processes
monitored and controlled The concept of automation, or programmable machinery, was introduced in the mid-
by machines with only 1800s when an American, Christopher Spencer, invented the Automat, a programmable
minimal supervision lathe that made screws, nuts, and gears. The spread of automation has provoked a heated
from people. debate among sociologists and experts in industrial relations over the effects of such new
technology on workers, their skills, and their level of commitment to their work. Does

444 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

automation replace workers with machines, contributing to joblessness? Or does
it create
new jobs to replace the old ones?
A little more than 10 years ago, the Princeton economist Alan Blinder conducted a
detailed analysis of the U.S. occupational structure, classifying hundreds of different jobs
in terms of the likelihood that they would be offshored. Blinder concluded that between
22 and 29 percent of all jobs, involving between 29 million and 38 million U.S. workers,
were potentially offshoreable—including white-collar jobs such as computer program-
mers, accountants, statisticians, and film editors (Blinder, 2007). But a recent study (Ozimek,
2019) looked again at jobs supposedly threatened by offshoring and concluded that instead
of going to countries like India or China, many of these jobs were going to the homes of
U.S. workers! The study found that at least 5 percent of the U.S. workforce now works
remotely, thanks to advances in information technology, and this doesn't include workers
who do at least part of their work from home. This number only grew during the COVID-19
pandemic, when as much as 42 percent of the U.S. labor force have found themselves
working from home (Wong, 2020). Blinder himself, in acknowledging the new study,
admitted, “Where in retrospect I missed the boat is in thinking that the gigantic gap in
labor costs between here and India would push it to India rather than to South Dakota”
(Casselman, 2019).
If offshoring has not created a “white-collar job apocalypse” (Casselman, 2019), what
about artificial intelligence? Do rapid advances in such areas as business intelligence, deci-
sion making, and “big data” analysis hold the promise of automating occupations that cur-
rently require college degrees? One estimate is that as many as two-fifths of all jobs in the
United States could be replaced by software (Brynjolfsson and McAfee, 2014; Ford, 2009,
2010). Some commentators predict that robotics will result in a jobless future in which
machines do most of our labor: “Robots will drive our cars, manufacture our goods, and
do our chores” (Wadhwa, 2014).
Yet automation has also created a host of new services, from ride-sharing platforms to
the marketing giant Amazon, which has put many small (and some large) retailers out of
business. Why trudge down to the local retailer, looking for an item that may or may not
be there, and wait in line to pay, when with a click on your smartphone Amazon can usu-
ally deliver pretty much anything to your home within a couple of days, often at bargain-
basement prices?
Automation has made all of this possible. Whether the seeming benefits to consumers
will be outweighed by the costs to workers and small business remains to be seen. Uber
and Lyft drivers—iike others in the gig economy—mnay enjoy the freedom to operate out
of their homes (or cars), but they are also notoriously underpaid and lack basic benefits
such as health insurance or retirement packages (Zoepf et al., 2018; Rao, 2019). Amazon
has caused the demise of chain stores that specialized in selling books, toys, and sporting
goods, leading to a loss of jobs in those industries (Pandey, 2018). Yet Amazon employs
hundreds of thousands of workers in its warehouses, and the company recently announced
that it would spend $700 million to retrain a third of its workforce to do high-tech tasks
needed to run its physical operations (Casselman and Satariano, 2019).
Automation and artificial intelligence are disruptive technologies, much like the steam
engine that ushered in the Industrial Revolution once was. How this will play out over
your lifetimes will shape not only your world of consumption but, perhaps more impor-
tantly, your world of work.

How Does Work Affect Everyday Life Today? 445

 GLOBAL PRODUCTION
For much of the twentieth century, the most import-
ant business organizations were large manufacturing
firms that controlled both the production and sale of
goods. Giant automobile companies such as Ford and
General Motors typify this approach, employing tens
of thousands of factory workers and making every-
thing from components to the final cars, which are
then sold in the manufacturers’ showrooms. Such
manufacture-dominated production processes are
organized as large bureaucracies, often controlled by a
The pricey designer jeans sold in U.S. department stores are often handful of large firms.
made in sweatshops. Young workers, usually women, toil long hours During the past quarter-century, however, another
for paltry wages. Xintang, in the Guangdong province of China, alleges
form of production has become important—one that
that it manufactures 60 percent of jeans sold across the globe.
is controlled by giant retailers. In retailer-dominated
production, firms such as Walmart sell thousands of
aN different brands of goods; the brands, in turn, arrange
to have their products made by independently owned
factories around the globe. Almost no major U.S. com-
panies today make their own apparel or footwear, for example; rather, they outsource to
independently owned factories that do the work for them. These factories range from tiny
sweatshops to giant plants owned by transnational corporations. Most so-called garment
manufacturers actually employ no garment workers at all. Instead, they rely on thousands
of factories around the world to make their apparel, which they then sell in department
stores and other retail outlets. Clothing manufacturers do not own any of these factories
and are therefore free to use them or not, depending on their needs. While this provides the
manufacturers with the great flexibility previously discussed, it creates equally great uncer-
tainty both for the factories, which must compete with one another for orders, and for the
workers, who may lose their jobs if their factory loses business. Critics of this system
argue that such competition has resulted in a global “race to the bottom,” in which retail-
ers and manufacturers will go anyplace on earth where they can pay the lowest wages
possible (Bonacich and Appelbaum, 2000). One result of globalization is that much of the
clothing we buy today is made in sweatshops by young workers—most likely teenage
girls—who get paid pennies for making clothing or pricey athletic shoes (Bonacich and
Appelbaum, 2000).

Trends in the Occupational Structure

The occupational structure in all industrialized countries has changed dramatically since
the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1900, approximately three-quarters of the
employed population was in manual work, whether farming or blue-collar work such as
manufacturing. White-collar professional and service jobs were much fewer in number.
By 1960, however, more people worked in white-collar professional and service jobs than
in manual labor. By 1993, the occupational system had nearly reversed its structure from
1900. Almost three-quarters of the employed population worked in white-collar profes-
sional and service jobs, while the rest worked in blue-collar and farming jobs. These trends
have continued; in 2019, the manufacturing workforce in the United States was less than

446 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

9 percent, while white-collar professional and service employment
accounted for more
than 85 percent (BLS, 20194).
There are several reasons for the transformation of the occupational
structure. One
is the introduction of labor-saving machinery, culminating in the spread
of information
technology and computerization in recent decades. Another is the rise of the manufact
ur-
ing industry in other parts of the world, primarily Asia. The older industries
in Western
societies have experienced major job cutbacks because of their inability to compete
with
Asian producers, whose labor costs are lower. As we have seen, this global economic trans-
formation has forced American companies to adopt new forms of production, which in
turn has impelled employees who once held manufacturing-related jobs to learn new skills
and new occupations. A final important trend is the decline of full-time paid employment
with the same employer over a long period of time. Not only has the transformation of the
global economy affected the nature of day-to-day work but it has also changed the career
patterns of many workers.

THE KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY

Taking these trends into account, some observers suggest that what is occurring today is
a transition to a new type of society no longer based primarily on industrial production.
We are entering, they claim, a phase of development beyond the industrial era altogether.
A variety of terms have been coined to describe this new social order, such as the postin-
dustrial society, the information age, and the “new” economy. The term that has come into
most common use, however, is the knowledge economy. knowledge
A precise definition of the knowledge economy is difficult to formulate, but in economy
general terms, it is an economy in which ideas, information, and forms of knowledge A society no longer based
underpin innovation and economic growth. Knowledge-based industries include high ’ primarily on the produc-
tion of material goods but
technology, education and training, research and development, and the financial sector.
based instead on the pro-
Much of the workforce is involved not in the physical production or distribution of
duction of knowledge. Its
material goods but in their design, development, marketing, sale, and servicing. These emergence has been linked
employees can be termed “knowledge workers.” The knowledge economy is dominated to the development of a
by the constant flow of information and opinions and by the powerful potential of broad base of consumers
who are technologically
science and technology.
literate and have made
The World Bank's Knowledge Economy Index (KEI) rates countries based on their
new advances in comput-
overall preparedness to compete in the knowledge economy (World Bank, 2012). The fac- ing, entertainment, and
tors contributing to this index include a high degree of educational attainment, access to telecommunications part
advanced communications, scientific accomplishments, and an open political and economic of their lives.

environment. Based on these measures, one study (Ojanpera et al., 2019), using 2012 data,
ranked the Scandinavian nations Sweden, Finland, Denmark, and Norway at the top of the
list, since they score high on all these measures. The United States is not far behind. China,
on the other hand—partly because it lacks the open political and economic environment
that makes up one of the four “pillars” of the index—ranks far behind, roughly in the same
category as Russia, Mexico, and much of Latin America.

THE CONTINGENT WORKFORCE

Another important employment trend of the past decade has been the replacement
of full-time workers by part-time workers and contingency workers, or workers who
are hired ona contract or “freelance” basis, often for a short-term task. Most temporary

How Does Work Affect Everyday Life Today? 447

 or contingent workers are hired for the least-skilled, lowest-paying jobs. More gener-
ally, part-time jobs do not provide the benefits associated with full-time work, such as
medical insurance, paid vacation time, or retirement benefits. Because employers can
save on the costs of wages and benefits, the use of part-time and contingent workers
has become increasingly common. During economic recessions, in particular, cash-
strapped employers may need to rely on this low-cost strategy.

Unequal Pay
There are significant differences in how people are compensated for their work through-
out the U.S. economy. To begin at the top, in 2018 the average CEO among the leaders of
the largest 350 corporations took home $17.2 million, including salary and stock options—
278 times more than the wages and benefits realized by the average worker (excluding man-
agers) in the same industries. This gap has grown dramatically over the past half century;
in 1965, the CEO-to-worker gap was only 20-to-1 (Mishel and Wolfe, 2019). While it can be
difficult to make comparisons between countries, the gap is far higher in the United States
than it is in other advanced industrial economies (Kotnik et al., 2018; Statista, 2018). While
there are many reasons for this, one is that workers in other countries have more power:
Germany, for example, has a policy of “co-determination,” including worker representation on
corporate boards (Derousseau, 2014; Fox, 2018). CEO-to-worker pay gaps notwithstanding,
aren't American workers doing much better than they were a half-century ago, sharing in a
long period of economic growth? In fact, after taking inflation into account, average wages
today are only 12 percent higher than they were 50 years ago (Desilver, 2018; see Figure 13.3).
Significantly, the wage gains that have occurred have gone mainly to the top wage earners.
Women's struggles for equal pay have resulted in significant gains for full-time workers.
In 1979 women’s annual earnings were only 65 percent of what their male counterparts earned;
today, the difference is roughly 82 percent. Yet far fewer women work full-time year round
(63 percent) compared with men (75 percent), both because women are more likely to work in
occupations characterized by part-time work and because women are more likely than men to
take time off—whether it be a few weeks, a month, a year, or more—for child rearing and other
forms of caregiving (Hegewisch and
Tesfaselassie, 2018). Wage differences
FIGURE 13.3
also persist between racial and eth-

Americans’ Paychecks, 1984-2018 nic groups, with only small improve-

ments over time. While earnings
Recession gaps have narrowed slightly for Black
and Hispanic women over the past
Constant 2018 dollars $22.65
several decades, they have remained

a largely unchanged for Hispanic men

Current dollars —
(Patten, 2016).
The reasons for these persistent
IN
STATES,
UNITED
THESEASONALLY
ADJUSTED
AVERAGE
WAGES
HOURLY earnings gaps are much debated by
sociologists and labor market econo-
1964 1974 1984 1994 2004 2014 2018
mists. Some research has found that
wage earners of minority racial and
Source: Desilver, 2018.
ethnic groups typically have fewer
years of formal education, work in
lower-paying occupations, and often have less consistent workforce experience
(Blau and
Kahn, 2016; Grodsky and Pager, 2001; Fryer, 2010). Discrimination also plays a role: One
survey of nearly 3,800 adults found that 62 percent of Black respondents said that Black
employees were treated less fairly than White employees in the workplace, and 70 percent
felt that racial discrimination made it harder for Black workers to get ahead. White respon-
dents had a very different perception of these issues: Only 22 percent believed that Black
employees were treated less fairly than White employees at work, and 36 percent felt racial
discrimination to be an impediment for Black employees (Pew Research Center, 2016).

Unemployment
The experience of unemployment—being unable to find a job when one wants it—is a
perennially important social problem. Yet some contemporary scholars argue that we
should think about the relation between being “in work" and “out of work” in a completely
different way from how we considered it in the recent past.
Unemployment rates fluctuated considerably over the course of the twentieth cen-
tury. In Western countries, unemployment reached a peak in the Depression years of the unemployment
early 1930s, when some 20 percent of the workforce in the United States was out of work. rate
The economist John Maynard Keynes, who strongly influenced public policy in Europe and The proportion of the
the United States during the post-World War II period, believed that unemployment results population 16 and older
that is actively seeking
from consumers lacking sufficient resources to buy goods. Governments can intervene to
work but is unable to find
inject more money into the economy and thus increase the level of demand, for example by
employment.
investing in public works projects or cutting income taxes, leading to the creation of new
jobs. The newly employed then have the income with which to buy more goods, creating
yet more jobs for the people who produce them (and, according to Keynes, paying off the
government spending that was needed to stimulate economic growth). State management
of economic life, most people came to believe, meant that high rates of unemployment
belonged to the past. Commitment to full employment became part of government policy
in virtually all Western societies. Until the 1970s, these policies seemed successful, and
economic growth was more or less continuous.
During the 1970s and 1980s, however, Keynesianism was largely abandoned. In the
face of economic globalization, governments lost the ability to control economic life as
they once had. One consequence was that unemployment rates shot up in many coun-
tries. In the United States, unemployment rates have fluctuated greatly since World War II,
although they have generally trended upward. Unemployment fell as low as 2.5 per-
cent during the boom years of the early 1950s, and it peaked at nearly 10 percent during
the depths of the bust years of 1982-1983 and 2009-2010. Unemployment rates among
African Americans, Hispanics, and Latinos are significantly higher than those among
White Americans. Between 2009 and 2019, which spanned the 2008-2009 economic
recession and subsequent recovery, unemployment averaged 5.9 percent for White peo-
ple, 11.4 percent for Black people, and 8.3 percent for Hispanics and Latinos (BLS, 2020b).
Structural and institutional discrimination, from differences in educational and training
opportunities to outright discrimination when it comes to hiring, account for such labor
market differences (see Chapter 10).
The recession of 2008-2009, not surprisingly, resulted in a steep jump in unemploy-
to
ment: The unemployment rate was 5 percent in 2007; two years later, it had doubled
hardest
close to 10 percent. While the recession affected everyone, people of color were

How Does Work Affect Everyday Life Today? 449

 hit: At the height of the recession, in July 2009, 15 percent of Black people and 13 percent
of Hispanics and Latinos were out of work, compared with 9 percent of White people.
Although the economic recovery took many years, by July 2019 only 3.7 percent were out of
work—a figure economists consider acceptable, in that there is always turnover as people
transition between jobs or look for work after finishing school. Again, however, differ-
ences persisted by race and ethnicity: Unemployment among White people had dropped to
3.3 percent, with a 6.1 percent unemployment rate among Black people and a 4.7 percent
unemployment rate among Hispanics and Latinos, (BLS, 2020a).
While the economic recovery accounted for most of the decline in joblessness, other
factors played a role—for example, a decline in the number of people looking for work.
(BLS, 2020a). This decline occurred in part for demographic reasons, such as the aging of
the population, with many postwar baby boomers reaching retirement age. It was also due,
in part, to the lingering effects of the recession, which may have discouraged some from
actively seeking a job (Congressional Budget Office, 2018).

The Future of Work

Over the past 20 years, in all the industrialized countries except the United States, the aver-
age length of the working week has become shorter. Workers still undertake long stretches
of overtime, but some governments are beginning to introduce new limits on permissible
working hours. In France, for example, annual overtime is restricted to a maximum of
130 hours a year. In most countries, there is a general tendency toward shortening the
average working career. More people would probably quit the labor force at age 60 or earlier
if they could afford to do so.
If the amount of time devoted to paid employment continues to shrink, and the need
to have a job becomes less central, the nature of working careers might be substantially
reorganized. Job sharing or flexible working hours, which arose primarily as a result of the
CONCEPT CHECKS increasing numbers of working parents trying to balance the commitments of workplace
and family, might become more common. Some work analysts have suggested that sabbat-
Why does automation
lead to worker alienation?
icals of the university type should be extended to workers in other spheres: People would
be entitled to take a year off in order to study or pursue some form of self-improvement.
What are some of the
changes that occurred
Some might opt to work part time throughout their lives, rather than being forced to
in the occupational because of a lack of full-time employment opportunities.
structure in the The nature of the work most people do and the role of work in our lives, like so many
twentieth century? How other aspects of the societies in which we live, are undergoing major changes. As we will see
can they be explained?
in Chapter 16, the chief reasons are global economic competition, the widespread introduc- |
How did Keynes explain tion of information technology and computerization, and the large-scale entry of women
unemployment? What
into the workforce. How will work change in the future? It appears very likely that people
was his solution to high
will take a more active look at their lives than they have in the past, moving in and out of
unemployment rates?
paid work at different points. These are only positive options, however, when they are delib-
In your opinion, how will
erately chosen. ‘The reality for most is that regular paid work remains the key to day-to-day
feilo}ey=]Up4-hdfolamedar-laresMa tare
survival and that unemployment is experienced as a hardship rather than an opportunity.
nature of work?

450 CHAPTER 13 Politics and Economic Life

 Unemployment Rates
/

snake otepera rita ih 5ANERED| of the global workforce—are unemployed worldwide, while a full 700 million
Riera ne ania 0 moderate poverty despite being employed. The highest unemployment rates are seen in Northern

South Africa
28.5%

United States 9 Mexico Thailand

HAY tt
3.7% 3.5% 0.7%

Sources: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019f; U.S. Bureau of

Labor Statistics, 2020e; International Labour Organization, 2019.
Unemployment in the United States

Black Hispanic

Education
3-7 % 3.5%
é lyn M7 77> / > ~ be

/ » » 4 /»,
)
if
)| ¥
\ / of 5
\ |
eeeniel

Less than High school Som Bachelor's

high school diploma college degree
CHAPTER 13 a | Learning Objectives

The
Big Picture How Did the State
Develop?
Learn the basic concepts underlying modern
nation-states.

Politics and p. 418

Economic Life
Learn about different types of democracy,
how this form of government has spread
How Do around the world, key theories about power
Democracies in a democracy, and some of the problems
att itexite) Kee associated with modern-day democracy.
Thinking Sociologically
p. 421

1. Discuss the differences between

the “pluralist” and the “power elite”
Assess the sociological ramifications
theories of democratic political
What Is the of paid and unpaid work. Understand that
processes. Which theory do you find modern economies are based on the
most appropriate to describe U.S.
Social Significance ae oe
of Work? division of labor and economic interdepen-
politics in recent years? dence. Familiarize yourself with modern
systems of economic production.
2. Discuss some of the important ways p. 434
that the nature of work will change
for the contemporary worker as
companies apply more automation
and larger-scale production processes
What Are Key
and as oligopolies become more
Elements of the See the importance of the rise of large
pervasive. Explain each of these
Modern Economy? corporations; consider particularly the
trends and how they affect workers, global impact of transnational corporations.
both now and in the future.
p. 440
3. What was the main goal of the
workers who protested their working
conditions in April 2015? What kind
of public policies might address their
concerns? What does their battle
reveal about the sociology of work
and the sociology of politics?
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

. Describe three main characteristics of the state.

2. What is a welfare state? Can the United States be classified as a welfare
State * nation-state * sovereignty © citizens
state? Why? Or why not?
* nationalism ¢ local nationalisms civil rights
* political rights © social rights « welfare state

. Why is it problematic for contemporary states to have participatory

democracy ® participatory democracy « direct democracy?
democracy ® constitutional monarchs ® liberal - What are two explanations for low voter turnout in the United States?
wnDescribe the role interest groups play in American politics.
democracies * communism * populism
4. Compare and contrast pluralist theories of modern democracy and the
¢ authoritarianism * interest group ¢ suffrage
power elite model.
¢ democratic elitism * pluralist theories of
modern democracy * power elite

. Why is it important for sociologists to study economic institutions?

2. Define and provide an example of work that takes place within the
work ® occupation * technology ¢ informal informal economy.
economy * housework * division of labor 3. Using the concept of division of labor, describe the key differences in the
* economic interdependence ° alienation nature of work in traditional versus modern societies.
¢ strike * unions ¢ collective bargaining 4. What is a labor union? Why have unions in the United States suffered from a
decline in membership since the 1980s?

capitalism * corporations * entrepreneur

* monopoly ¢ oligopoly * family capitalism . What are the main features of capitalism?
* managerial capitalism * welfare capitalism . Compare and contrast the different types of capitalism.
¢ institutional capitalism ¢ interlocking
directorates © global capitalism © transnational
corporations
 Shalon Irving, PhD, was an accomplished
epidemiologist and lieutenant commander
in the surveillance branch of the CDC. She
died in January 2017 at age 36 due to
pregnancy-related complications after the
birth of her daughter, Soleil.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

How do social contexts affect the

— The Sociology
human body?
Understand how social, cultural, and structural
contexts shape attitudes toward “ideal”

Te) a\=¥ 1010\\p

body forms and give rise to two body-related
social problems in the United States: eating
disorders and obesity.

How do sociologists understand

Health, Illness, health and illness?

Learn about functionalist and symbolic
interactionist perspectives on physical and

and Sexuality
mental health and illness in contemporary
society. Recognize the ways that disability
challenges theoretical perspectives on health
and illness. Understand the relationship
between traditional medicine and complemen-
tary and alternative medicine (CAM).

How do social factors affect health

and illness?
Recognize that health and illness are shaped
by cultural, social, and economic factors. Learn
about race, class, gender, and geographic
differences in the distribution of disease.

How do social contexts shape

sexual behavior?
Understand the diversity of sexual orientation
today. Learn about the debate over the impor-
tance of biological versus social and cultural
Obesity Rates
influences on human sexual behavior. Explore
p. 461 cultural differences in sexual behavior and
patterns of sexual behavior today.
 Friends and family of Dr. Shalon Irving were shocked and saddened when the
36-year-old collapsed and died from pregnancy-related complications just four
months after giving birth to her daughter, Soleil. Such deaths are relatively rare in
the United States, with 26 women dying per every 100,000 births each year. Yet
that overall statistic belies a stark racial difference: Black mothers are three to four times as
likely as their White counterparts to die (Martin and Montagne, 2017). Put differently, Black

expectant and new mothers in the United States have death rates similar to those of women
in much poorer nations, including Mexico and Uzbekistan (World Health Organization, 2016).

Dr. Irving's death was particularly shocking because she was a well-respected scientist at
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) who had dedicated her life to studying,
understanding, and, ideally, eradicating racial disparities in health. After earning her PhD in
sociology from Purdue University, Shalon continued on to the nation’s top public health school,

Johns Hopkins, where she earned a master’s degree in public health. She then joined the ranks

The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality 455

 at the CDC, conducting important research on race disparities in health, intimate partner vio-
lence, and elder abuse. Dr. Irving lived the comfortable life of a highly educated professional in
Atlanta, one of the nation’s premier cities for health care. She had top-of-the-line health insur-
ance, a lovely home, and a strong and close-knit community of friends and family to help her
through her pregnancy. Yet despite her many accomplishments and rich support networks,
Dr. Irving carried with her the imprints of her lifelong experiences with racism, stress, high
blood pressure, and early-life obesity, which placed her at high risk during pregnancy. These
risks were amplified by the fact that some of her doctors failed to recognize that pregnancy-
related health concerns do not end when a person gives birth; rather, postpartum care is also
essential, especially for those who had high-risk pregnancies (Martin and Montagne, 2017).
The untimely deaths of Dr. Irving and others like her are an all-too-common outcome for
African American women, who face multiple stressors throughout their lives that may cause
“weathering.” According to epidemiologist Arline Geronimus, weathering involves the wearing
down of one’s body and one’s health due to long-standing and far-reaching stressors. It ren-
ders its victims vulnerable to chronic diseases like diabetes and high blood pressure (Villarosa,
2018). Weathering can affect men and women alike, although its physical toll is particularly
acute during and shortly after pregnancy, a physiologically complex period in a person's life
(Martin and Montagne, 2017).
In general, Americans are living longer lives than ever before. The average American can
expect to live until age 79, with women surviving 81 years on average and men surviving 76.
Yet, as we saw in the tragic case of Dr. Irving, simple statistical snapshots may conceal stark
differences on the basis of race, socioeconomic status, and gender. For instance, although life
expectancy has been rising steadily throughout the late twentieth and early twenty-first cen-
turies, working-class White people have been dying younger and younger. Experts describe
these premature deaths as “deaths of despair,” a product of financial stress; obesity; and
reliance on alcohol, smoking, unhealthy foods, or drugs like opioids to cope with financial
difficulties (Case and Deaton, 2017).
Another important reason for the stark socioeconomic divide in health is that not all
Americans have access to health insurance. The proportion of U.S. adults who are unin-
sured decreased dramatically between 2013 and 2016, following the implementation of the
Affordable Care Act (ACA) under President Barack Obama. While fully 20 percent of working-
age Americans lacked health insurance in 2013, by 2016, that figure had dropped to just over
10 percent, although the proportions of uninsured people are considerably higher among Black
and Latino populations (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2017). The future of the ACA is uncer-
tain, but even with the dramatic expansion of health insurance that occurred under President
Obama, the United States still lags behind other wealthy nations, including Canada, most
European nations, Japan, Israel, New Zealand, Taiwan, and a growing number of nations in
Latin America. In those countries, each and every individual has some form of health insurance
through universal health coverage, which ensures that all people can obtain the health services
universal health
coverage they need without incurring financial hardship (World Health Organization, 2010).
Health insurance is about more than just providing access to health care for people after
Public health care pro-
grams motivated by the they get sick. Many health insurance plans promote preventive health care, encouraging people
goal of providing afford- to maintain healthy lifestyles and detect health problems early on rather than wait to seek med-
able health services to all ical care only after their conditions have advanced to a dangerous stage. For example, health
members of a population. insurance may cover services like depression screening, substance use disorder screening,
blood pressure screening, obesity counseling and screening, assistance with quitting smoking,

456 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
vaccinations, and counseling for domestic abuse victims (Kaiser Family Foundatio
n, 2013).
These services are particularly important for low-income and Black American
s, who are at a
greater risk for nearly every major health condition relative to their wealthier White
counterparts.
One of the most consistent patterns documented by sociologists of health and
illness is
the social class gradient in health, whereby those with higher levels of education, social class
income,
and assets are less likely than their disadvantaged counterparts to suffer from heart disease, gradient in
diabetes, high blood pressure, early onset of dementia, physical disability, sleep problems, health
substance use problems, mental illness, and premature death (CDC, 2011). These patterns The strong inverse
are so pronounced that one of the four main goals of Healthy People 2020, the federal gov- association between

ernment’s health agenda, is to “achieve health equity, eliminate disparities, and improve the socioeconomic resources
and risk of illness or death.
health of all groups,” especially disparities on the basis of socioeconomic resources and race
(Office of Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, 2020).
Judging by the chapter title, you might have expected to read about biology or about the
physical ways that our bodies function. You might have been surprised to read about something
as seemingly far removed from our everyday lives as federal health care policy or something as
pervasive as stress and racism. Yet public policy and macrosocial factors are powerful influ-
ences on our health. The field known as sociology of the body investigates how and why our sociology of
bodies are affected by our social experiences and the norms and values of the groups to which the body
we belong. The connection between social factors and our health was painfully illustrated, for Field that focuses on how
example, when the COVID-19 crisis devastated populations worldwide, with low-wage work- our bodies are affected by
our social experiences.
ers like grocery store clerks and nursing home aides and those living in overcrowded housing
Health and illness, for
being particularly vulnerable. Using this framework, we begin our chapter by analyzing why
instance, are shaped
obesity and an equally problematic phenomenon, eating disorders, have become so common by social, cultural, and
in the Western world. We then describe how sociologists theorize about health and medicine; economic influences.
discuss social dimensions of health and illness, with an emphasis on the ways that social class,
race, and gender affect our health; and provide an overview of health issues that affect the
lives of people in low-income nations. We conclude by examining social and cultural influences
on our sexuality; as we will see, sexual orientation and behaviors, like health, are products of
biological, cultural, and social forces.

How Do Social Contexts

Affect the Human Boay’ <
Social contexts affect our bodies in myriad ways. The types of jobs we hold, the neigh- Understand how social,
cultural, and structural
borhoods in which we live, how much money we earn, our cultural practices, and our
contexts shape attitudes
personal relationships all shape how long we live, the types of illnesses we suffer from,
toward “ideal” body forms
and even the shapes and sizes of our bodies. Later in this chapter, we delve more fully and give rise to two body-
into how key features of our social lives, including race and social class, affect our phys- related social problems in
ical and mental health. In this section, we focus on one specific aspect of our bodies to the United States: eating
disorders and obesity.
show the power of social, economic, and cultural contexts: our body weight. Whether
we are slender or heavy is not just a consequence of our personal choices (such as what
foods we eat) or our genes; rather, body weight is shaped by powerful social structures
as well as cultural forces.

How Do Social Contexts Affect the Human Body? 457

 Let's consider eating disorders, such as anorexia nervosa or bulimia, and obesity, or
excessive body weight. Both are important social problems in wealthy nations. Although
both are conditions of the body, their causes reflect social factors more than physical or bio-
logical factors. If both conditions reflected biology alone, we would expect that rates would
be fairly constant across history—because human physiology has changed little over time.
However, both are very recent social problems. Both conditions are also highly stratified
by social factors, such as gender, social class, race, and ethnicity. Women are far more likely
than men to have an eating disorder, while economically disadvantaged persons are far
more likely than wealthier people to struggle with obesity.
Both conditions are also shaped by the cultural context. Fashion magazines regularly
show images of models who are severely underweight yet uphold these women as paragons
of beauty. The average fashion model today is 23 percent thinner than the average American
woman, yet 25 years ago, that number was 8 percent (Derenne and Beresin, 2006). At the
same time, our culture also promotes excessive eating. A Big Mac is less expensive than a
healthy salad in most parts of the country, perpetuating the social class gradient in obesity
rates. By contrast, both eating disorders and obesity are virtually unknown in impover-
ished societies where food is scarce and cherished.
In addition, both obesity and eating disorders illustrate how a “personal trouble” (for
example, self-starvation or obesity-related complications, such as diabetes) can reflect
“public issues” (for example, a culture that promotes an unrealistic “thin ideal” for young
women). These conditions also highlight the fact that poverty makes it difficult for
individuals to buy costly healthful foods or to reach public parks and other spaces for
regular exercise.

458 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality

Eating Disorders
Anorexia is related to the idea of dieting, and it reflects changing views of physical
attrac-
tiveness in modern society. In most premodern societies, the ideal female shape was a
plump one. Thinness was not desirable, partly because it was associated with hunger
and
poverty. The notion of slimness as the desirable feminine shape originated among
some
middle-class groups in the late nineteenth century, but it became generalized as an ideal
for most women only recently. A historical examination of the physiques of Miss America
winners between 1922 and 1999, for example, shows that for much of the twentieth cen-
tury, pageant winners had a body weight that would be classified as “normal.” In recent
years, however, the majority of winners would be classified as “underweight” using medi-
cal guidelines (Rubinstein and Caballero, 2000).
Anorexia was identified as a disorder in France in 1874, but it remained obscure until
the past 30 or 40 years (Brown and Jasper, 1993). Since then, it has become increasingly
common among young women. So has bulimia—bingeing on food, followed by self-
induced vomiting. Anorexia and bulimia often occur in the same individual. A recent study
estimates that 1.3 million women and 450,000 men suffer from anorexia, 2.25 million
women and 750,000 men suffer from bulimia, and 5.25 million women and 3 million men
suffer from binge eating. A total of 30 million Americans, or about 9 percent of the popula-
tion, suffer from one or more forms of eating disorders (Eating Disorders Coalition, 2009;
National Association of Anorexia Nervosa and Associated Disorders, 2020).
Eating disorders have long been considered a health problem exclusive to young
White women, yet recent data suggest that women of color and gay men also are vulnera-
ble. Evidence suggests that boys and young men, especially athletes and gay and bisexual
men, increasingly develop disordered eating habits under pressure to maintain a lean and
muscular physique (Feldman and Meyer, 2007; Field et al., 2014). New evidence also chal-
lenges the assumption that women of color are immune to eating disorders; national data
show that White women are especially susceptible to anorexia nervosa, whereas Black and
Latina women show higher rates of bulimia (Marques et al., 2011).
Once a young person starts to diet and exercise compulsively, they can become locked
into a pattern of refusing food or vomiting up what they have eaten. As the body loses
muscle mass, it loses heart muscle, so the heart gets smaller and weaker, which can ulti-
mately lead to heart failure. About half of all anorexic people also have low white blood cell
counts, and about one-third are anemic. Both conditions can lower the immune system's
resistance to disease, leaving people with anorexia vulnerable to infections. Anorexia has
the highest mortality rate of any psychological disorder (Arcelus et al., 2011).
Why are rates of eating disorders higher among women (especially young women) and
gay and bisexual men? Sociologists note that social norms stress the importance of physical
attractiveness more for women than for men and that desirable body images of men differ
from those of women. However, men are also less likely to seek treatment for eating dis-
orders because they are considered to be female disorders; as a result, their illnesses are less
likely to be reported and detected (National Association of Anorexia Nervosa and Associated
Disorders, 2010). Emerging research on gay and bisexual men highlights the importance of
a lean, muscular physique for these men’s self-concept but also emphasizes that experiences
of discrimination, social rejection, or fear of rejection may make some young men especially
vulnerable to negative body image and eating disorders (McClain and Peebles, 2016).

How Do Social Contexts Affect the Human Body? 459

 This unhealthy cultural emphasis on a lean physique—and the resulting eating
disorders—extend beyond the United States and Europe. As Western images of feminine
beauty have spread to the rest of the world, so too have associated illnesses. Eating prob-
lems have surfaced among young, primarily affluent women in Hong Kong and Singapore
as well as in urban areas of Taiwan, China, the Philippines, India, and Pakistan (Pike and
Dunne, 2015). One famous study showed that in Fiji, a nation where larger bodies were
long considered the cultural ideal, rates of eating disorders among young women increased
markedly after American television shows like Beverly Hills 90210 started to air there
(Becker, 2004).
The rise of eating disorders in Western societies coincides with the globalization of
food production. Since the 1960s, supermarket shelves have been abundant with a variety
of foods from all parts of the world, not just food that happens to be in season locally.
When all foods are available all the time, we must decide what to eat, considering not only
the medical information with which science bombards us—for instance, that cholesterol
levels contribute to heart disease—but also the calorie content of the foods we choose.
The fact that we have much more control over our own bodies than people had in the past
presents us with positive possibilities as well as new anxieties and problems.

The Obesity Epidemic

Eating disorders are a major social problem in the United States and, increasingly, world-
wide. Yet a very different weight-related health issue, obesity, is considered the top public
obesity health problem facing Americans today. Obesity is defined as a body mass index (BMI) of
Excessive body weight 30 or greater (CDC, 2008). Over the past two decades, obesity rates among adults in the
indicated by a body mass United States have risen dramatically. In 2000, 31 percent of adults were obese; by 2019,
index (BMI) over 30. that proportion had climbed steadily to over 40 percent. This proportion varies widely by
race; for example, 57 percent of Black women and 44 percent of Hispanic women are now
obese, compared with 40 percent of non-Hispanic White women (Hales et al., 2020). An
even more troubling trend is that nearly 19 percent of children and adolescents are obese
(Hales et al., 2017).
Obesity increases an individual's risk for a wide range of health problems, including
heart disease, diabetes, sleep apnea, osteoarthritis, and some forms of cancer (Haslam and
James, 2005; Wang et al., 2011). Excessive body weight may also take a psychological toll.
Overweight and obese Americans are more likely than their thinner peers to experience
depression; strained family relationships; poorer-quality sex and dating lives; employment
discrimination; discrimination by health care providers; and daily experiences of teasing,
insults, and shame (Carr and Friedman, 2005, 2006; Carr et al., 2007, 2013). Negative atti-
tudes toward overweight and obese persons develop as early as elementary school (Puhl
and Latner, 2007). Sociologists are fascinated with the persistence of negative attitudes
toward overweight and obese persons, especially because these individuals make up the
statistical majority of all Americans.
The reasons behind the obesity crisis are widely debated. Some argue that the apparent
increase in the overweight and obese population is a statistical artifact. The proportion of
the U.S. population that is middle-aged has increased rapidly during the past two decades
as the large baby boom cohort has aged. Middle-aged persons, due to their slowing metabo-
lisms, are at greater risk of excessive body weight. Others attribute the pattern—especially

460 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
 Obesity Rates
Obesity rates worldwide have more than tripled since 1975. In 2018, more than 650
million people—13 percent
of all adults worldwide—were obese. Once considered a “
first world” problem, rates of obesity have been rising in
low- Tato manttolol(-tatatetolaat-Meroll lata i-ioe

Proportion of adults who are obese’

United States
aoe | Women
Saudi Arabia

United Kingdom**
South pitice 40%

Mexico
)
Brazil 3%

Russian Federation

China
Japan

India

Global
prevalence
of obesity

13%
‘CDC, 2020 *Defined as a body mass index (BMI)
"NHS, 2019 of 30 or higher.

White Black
Non-Hispanic Non-Hispanic

ka ae
~ Asian
Non-Hispanic
Hispanic

Sources: Hales et al., 2020; NHS, 2019. **Among adults age 20 and over.
 the rise in childhood obesity—to shifts in the ethnic
makeup of the U.S. population. The proportion of chil-
dren today who are Black or Hispanic is higher than
in earlier decades, and these two ethnic groups are at a
much greater risk for becoming overweight than their
White peers. Still others argue that the measures used
to count and classify obese persons have shifted, thus
leading to an excessively high number of people. Finally,
some social observers believe that public concern over
obesity is blown out of proportion and reflects more of
a “moral panic” than a “public health crisis” (Campos
et al., 2006; Saguy, 2012).
Americans live in what sociologists call an “obesogenic environment,”
Most public health experts, however, believe
meaning an environment that contributes to weight gain.
that obesity is a very real problem caused by what

aN psychologist Kelly Brownell calls the “obesogenic

environment’—or a social environment that unwit-
tingly contributes to weight gain (Brownell and
Horgen, 2004). Among adults, sedentary desk jobs have
replaced physical jobs, such as farming. Children are more likely to spend their after-

food deserts school hours sitting in front of a computer, smartphone, or television than playing tag or
riding their bikes around the neighborhood. Parents are pressed for time, given their hec-
Geographic areas in which
residents do not have easy tic work and family schedules, and turn to unhealthy fast food rather than home-cooked

access to high-quality meals. Restaurants, eager to lure bargain-seeking patrons, provide enormous serving sizes
affordable food. These at low prices. The social forces that promote high fat and sugar consumption and restrict
regions are concentrated the opportunity to exercise are particularly acute for poor persons and people of color.
in rural areas and poor
Small grocery stores in poor neighborhoods rarely sell fresh or low-cost produce. Large
urban neighborhoods.
grocery stores are scarce in poor urban neighborhoods and rural areas as well as in pre-
dominantly African American neighborhoods (Morland et al., 2002). Given the scarcity
of high-quality healthy foods in poor neighborhoods, scholars have dubbed these areas
food deserts (Walker et al., 2010). Additionally, high crime rates and high levels of
traffic in urban neighborhoods make exercise in public parks or jogging on city streets
CONCEPT CHECKS
potentially dangerous (Brownell and Horgen, 2004).
Why is anorexia more Policy makers and public health professionals have proposed a broad range of solu-
likely to strike young tions to the obesity crisis. Some have (unsuccessfully) proposed practices that place the
women than heterosexual burden directly on individuals. For example, some schools have considered “weight report
young men?
cards,” where children and parents would be told the child's BMI, in an effort to trigger
What explanations are healthy behaviors at home. Yet most experts endorse solutions that attack the problem at a
offered for the recent
large-scale level, such as making healthy low-cost produce more widely available; provid-
increase in obesity
ing safe public places to exercise, free or low-cost fitness classes, and classes in health and
rates?
nutrition to low-income children and their families; and requiring restaurants and food
In what ways is
manufacturers to clearly note the fat and calorie content of their products. Only in attack-
the United States
an “obesogenic ing the “public issue” of the obesogenic environment will the “private trouble” of excessive
environment”? weight be resolved (Brownell and Horgen, 2004).

462 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
How Do Sociologists
Understand Health
and |llness? <
Sociologists of health and illness also are concerned with understanding the experience of Learn about functionalist
illness—how individuals experience being sick, chronically ill, or disabled and how these and symbolic interactionist
experiences are shaped by one’s social interactions with others. If you have ever been perspectives on physical
ill, even for a short period, you know that illness modifies your patterns of daily life and and mental health and
illness in contemporary
changes your interactions with others. This is because the normal functioning of the body
society. Recognize the
is a vital, but often taken-for-granted, part of our lives. For most people, our sense of self is ways that disability
predicated on the expectation that our bodies will facilitate, not impede, our social inter- challenges theoretical
actions. One important exception is the experience of persons with a physical, sensory, or perspectives on health
and illness. Understand
cognitive impairment. People with blindness, hearing impairments, or physical disabilities
the relationship between
that may limit their movement adapt to these conditions and even base their identities
traditional medicine
and senses of self on their capacity to adapt and thrive (Darling, 2003). and complementary and
Illness has both personal and public dimensions. When we fall ill, others are affected alternative medicine (CAM).
as well. In the case of infectious diseases like COVID-19, we can infect other people with
whom with live, work, and interact. When we ail from other conditions, our friends, fami-
lies, and coworkers may extend sympathy, care, support, and assistance with practical
tasks. They may struggle to understand our illness and its cause or to adjust the patterns
of their own lives to accommodate it. Others’ reactions to our illness, in turn, shape our
own interpretations of and can pose challenges to our senses of self. For instance, a long-
time smoker who develops lung disease may be made to feel guilty by family members.
Two sociological perspectives on the experience of illness have been particularly
influential. The first, associated with the functionalist school, proposes that “being sick”
is a social role, just as “worker” or “mother” is a social role. As such, unhealthy persons are
expected to comply with a widely agreed-upon set of behavioral expectations. The sec-
ond view, favored by symbolic interactionists, explores how the meanings of illness are
socially constructed and how these meanings influence people's behavior.

The Sick Role

The functionalist thinker Talcott Parsons (1951) developed the notion of the sick role to describe sick role
the patterns of behavior that a sick person adopts to minimize the disruptive impact of illness A term Talcott Parsons
or injury. Functionalist thought holds that society usually operates in asmooth and consensual used to describe the
patterns of behavior that a
manner. Illness is, therefore, seen as a dysfunction that can disrupt the flow of this normal state.
sick person adopts to mini-
An individual who has fallen ill, for example, might be unable to perform standard responsibil- mize the disruptive impact
ities or be less reliable and efficient than usual. Because sick people cannot carry out their nor- of their illness on others.
mal roles, the lives of people around them are disrupted: Assignments at work go unfinished
and cause stress for coworkers, responsibilities at home are not fulfilled, and so forth.
According to Parsons, people learn the sick role through socialization and enact it—
with the cooperation of others—when they fall ill or suffer an injury. Sick persons face

How Do Sociologists Understand Health and Illness? 463

 societal expectations for how to behave; at the same time, other members of society abide
by a generally agreed-upon set of expectations for how they will treat the sick individual.
The sick role is distinguished by three sets of normative expectations:

1. The sick person is not held personally responsible for his or her poor health.

2. The sick person is entitled to certain rights and privileges, including a release from
normal responsibilities.

3. The sick person is expected to take sensible steps to regain their health, such as
consulting a medical expert and agreeing to become a patient.

EVALUATION
Although the sick-role model reveals how the ill person is an integral part of a larger social
context, a number of criticisms can be levied against it. Some argue that the sick-role for-
mula does not adequately capture the “lived experience’ of illness. Others point out that it
cannot be applied across all contexts, cultures, and historical periods. For example, it does
not account for instances in which doctors and patients disagree about a diagnosis or have
opposing interests. It also fails to explain illnesses that do not necessarily lead to a suspen-
sion of normal activity, such as alcoholism, certain disabilities, and some chronic diseases.
It also presumes a short-term condition and that people will return to normal functioning
when the illness passes. This scenario does not apply to persons who have permanent or
long-lasting disabilities yet adapt and thrive in their environments through the use, for
example, of hearing aids or wheelchairs (Thomas, 2007).
Furthermore, taking on the sick role is not always a straightforward process. Some
individuals who suffer for years from chronic pain or from misdiagnosed symptoms are
denied the sick role until they get a clear diagnosis. Other sick people, such as young adults
with autoimmune diseases, often appear physically healthy despite constant physical pain
and exhaustion; because of their “healthy” outward appearance, they may not be readily
granted sick-role status. In other cases, social factors like race, class, and gender can affect
whether and how readily the sick role is granted. Single parents or people caring for ailing
relatives may fail to acknowledge their own symptoms for fear that shirking their social
roles will hurt their loved ones. The sick role cannot be divorced from the social, cultural,
and economic influences that surround it.
The realities of life and illness are more complex than the sick role suggests. The lead-
ing causes of death in the twenty-first century are heart disease and cancer, two diseases
that are associated with unhealthy behaviors such as smoking, a high-fat diet, and a seden-
tary lifestyle. Given society's emphasis on taking control of one’s health and lifestyle, indi-
viduals bear ever-greater responsibility for their own well-being. This contradicts the first
premise of the sick role—that sick individuals are not to blame for their illness. Moreover,
sick-role theory is less useful for understanding chronic illness (versus infectious disease)
because there is no single formula for chronically ill or disabled people to follow.

Illness as “Lived Experience”

Symbolic interactionists study how people interpret the social world and the meanings
they ascribe to it. Many sociologists have applied this approach to health and illness and
view this perspective as a partial corrective to the limitations of functionalist approaches.

464 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
Symbolic interactionists are not concerned with identifying risk factors for
specific illnesses
or conditions; rather, they address questions about the personal experien
ce of illness:
How do people react and adjust to news about a serious illness? How does
illness shape
individuals’ daily lives? How does a chronic illness affect an individual's self-iden
tity?
One theme that sociologists address is how chronically ill individuals cope with the
practical and emotional implications of their illness. Certain illnesses require regular treat-
ments that can affect daily routines. Undergoing dialysis, injecting insulin, or taking large
numbers of pills requires individuals to adjust their schedules. Other illnesses have unpre-
dictable effects, such as sudden loss of bowel or bladder control or violent nausea. People
suffering from such conditions often develop strategies for managing their illness in daily
life. These include practical considerations—such as noting the location of the restrooms
when in an unfamiliar place—as well as skills for managing interpersonal relations, both
intimate and commonplace. Although symptoms can be embarrassing and disruptive,
people develop coping strategies to live as normally as possible (Kelly, 1992).
At the same time, it can be challenging for individuals to manage their illnesses within
the overall contexts of their lives (Jobling, 1988; Williams, 1993). Corbin and Strauss (1985)
identified three types of “work” incorporated into the everyday strategies of the chron-
ically ill. Illness work refers to activities involved in managing a condition, such as treat-
ing pain, doing diagnostic tests, or undergoing physical therapy. Everyday work pertains to Symbolic interactionists
the management of daily life—maintaining relationships with others, running household are interested in how
illnesses shape individuals’
affairs, and pursuing professional or personal interests. Biographical work involves the pro-
daily lives. For example,
cess of incorporating the illness into one's life, making sense of it, and developing ways of
people with diabetes must
explaining it to others. Such a process can help people with mental and physical illnesses constantly monitor their
restore meaning and order to their lives. 0}(ofole IU -f-1am(V1
This is especially the case for those who have long-lasting or permanent physical dis-
abilities. A flourishing body of research shows that persons with deafness and blindness,
“N
for instance, view these experiences as critical to their identity and belong to cultural
communities with their own languages and practices. Rather than viewing their bodies
as deficient or “disordered,” persons with disabilities view their bodies as simply another
source of personal and cultural difference, just as race, ethnicity, and gender are sources
of difference. For instance, many persons with deafness do not want to be “fixed” with
hearing aids or cochlear implants and instead embrace their own culture and means of
communication (Tucker, 1998).
The process of adaptation may be particularly difficult for those who suffer from a
stigmatized health condition, such as extreme obesity, alcoholism, schizophrenia, or HIV/
AIDS. Sociologist Erving Goffman (1963) developed the concept of stigma, which refers stigma
to any personal characteristic that is labeled as undesirable in a particular social context. Any physical or social
Stigmatized individuals and groups are often treated with suspicion, hostility, or discrim- characteristic that is
labeled by society as
ination. Stigmas are rarely based on valid understandings or scientific data; they spring
undesirable.
from stereotypes or perceptions that may be false or only partially correct. Furthermore,
stigmatized conditions vary widely across sociocultural contexts. The extent to which a
trait is devalued depends on the values and beliefs of those who do the stigmatizing. For
instance, in the United States, obese persons are much more likely to be stigmatized by
White upper-middle-class persons than they are to be stigmatized by African Americans
con-
or working-class White people (Carr and Friedman, 2005). By contrast, other health
much
ditions, including major mental illnesses and HIV/AIDS (as we discuss later), are

How Do Sociologists Understand Health and Illness? 465

TABLE 14.1

Applying Sociology to the Body

APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING
CONCEPT | BODIES | CONTEMPORARY APPLICATION

Functionalist perspectives argue Sick role theory describes how sick persons When an employee takes a sick day from
that society operates in a smooth work to minimize the disruptive impact of work, they are expected to stay home and
and consensual manner. Illness Is, illness on institutions like work and family. focus on healing, to facilitate their return
therefore, seen as a dysfunction to work.
that can disrupt the flow of this
normal state.

Symbolic interactionists study the Symbolic interactionists focus on meaning- A person who Is diagnosed with a health
ways people interpret the social making and everyday experiences of health, condition like autoimmune disease may
world and the meanings they like how living with a chronic illness affects consider that a major part of their identity, talk
ascribe to it. one’s identity, behavior, and interactions about regularly, join Facebook support groups,
with others. and adjust their daily activities accordingly.

Stigma theory holds that some Physical visible health conditions may Medical and public health experts emphasize
personal traits are devalued in a be stigmatized because they are visually that substance use disorders like opioid
particular social context, and elicit appealing to others, while other conditions addiction are diseases rather than matters
unkind or discriminatory treatment are stigmatized because others incorrectly of choice or personal character, to fight the
from others. view them as indicative of a character flaw. stigmatization of persons with such conditions.

more widely stigmatized. One recent study of 16 countries found that even in the most
liberal, tolerant countries, the majority of the public held stigmatizing attitudes toward
and a willingness to exclude people with schizophrenia from close, personal relation-
ships and positions of authority, seeing them as unpredictable and potentially dangerous
(Pescosolido et al., 2013).

Changing Conceptions of Health and Illness

A key theme in the sociological study of health is that cultures and societies differ in terms
of what they consider healthy and normal. All cultures have known concepts of physical
health and illness, but most of what we now recognize as medicine is a consequence of
developments in Western society over the past three centuries. In premodern cultures, the
family was the main institution for coping with sickness or affliction. There have always
been individuals skilled in both physical and spiritual remedies who have specialized as
healers, and many such traditional systems survive today. For instance, traditional Chinese
medicine aims to restore harmony among aspects of the personality and bodily systems,
and many treatments involve the use of herbs and acupuncture.
Modern medicine sees disease as physical and explicable in scientific terms. The
application of science to medical diagnostics and treatment underlies the development
of modern health care systems. Sociologists have argued that in contemporary Western
societies, conditions that were previously viewed as having social, cultural, or religious
causes are now “medicalized.” Medicalization, according to sociologist Peter. Conrad

466 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
(2007), is the process by which some variations in human traits,
behaviors, or conditions
become defined as medical conditions that require treatment.
For example, sociologist
Allan Horwitz has argued that in the United States, the emotion of “sadnes
s’"—a normal
response to stressors like loss, failure, and disappointment—has now
been transformed
into the medical disorder of “depression,” which is believed to have its roots
in biologi-
cal causes, such as brain chemistry or genetics (Horwitz and Wakefield, 2007).
As such,
depressed persons today are much more likely to be treated with medications,
such as
antidepressants, than “talk therapy,” in which a therapist would focus on the social or
emotional roots of the sad feelings.
Disability rights activists have critiqued and contested this process through which
human variation is medicalized and deviations from the norm are labeled “medical disor-
ders” to be treated (Beaudry, 2016). In response to the medicalization of disability, scholars
and activists have called for a more critical perspective that views disability as a social
phenomenon caused by social oppression and prejudice rather than by individual “impair-
ments.” The daily challenges that persons with disabilities often face are a function not of
their eyes or ears or limbs but of social exclusion and society's failure to provide physical
and social environments that foster inclusiveness (Oliver, 2009).
In addition to medicalization, another important feature of modern medicine is the
acceptance of the hospital as the setting within which to treat serious illnesses and the
development of the medical profession as a body with codes of ethics and significant social
power. The scientific view of disease is linked to the requirement that medical training be
systematic and long term; self-taught healers are typically excluded. Although professional
medical practice is not limited to hospitals, the hospital provides an environment in which
doctors can treat and study large numbers of patients in circumstances permitting the
concentration of medical technology.
Just as cultural beliefs about health and illness change across time and place, the very ill-
nesses from which individuals suffer, and the causes and cures of these illnesses, vary widely
by sociohistorical context. In medieval times, the major illnesses were infectious diseases
such as tuberculosis, cholera, malaria, and the bubonic plague. In the fourteenth century,
the epidemic of the plague, also referred to as the Black Death, killed a quarter of the pop-
ulation of England and devastated large areas of Europe. Since that time, rates of infectious
disease have declined dramatically overall and have been a relatively minor cause of death
in industrialized countries, accounting for just 6 percent of deaths annually in the 2010s
(Xu et al., 2020). Infectious diseases gave way to noninfectious diseases such as cancer and
heart disease as the leading causes of death. However, the assumption that infectious diseases
were a thing of the past was challenged in early 2020, when the novel coronavirus struck
China, Italy, and the United States shortly thereafter. As of December 2020, over 270,000 per-
sons in the United States and over 1,500,000 worldwide had died of the virus (WHO, 2020b).
Although in premodern societies the highest rates of death were among infants and
young children, death rates today (the proportion of the population who die each year) rise
with increasing age. The leading causes of death, heart disease and cancer, disproportion-
ately affect persons age 65 and older. While infectious diseases can strike anyone today, just
as they did during past centuries, older adults are especially vulnerable to the novel coro-
navirus. According to estimates from the Centers for Disease Control, roughly 80 percent
of all people who died of COVID-19 in early 2020 were age 65 and older (CDC COVID-19
Response Team, 2020).

How Do Sociologists Understand Health and Illness? 467

 Taking a long-term view of health, sociologists have found that improvements in medi-
cal care accounted for only a minor part of the decline in death rates before the twentieth
century. Effective sanitation, better nutrition, water purification, milk pasteurization, control
of sewage, and improved hygiene were more consequential (Dowling, 1977). Drugs, advances
in surgery, and antibiotics did not significantly decrease death rates until well into the twen-
tieth century. Antibiotics used to treat bacterial infections first became available in the
1930s and 1940s; most immunizations (against diseases such as polio) were developed later.

complementary COMPLEMENTARY AND ALTERNATIVE MEDICINE

and alternative Alternative therapies, such as herbal remedies, acupuncture, and chiropractic treatments, are
medicine (CAM) being explored by a record number of adults in the United States today and are slowly gain-
A diverse set of ing acceptance by the mainstream medical community. Medical sociologists refer to such
approaches and therapies
healing and therapeutic practices as complementary and alternative medicine (CAM).
for treating illness and
CAM encompasses a diverse set of approaches and therapies for treating illness and pro-
promoting well-being
that generally fall outside moting well-being that generally fall outside of standard medical practices. Alternative
of standard medical medicine is meant to be used in place of standard medical procedures, whereas complemen-
practices. tary therapies are meant to be used in conjunction with medical procedures to increase their
efficacy or reduce side effects (Saks, 1992).
Industrialized countries have some of the best-developed, best-resourced medical facili-
biomedical model
ties in the world. Why, then, are a growing number of people exploring treatments that have
of health
not yet proven effective in controlled clinical trials, such as aromatherapy and hypnother-
The set of principles
apy? A 2012 survey conducted by the CDC found that 33 percent of American adults had
underpinning Western
medical systems and used some form of CAM in the past year. CAM is used more frequently among women and
practices that defines individuals with higher levels of educational attainment (Figure 14.1). Furthermore, White
diseases objectively and people are more likely to use CAM than Black and Asian Americans (Clarke et al., 2015).
holds that the healthy body
There are many reasons for pursuing CAM regimens or seeking the services of an
can be restored through
alternative medicine practitioner. Some people perceive orthodox medicine to be deficient
scientifically based medical
treatment. or ineffective in relieving chronic pain or symptoms of stress and anxiety. Others are dis-
satisfied with features of modern health care systems, such as long waits, referrals through
chains of specialists, and financial restrictions. Connected
to this are concerns about the harmful side effects of
FIGURE 14.1 medication and the intrusiveness of surgery, both sta-
ples of modern Western medicine. The asymmetrical
Use of Complementary Medicine power relationship between doctors and patients also
drives some people to seek alternative medicine; they feel
that the role of the passive patient does not grant them
40 enough input into their own treatment. Finally, some
individuals profess religious or philosophical objections
30
to orthodox medicine, which treats the mind and body

20 separately. These people believe that orthodox medicine

PERCENTAGE often overlooks the spiritual and psychological dimen-
sions of health and illness. All these concerns are cri-
tiques of the biomedical model of health, which defines
Less than High School Some College Degree disease in objective terms and believes that scientifically
High School Diploma College or Higher based medical treatment can restore the body to health
Source: Clarke et al., 2015. (Beyerstein, 1999).
Can Wearable Tech Keep You Healthy?

Until fairly recently, when a person felt sick, they would monitoring blood pressure, heart rate, and ovulation cycles
call a doctor to make an appointment. During this visit, and even assessing hearing and vision. For example, ECG
the doctor would likely diagnose the patient's symptoms Check allows patients to analyze their own heart rhythms,
and perhaps prescribe medication to help treat the patient. while apps like Glooko and Glucose Buddy help diabetics
Although many Americans, especially those with health monitor their blood sugar levels. Fertility Friend helps
insurance and access to providers, still see a health care pro- women who are hoping to conceive by monitoring their
fessional on a regular basis, more and more Americans are menstrual cycles (Edney, 2013). Psych Drugs helps people
trying to diagnose themselves, often with the assistance of determine which antidepressant or antianxiety medication
health-related smartphone apps and fitness trackers. For the will best treat their symptoms.
past decade or two, people have been visiting websites like It’s not just patients who use apps to enhance their
WebMD to determine whether their headache is due to a health; health care providers also rely on apps to help them
head cold or is a sign of something more dire. More recently, deliver care. Apps like Epocrates help doctors review drug
smartphone users have relied on apps and fitness trackers prescription recommendations and safety information,
to do everything from take their pulses to chart their ovu- research potentially harmful drug interactions, and per-
lation cycles to identify the best medication for depression. form calculations like BMI and glomerular filtration rate,
Health-related apps and fitness trackers range from the an indication of how well one’s kidneys are functioning
very simple to the very complex. Basic fitness trackers keep (Glenn, 2013).
users informed of steps taken and calories burned, while Many health care providers and patients are enthu-
more expensive trackers keep tabs on users’ heart rates and siastic about the role of technology in helping to enhance
sleep patterns, even detailing how much time a user spends medical care. Doctors believe that symptom-monitoring
in light sleep versus deep sleep. apps and fitness trackers encourage patients to be proac-
Smartphones are particularly helpful in guiding us to tive and knowledgeable about their own health (Edney,
make healthy food choices. For instance, with Fooducate, 2013). However, others counter that even the best
users scan the bar codes of food items they're considering app or activity tracker is not a substitute for a regular
buying at the grocery store and are then given detailed checkup. What do you think? Are health and wellness
information on the products’ ingredients and nutritional apps and fitness trackers a cost-effective and efficient
value (Summers, 2013). way for people to look after their own health, or do

Yet activity trackers and smartphones are increasingly they keep people from receiving potentially valuable

being used for more serious health-related issues, like professional care?
 The growth of alternative medicine is a fascinating reflection of the transformations
occurring within modern societies. We are living in an age where much more informa-
tion is available. Health-related websites such as WebMD and MedicineNet provide instant
CONCEPT CHECKS access to information on health symptoms and treatments, while some fitness trackers
allow users to monitor their activity levels as well as their heart rates and sleep patterns
‘How do functionalist
(see the Digital Life box). Thus, individuals are increasingly becoming health consumers,
theorists and symbolic
adopting an active stance toward their own health and well-being. Not only are people
interactionists differ in
their perspectives on choosing the types of practitioners to consult but they are also demanding more involve-
health and illness? ment in their own care and treatment.
What is stigma, and how Physicians increasingly believe that such unorthodox therapies may be an important
does it pertain to health complement to (although not a substitute for) traditional Western medicine, provided they
andillness? are held up to the same level of scientific scrutiny and rigorous evaluation. Debates about
\VVakeheniomuatom olfe)nav-Yei
tere]| CAM also shed light on how the nature of health and illness has changed over the past two
raavexe(=) mo}mmalcve]tdalta centuries. Many conditions and illnesses for which individuals seek alternative medical
How does disability treatment seem to be products of the modern age itself. Rates of insomnia, anxiety, stress,
pose a Challenge to depression, fatigue, and chronic pain (caused by arthritis, cancer, and other diseases) are
Xo)daa] arent(oar-llisiar-lave! increasing in industrialized societies (Kessler and Ustiin, 2008). Although these conditions
biomedical models
have long existed, they are causing greater distress and disruption to people’s health than
of health?
ever before. Ironically, these consequences of modernity are ones that orthodox medicine
Compare complementary
has difficulty addressing. Alternative medicine is unlikely to overtake mainstream health
medicine with alternative
medicine.
care altogether, but indications are that its role will continue to grow.

How Do Social Factors

? Affect Health and |llness?
Recognize that health For people in most parts of the world, life expectancy has increased steadily over the twen-
and illness are shaped tieth and twenty-first centuries. Infectious diseases such as polio, scarlet fever, and diph-
by cultural, social, and
theria have been largely eradicated. In wealthy and industrialized nations infant mortality
CYoro)
aolsn)(ome¢-(04
(9)gam Y= 191)
rates have dropped precipitously, leading to an increase in the average life span. Compared
about race, class, gender,
and geographic differences with other parts of the world, standards of health and well-being in developed countries
in the distribution of disease. are high, and many advances in public health have been attributed to the power of modern
medicine. It is commonly assumed that medical research has been—and will continue to
be—successful in uncovering the biological causes of disease and in developing effective
treatments. At the same time, the proportion of people reporting mental health conditions,
including depression and anxiety disorders, has increased steeply through the twentieth
and twenty-first centuries, raising new questions about how we define, detect, and diag-
nose mental health conditions (Greenberg, 2010; Horwitz, 2013).
From 2017 to 2019, the United States witnessed three consecutive years of declining
life expectancy, a stunning development after a half-century of improvements. A close
look at the data shows that the downward trend can be attributed to health conditions
that devastated economically disadvantaged adults; most notably, middle-aged high school

470 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
dropouts suffered high rates of “deaths of despair,” including suicides
and deaths related
to opioid addiction (Case and Deaton, 2020).
Deaths from COVID-19 also follow stark social patterns. As of November
2020, it was
too soon to tell how the pandemic would affect overall life expectancy in the United States,
but one fact is clear: COVID-19 deaths, like deaths of despair, disproportionately strike
economically disadvantaged persons who work in jobs that place them at risk, like
bus
drivers or grocery store clerks, and who live in crowded housing. One examination of New
York City found that the Bronx—the borough with the highest proportion of people of
color, the most persons living in poverty, and the lowest levels of educational attainment—
had higher rates of hospitalization and death related to COVID-19 than the other boroughs
(Wadhera et al., 2020). These health inequalities reflect larger systems of social stratifica-
tion, including those based on race, gender, and social class.

Social Class—Based Inequalities in Health

In Chapter 7, we defined social class as a concept that encompasses education, income,
occupation, and assets. In U.S. society, people with better educations, higher incomes, and
more prestigious occupations have better health. What is fascinating is that each of these
dimensions of social class may be related to health and mortality for different reasons.
Income is the most obvious factor. In countries such as the United States, where medi-
cal care is expensive and the ACA is still in its infancy, those with more financial resources
have better access to physicians and medicine. But inequalities in health also persist in coun-
tries such as Great Britain that have a long history of national health insurance. Differences
in occupational status may lead to inequalities in health and illness even when medical
care is fairly evenly distributed. One highly influential study of health inequalities in Great
Britain, the Black Report (Townsend and Davidson, 1982), found that manual workers had
substantially higher mortality rates than professional workers did, even though Britain had
made great strides in equalizing the distribution of health care. Those who work in offices or
in domestic settings face less risk of injury and exposure to hazardous materials.
Education is also a powerful predictor of health; those with higher levels of education
have longer life spans than people with fewer years of schooling do. A recent study found
that life expectancy increased for college-educated people and declined for persons without
a four-year college degree. Closer inspection of these differences found that rates of “deaths
of despair” from suicide and drug abuse are particularly high among those with less edu-
cation (Case and Deaton, 2020; Sasson and Hayward, 2019). Numerous studies have found
a positive correlation between education and a broad array of preventive health behaviors.
Better-educated people are significantly more likely to engage in aerobic exercise and to
know their blood pressure (Shea et al., 1991) and are less likely to smoke (Kenkel et al., 2006)
or to be overweight (Himes, 1999). Highly educated smokers are also much more likely to
quit smoking when faced with a new health threat, such as a heart attack (Wray et al., 1998).
Poorly educated people engage in more cigarette smoking; they also have more problems
with cholesterol and body weight (Winkleby et al., 1992). Lest we jump to the conclusion that
persons with less education make “bad choices,” sociologists have acknowledged that access
to safe places to exercise, grocery stores with healthy foods, and other heath-enhancing
amenities are more common in higher-income neighborhoods (Altschuler et al., 2004).
Mental health is similarly affected by social class-based inequalities. In general, persons
with lower levels of education and income fare worse along most mental health outcomes,

How Do Social Factors Affect Health and Illness? 471

 including risk of depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation. The stressors related to eco-
nomic adversity, including unsatisfying jobs, strained marriages, and worries about money
and personal safety, may overwhelm one’s ability to cope. The COVID-19 crisis is a case in
point; stay-at-home orders, rampant business shutdowns, and job losses are stressful for
everyone, but they are most overwhelming for low-income persons who live paycheck
to paycheck and don't have ample savings to sustain them during periods of layoff or fur-
lough. Depressive symptoms (feelings of profound sadness and hopelessness) and anxiety
(nervousness about one’s daily experiences) are emotional consequences of living under
persistently stressful circumstances (Carr, 2014).
Mental health and physical health can be closely intertwined. Where poor physical
health compromises one's emotional well-being, one’s mental health can undermine one's
physical health, especially for those who try to soothe their feelings of sadness, anxiety,
or alienation through behaviors like excessive drinking, smoking, or using drugs such as
opioids. As we saw earlier in this chapter, growing numbers of Americans with low levels
of education are dying in middle age rather than old age. Many are grappling with precar-
ious employment, financial strain, and other stressors that may make them vulnerable to
alcohol and drug abuse and, in the worst-case scenario, deaths from suicide or chronic liver
disease. Health researchers describe these “deaths of despair” as a dramatic example of
social class-based disparities in health (Case and Deaton, 2017).

Race-Based Inequalities in Health

Black Americans fare worse than White Americans on nearly all health indicators, ranging
from body weight to mortality rates to risk of major illnesses like diabetes and cancer. In
the United States, life expectancy at birth in 2015 was 84 for Hispanic females and
about 81 for White females but 78.5 for Black females. Likewise, life expectancy at birth in
2015 was 79 for Hispanic males and 76 for White males

it
yet 72 for Black males (CDC, 2017a). An even more
startling gap emerges when early-life mortality is con-
sidered: Black infants have more than twice the mor-
tality rate of White infants, and as we saw earlier in this

5999 chapter, Black expectant and new mothers are nearly

four times as likely as White mothers to die of pregnancy-
related complications, as Irving’s death revealed.
Racial differences in health reveal the complex
interrelations among ethnicity, race, social class,
and culture. A powerful example of the multiple
ways that race affects health is the Hispanic health
paradox: Although Hispanics in the United States
have poorer socioeconomic resources than White
Americans, on average, their health—and especially
the health of their infants—is just as good as, if not
Many Black people living in poor urban neighborhoods lack access to better than, that of White people. Black Americans, by
high-quality grocery stores and instead rely on cheap fast-food options. contrast, face economic disadvantages that are similar
to those of Hispanics, yet Black people do not enjoy the
“N same health benefits. Experts attribute Hispanics’ rela-
tive health advantage not only to cultural factors such

472 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
 as social cohesion but also to methodological factors
. Studies of Hispanic health in the
United States focus on those who successfully migrated
to the United States: individuals
who are able to migrate are often younger and healthi
er than those Latinos who remained
in their native countries (Perea, 2012).
A close inspection of African Americans’ health and mortali
ty disadvantages fur-
ther reveals the multiple ways that race matters for health.
One of the main reasons for
this health disadvantage is that Black people as a group have
fewer economic resources
than White people do due toa history of systemic racism in the
United States, as noted in
Chapter 7. Yet Black-White disparities in health go beyond econom
ic causes and reflect
other important aspects ofthe social and cultural landscape. Recall that
Irving was a highly
educated doctor who earned a good living, yet she remained vulnerable
to stressors that
are pervasive for African Americans, including exposure to racism. To take
another exam-
ple, consider racial gaps in mortality due to homicide. The homicide rate for Black
men is
10 times higher than it is for White men (Widra, 2018). Blacks are also three times as likely
as Whites to be killed by police officers, an inequity that fueled many of the Black Lives
Matter (BLM) protests in 2020 (Schwartz and Jahn, 2020). Sociologists have recentl rec-
y
ognized that high rates of mortality from many causes, including tragic and violent causes
like homicide, have a further consequence for Blacks’ health and longevity. The stress and
strain of surviving the deaths of loved ones can take a toll on bereaved people's health.
Sociologist Debra Umberson and her colleagues have found that Blacks are much more
likely than Whites to have experienced the death of a mother, a father, and a sibling during
their youth or young adult years. They also are more likely to have experienced the death
of a child or a spouse in middle- and old age. These losses can take a profound physical and
emotional toll on their loved ones.
Other race-based inequalities in health status, health behaviors, and health care are
similarly stark. There is a higher prevalence of hypertension among Black people than
White people, especially among Black men (41 percent of Black men vs. 30 percent of White
men in 2016)}—a difference that may be partly biological (Fryar et al., 2017). The pattern
may also reflect Black Americans’ tendency to eat high-fat foods, a pattern encouraged
by the fast-food industry's targeting of African Americans as a market (Henderson and
Kelly, 2005). Black women are also far less likely than White women to exercise regularly, a
pattern that most social scientists attribute to their hectic schedules of juggling work and
family and to the high costs of fitness programs and gym memberships (August and Sorkin,
2010). Early evidence also suggests that Black people are more likely than White people to
contract and die from COVID-19. There are several reasons why, a number of which stem
from the generally lower socioeconomic status of Black Americans: Many work in service
jobs, rely to a greater degree on public transit, have less reliable access to health care and
higher rates of underlying health conditions, live in crowded housing, and are dispropor-
tionately incarcerated in prisons, where infection rates are very high. (CDC, 2020).
Cumulative exposure to racism, whether institutional discrimination from employers
or everyday microaggressions and unkind treatment, also get “under the skin” of people of
color via the process of weathering. As we learned earlier, cumulative exposure to stress
can lead to wear and tear on one’s cardiovascular, metabolic, and immune systems, render-
ing the body vulnerable to disease and even to premature death (Villarosa, 2018).
Racial differences in mental health are far less well understood than racial differences
in physical health. Until recently, most studies have shown that Black people report fewer

How Do Social Factors Affect Health and Illness? 473

 symptoms of depression than White people do, and when socioeconomic factors are con-
trolled for, Black people actually report lower rates of depression (Dunlop et al., 2003).
While studies indicate that depression among Black people is prevalent at 10.4 percent
(compared to Whites at 17.9 percent) Black people experience chronic depression at a much
higher rate than White people do (56 percent vs. 38.6 percent, respectively). Although rates
of depression are lower among Black people than they are among White people (partially
due to religious and community support as well as strong racial identity), Black people
with depression are often underdiagnosed or misdiagnosed (Bailey et al., 2019; Oates
and Goode, 2012).

COUNTERING RACIAL INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH

Despite the persistence of inequalities in the health of Black and White Americans, some
progress has been made in eradicating them. According to the CDC, racial differences in
cigarette smoking have decreased. In 1965, half of White men and 60 percent of Black men
age 18 and older smoked cigarettes. By 2016, only 18 percent of White men and 20 percent
of Black men smoked (Jamal et al., 2018). Hypertension among Black people has also greatly
reduced. In the early 1970s, half of Black adults between the ages of 20 and 74 suffered from
hypertension. By 2016, the proportion of Black adults over age 18 suffering from hyper-
tension had dropped to 40 percent (Fryar et al., 2017).
Patterns of physician visitation, hospitalization, and preventive medicine have also
improved, yet racial equity still remains elusive. For example, Black women historically
have been less likely than White women to receive mammograms. This gap has narrowed
in recent years. Still, some studies suggest that Black women delay receiving mammo-
grams and thus those with breast cancer have their condition detected at a later—and
more dangerous—stage of the disease’s progression (Smith-Bindman et al., 2006). Studies
show that while the rates of cancer are about the same in Black women and White women,
the likelihood of death for Black women is 19 percent higher than it is for White women
(Monticciolo et al., 2018).

Gender-Based Inequalities in Health

Women in the United States generally live longer than men, and this gender gap increased
steadily throughout the twentieth century. In 1900, there was only a two-year differ-
ence in female and male life expectancies. By 1940, this gap had increased to 4.4 years,
and by 1970, to 77 years. Since reaching its peak in the 1970s, however, the gap has been
decreasing. By 2016, the gender gap had fallen to slightly less than five years (Cleary, 1987;
Kochanek et al., 2017).
The main reason for the gender gap in life expectancy is that the leading causes of death
have changed since the turn of the century—and today they disproportionately strike men.
In 1900, the leading cause of death was infectious disease, which affected men, women, and
children equally. However, emerging evidence suggests that COVID-19 is distinct among
infectious diseases for disproportionately affecting men, although scientists do not fully
understand why (Gupta, 2020). Heart disease and cancer, the leading causes of death today,
also disproportionately strike men. These chronic conditions are heavily influenced by life-
style, diet, and behavior—all of which are shaped by the distinctive experiences of women
and men in contemporary society. The World Health Organization also notes that newborn
girls are more likely than newborn boys to survive to their first birthday. This inherent

474 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
biological advantage continues through life and women are expected to live six to eight
years longer than men in many regions of the world (WHO, 2020a).
One of the apparent ironies of health research is that women have an advantage in
mortality, yet they appear to fare worse than men on nearly every indicator of self-reported
health problems. For instance, women report higher rates of illness from acute conditions
and nonfatal chronic conditions, including arthritis and osteoporosis. They are slightly
more likely to report their health as fair or poor and spend about 57 percent more days
sick in bed each year. Women also report that their physical activities are either restricted
or impossible about 50 percent more than men do. In addition, they make more physician
visits each year and undergo twice the number of surgical procedures as men (CDC, 2013;
National Center for Health Statistics, 2003, 2011). Women are also twice as likely as men
to report symptoms of depression and to be diagnosed with a major depressive disorder
(Van de Velde et al., 2010).
What would explain the paradox that men die younger but women report more health
problems? Sociologists offer two main explanations: (1) Advancing age brings poorer
health, and women are older than men on average due to their greater life expectancy, and
(2) women make greater use of medical services, including preventive care, and thus are
more cognizant of their overall health and any symptoms of illness (National Center for
Health Statistics, 2008). Men may experience as many, or more, symptoms as women, but
they may ignore the symptoms, underestimate the extent of their illness, or use preven-
tive services less often (Waldron, 1986). Furthermore, men who are socialized to believe
that men should be “traditionally masculine,” strong, and self-sufficient are less likely to
seek out annual checkups (Springer and Mouzon, 2011).
A major question for sociologists is whether the gender gap in mortality will continue
to decline in coming years. Many researchers believe that it will, yet for an unfortunate
reason: Women’s life expectancies may erode and thus become more similar to men's. As
men’s and women's gender roles have converged over the past several decades, women
have increasingly taken on unhealthy “male-typed” behaviors, such as smoking and alco-
hol use, as well as emotional and physical stress in the workplace. These patterns are par-
ticularly pronounced for women of low socioeconomic status. One recent study found
that American women have lost ground with respect to life expectancy compared with
women from other nations. In the early 1980s, the life expectancy of women in the
United States ranked 14th in the world, yet by 2010, American women had fallen to 41st
place (Karas-Montez and Zajacova, 2013). Currently, the United States is ranked last in
life expectancy for both men and women among comparable large and wealthy countries
(Gonzales et al., 2019). These disheartening findings reveal that gender differences in health
and mortality are not a function of biology alone but of the social advantages and adversi-
ties experienced by men and women in particular sociohistorical contexts.

Disparities in Infectious Diseases Worldwide

Socioeconomic disparities in health exist not only in the United States but also world-
wide. Lower-income nations have higher rates of illness from infectious disease, higher
mortality rates, and lower life expectancies than wealthier nations do. We briefly describe
why and how infectious diseases, HIV/AIDS in particular, pose a threat to low-income
nations and what public health practitioners and policy makers are doing to help fight
these devastating diseases.

How Do Social Factors Affect Health and Illness?

 INFECTIOUS DISEASES TODAY
y Young children and Pregnant == Although major strides have occurred in reducing, and in some cases eliminating, infec-
women are at greater :
risk of malaria tious diseases worldwide, these strides have stalled in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic.
While Italy, China, and the United States have received the most media coverage, there is
Protect them |
hardly a country untouched by the virus. Lower-income countries also face greater strug-
with insecticide |,.
gles in providing medical care to those infected.
treated bed net
The health threats posed by infectious disease in low-income nations have a long his-
tory. Colonialism spread diseases previously known only in the Western world. Smallpox,
measles, and typhus, among other major maladies, were foreign to the indigenous popu-
lations of Central and South America before the Spanish conquest in the early sixteenth
century. The English and French colonists brought the same diseases to North America
(Dubos, 1959). Some of these illnesses developed into epidemics that ravaged or completely
eradicated native populations, which had little or no resistance to them.
In Africa and subtropical parts of Asia, infectious diseases have been rife for a
long time. Tropical and subtropical conditions are especially conducive to diseases
such as malaria, carried by mosquitoes, and sleeping sickness, carried by the tsetse fly.
Infectious diseases.such Historians believe that risks from infectious diseases were lower in Africa and Asia prior
as malaria are far more to European colonization—as Europeans often brought with them practices that nega-
common in low-income — tively affected the health of indigenous populations. The most significant consequence
countries than they are in
of the colonial system was its effect on nutrition and, therefore, on levels of resis-
wealthier nations. Fully
tance to illness; in many parts of Africa, the nutritional quality of native diets became
91 percent of-malaria deaths
- occur in Africa. substantially depressed as cash-crop production for world markets supplanted the
production of native foods.

aN
HUMAN IMMUNODEFICIENCY VIRUS (HIV) AND ACQUIRED
IMMUNE DEFICIENCY SYNDROME (AIDS)
COVID-19 is not the only infectious disease to ravage populations in the United States
and worldwide in contemporary times: HIV/AIDS is a devastating global epidemic.
Approximately 38 million people were living with HIV in 2019. In 2019 alone, 17 million
people became newly infected with HIV, and another 690,000 people died from AIDS-
related illnesses. The majority of people affected in the world today are heterosexuals;
about half are women (UNAIDS, 2020).
In high-income countries, though the rate of new infections has declined, the demo-
graphics of infected people are striking. In the United States, approximately 38,500 peo- —
ple become infected with HIV each year, and roughly 1.1 million people are living with
HIV. The incidence of infection, however, is not proportionately represented throughout
the United States. Despite representing just 12 percent of the U.S. population, African
Americans accounted for 43 percent of all new HIV diagnoses in 2017. Hispanics are also
disproportionately affected: They account for about 18 percent of the population but com-
posed 26 percent of HIV diagnoses in 2017 (CDC, 2017b; Avert, 2019). Although there
was a steep drop in AIDS-related deaths after the introduction of antiretroviral therapy,
African Americans are less likely than White people to benefit from such life-prolonging
treatments. African Americans have the highest death rate of people with HIV, seven times
higher than that of their White counterparts and nearly three times the rate for Hispanics
(CDC, 2037¢).

476 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
 The stigma that associates HIV-positive status with sexual
promiscuity, men who have
sex with men, and intravenous drug use results in many
individuals avoiding HIV/AIDS
prevention and treatment programs. In the United States,
one in every seven people living
with HIV/AIDS does not know that they have it (CDC, 20174),
partly because the high
level of fear and denial associated with being diagnosed
as HIV positive discourages
people from being tested for it. The stigma of having HIV
and the discrimination against
people living with infections are major barriers to treatment
worldwide. A recent study of Lote],
[od= a med 5|108 <3
1,450 HIV-positive patients seeking care in India found that two-th
irds of them reported
authoritarian behavior from doctors, and 55 percent felt they were not How do social class and
treated in a dignified
manner (Mehta, 2013). - race affect health?

Although the spread of AIDS has slowed in many low-income nations, Name at least two
the illness
is still a source of crisis. Besides the devastation to individuals who suffer from explanations for the
it, the
gender gap in health.
AIDS epidemic is creating severe social consequences, including sharply rising
numbers
of orphaned children. Frail older adults are increasingly called on to provide physical care Identify at least two
to their adult children who suffer from AIDS or to care for their grandchildren who were reasons why the gender
gap in life expectancy
orphaned by their parents’ deaths from AIDS (Knodel, 2006). The decimated population of
may narrow in the future.
working adults combined with the surging population of orphans set the stage for massive
What are three social
social instability; economies break down, and governments cannot provide for the social
consequences of the
needs of orphans, who become targets for recruitment into gangs and armies. AIDS epidemic in
developing nations?

How Do Social Contexts

Shape Sexual Behavior? ‘<
As with the study of health and illness, scholars disagree as to the importance of biological Understand the diversity of
versus social and cultural influences on human sexual orientations and behaviors, import- sexual orientation today.

ant facets of the sociology of the body. Learn about the debate
over the importance of

The Diversity of Human Sexuality biological versus social

and cultural influences
Human sexuality is fascinating, diverse, and dynamic. In Chapter 9, we discussed gender on human sexual
identity in great detail and emphasized that while most people are cisgender and identify behavior. Explore cultural
differences in sexual
with the sex they were assigned at birth, growing numbers of people are identifying as
behavior and patterns of
noncisgender. Noncisgender persons challenge the gender binary of male-female, mov-
sexual behavior today.
ing fluidly between the categories of male and female or rejecting the binary altogether
(Padawer, 2014; Schulman, 2013). Similarly, growing numbers of persons are challeng-
ing the cultural norm of heteronormativity. Heteronormativity is the pervasive cultural
belief that heterosexuality is the only normal and natural expression of human sexuality.
heteronormativity
Heterosexuality, or being sexually attracted to persons of the opposite sex (i.e., straight), The pervasive cultural
belief that heterosexuality
historically has been considered the cultural norm.
is the only normal and
Homosexuality is the term historically used to describe a sexual or romantic attraction
natural expression of
to persons of one's own sex. However, because of past stigma associated with it, that term human sexuality.
is now considered offensive and new terms are widely used to describe those attracted

How Do Social Contexts Shape Sexual Behavior? 477

 to persons of the same sex. The term gay is used to refer to men who experience sexual
desire toward other men, lesbian describes women who experience sexual desire for other
women, and bi—shorthand for bisexual—describes people who are sexually attracted to
both men and women. People increasingly use the term queer to describe people whose
sexual orientation is not exclusively heterosexual, as the gender-specific terms gay and
lesbian may be too limiting for some individuals (GLAAD, 2020).
All of the above are examples of sexual orientation, or the direction of one's sexual or
romantic attraction. It is important to note that sexual orientation is a more appropriate term
when describing human sexuality than sexual preference. The latter is misleading because it
implies that one’s sexual or romantic attraction is entirely a matter of personal choice. As
we discuss, sexual orientation results from a complex interplay of biological and social fac-
tors not yet fully understood. It is difficult to document sexual orientation because of the
lingering stigma attached to same-sex relationships, which may result in the underreport-
ing of sexuality in demographic surveys. However, most estimates suggest that from 2 to
5 percent of all women and from 3 to 10 percent of all men in the United States are attracted
to same-sex partners (Smith, 2003; Stephens-Davidowitz, 2013).
Early writings viewed sexual orientation, like gender identity, as a binary, where peo-
ple could be categorized as either heterosexual (straight) or homosexual (gay). Yet, in recent
decades, scholars have recognized that these two categories are far too simplistic to cap-
ture the nuances of human sexuality. Sociologist Judith Lorber (1994) identified as many
as 10 different sexual identities, including straight (heterosexual) women, straight men,
lesbian women, gay men, bisexual women, and bisexual men. More contemporary studies
of human sexuality use the acronym LGBTQ to capture even greater complexity. LGBTQ
refers to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer persons. You may notice that some
of these terms reflect one’s gender identity, such as transgender, whereas others refer
specifically to sexual orientation.
The specific language we use to talk about sexual behavior has changed dramatically
over time, yet the notion that human sexuality is complex and constrained by societal
norms has existed for centuries. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
Sigmund Freud argued that human beings are born with a wide range of sexual tastes
that are ordinarily curbed through socialization—although some adults may follow these
desires even when, in a given society, they are regarded as immoral or illegal. Freud began
his research during the Victorian period, when many people were sexually prudish, yet his
patients still revealed an amazing diversity of sexual pursuits.
In most societies, sexual norms encourage some practices and discourage or condemn
others. Such norms, however, vary among cultures and often challenge the notion of
heteronormativity. For example, the anthropologist Gilbert Herdt (1981, 1984, 1986)
reported that among more than 20 tribes in Melanesia and New Guinea, ritually prescribed
same-sex encounters among young men and boys were considered necessary for subse-
quent masculine virility (Herdt and Davidson, 1988). Ritualized male—-male sexual encoun-
ters also occurred among the Azande of Africa's Sudan and Congo (Evans-Pritchard, 1970),
Japanese samurai warriors in the nineteenth century (Leupp, 1995), and highly educated
Greek men and boys at the time of Plato (Rousselle, 1999). These examples underscore the
importance of social and historical contexts in shaping sexuality.
Cross-cultural variations have been detected among myriad aspects of human sexu-
ality, including precisely what is included and valued in a sexual encounter and the traits

478 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
that one views as attractive in a potential sexual partner. The
most comprehensive
cross-cultural study of sexual practices was carried out by Clellan Ford
and Frank Beach
(1951), using anthropological evidence from more than 200 societies. Striking
variations
were found in what different societies regarded as “natural” sexual behavior
and in norms
of sexual attractiveness. For example, in some cultures, extended foreplay is desirable
and
even necessary before intercourse; in others, foreplay is nonexistent. In some societies
, it is
believed that overly frequent intercourse leads to physical debilitation or illness.
In most cultures, norms of sexual attractiveness (held by both cisgender females and cis-
gender males) focus more on physical looks for women than for men, a situation that may be
changing worldwide as women become active in spheres outside the home. The traits seen as
most important in female beauty, however, differ greatly. In wealthy industrialized nations, a
slim, small physique is admired, while in other cultures, a more generous shape is attractive.
Sometimes the breasts are not considered a source of sexual stimulus, whereas some soci-
eties attach erotic significance to them. Some societies value the shape of the face, whereas
others emphasize the shape and color of the eyes or the size and form of the nose and lips.

Sexuality in Western Culture:

A Historical Overview
Western attitudes toward sexual behavior were for nearly 2,000 years molded primarily by
Christianity, whose dominant view was that all sexual behavior was suspect except that
needed for reproduction. During some periods, this view produced an extreme prudish-
ness, but at other times, many people ignored the church's teachings and engaged in prac-
tices such as adultery. The idea that sexual fulfillment can and should be sought through
marriage was rare.
In the nineteenth century, religious presumptions about sexuality were partly replaced
by medical ones. Most early writings by doctors about sexual behavior, however, were as
stern as the views of the church. Some argued that any type of sexual activity unrelated
to reproduction would cause serious physical harm. Masturbation was said to cause blind-
ness, insanity, and heart disease, while oral sex was claimed to cause cancer. In Victorian
times, sexual hypocrisy abounded. Many Victorian men—who appeared to be sober,
well-behaved citizens devoted to their wives—regularly visited prostitutes or kept mis-
tresses. Such behavior was accepted, whereas “respectable” women who took lovers were
regarded as scandalous and were shunned in polite society. The differing attitudes toward
the sexual activities of men and women formed a double standard that persists today.
Currently, traditional attitudes exist alongside much more permissive attitudes, which
developed widely in the 1960s. Some people, particularly those influenced by Christian
teachings, believe that premarital sex is wrong, and they frown on all forms of sexual
behavior except heterosexual activity within marriage—although it is now more com-
monly accepted that sexual pleasure is an important feature of marriage. Sexual attitudes
have undoubtedly become more permissive over recent decades in most parts of the world,
but some behaviors remain consistently more acceptable than others. For example, the
proportion of Americans saying that premarital sex is “always wrong” dropped from
34 percent in 1972 to 26 percent in 2016 (Bowman, 2018). However, attitudes toward
premarital sex among young teens are far less permissive; more than three-quarters
of Americans disapprove of sexual relations between unmarried teens ages 14 to 16.

How Do Social Contexts Shape Sexual Behavior? 479

 Disapproval of extramarital sex also has remained
consistently high and has even increased: The pro-
portion of Americans saying that extramarital sex
is “always wrong” increased from 71 to 81 percent
between 1972 and 2016 (Labrecque and Whisman,
2017; Smith and Son, 2013).
Despite increasingly open-minded attitudes,
sexual behavior-—especially among young women—
is still highly regulated, monitored, and judged.
Scholars, activists, and even celebrities like Lady
Gaga and Amber Rose have called attention to
practices like “slut-shaming,” which maligns young
women for being sexually active, and “prude-
University students in South Africa participate in a SlutWalk on International shaming,” whereby young women are shamed or
Women’s Day. Marches like these are part of a burgeoning sex-positive
embarrassed for not being sexually active. Activists
movement.
underscore how dangerous these judgments can
be, pointing out that some young women who
aN have been the victims of sexual assault are blamed
or shamed for wearing miniskirts or low-cut tops,
drinking, flirting, or kissing their assailants prior
to being attacked (Nguyen, 2013).
These public condemnations are part of a larger movement called “sex positivity”: a
philosophy and a social movement that encourages and embraces diverse forms of sexual-
ity and sexual expression, emphasizing the importance of safe, healthy, and consensual sex
(Ivanski and Kohut, 2017). Although the sex-positive movement has flourished in recent
years, facilitated by social media and public events like SlutWalk protest marches, its core
idea dates back to early-twentieth-century doctor and psychoanalyst Wilhelm Reich. Both
Reich and current-day advocates of the sex-positive movement view sexuality as a matter
of personal choice and avoid making moral judgments or distinctions. All forms of healthy,
consensual sex, whether same-sex or opposite-sex relations, masturbation, polyamory,
asexuality, or voluntary sadomasochism, should be respected and spared judgment. The
movement's larger goal is to advocate for comprehensive sex education for all.

SEXUAL BEHAVIOR: KINSEY'S STUDY

We can speak more confidently about public values and attitudes concerning sexuality
than we can about actual sexual behavior, because these deeply private practices have gone
undocumented for much of history. Alfred Kinsey broke major ground when he initiated
the first major investigation of sexual behavior in the United States in the 1940s and 1950s.
Kinsey and his collaborators (1948, 1953) faced condemnation from religious organizations,
and his work was denounced as immoral in newspapers and in Congress. But he persisted,
thus making his research the largest rigorous study of sexuality at that time, although his
sample was not representative of the overall American population.
Kinsey's results were surprising because they revealed a tremendous discrepancy
between prevailing public expectations of sexual behavior and actual sexual conduct. The
gap between publicly accepted attitudes and actual behavior was probably especially pro-
nounced just after World War II, the time of Kinsey’s study. A phase of sexual liberalization

CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality

had begun in the 1920s, when many younger people felt freed from the strict
moral codes
that had governed earlier generations. Sexual behavior probably changed, but issues con-
cerning sexuality were not openly discussed. People participating in sexual activities that
were still widely denounced concealed them, not realizing that others were engaging in
similar practices behind closed doors. The more permissive 1960s brought openly declared
attitudes more into line with the realities of behavior.

SEXUAL BEHAVIOR SINCE KINSEY

In the 1960s, social movements that challenged the existing order, such as those associ-
ated with countercultural lifestyles, also broke with existing sexual norms. These move-
ments preached sexual freedom, and the introduction of the contraceptive pill allowed
sexual pleasure to be separated from reproduction. Women's groups also started pressing
for greater independence from male sexual values, rejection of the double standard, and the
need for women to achieve greater sexual satisfaction in their relationships—efforts that
persist today as part of the sex-positive movement. Even so, until recently, it was unclear to
what extent sexual behavior had changed since the time of Kinsey's research.
In the late 1980s, sociologist Lillian Rubin (1990) interviewed 1,000 Americans
between the ages of 13 and 48 to identify changes in sexual behavior and attitudes that
had occurred over the previous 30 years or so. Her findings indicated significant changes.
Sexual activity begins at a younger age; moreover, teenagers’ sexual practices are as varied
and comprehensive as those of adults. There is still a double standard that divides perception
of the sexual behavior of men and women, but it is not as powerful. Contemporary scholar-
ship confirms this. Studies of high school-age students find that sexual permissiveness is
much greater today than it was in the 1970s. According to the CDC in 2017, 40 percent of all
high school students reported having ever had sexual intercourse, and 10 percent reported
having had four or more partners (Kann et al., 2018). Both figures represent declines from
1991, when more than 54 percent of high school students had had sex and nearly 19 percent
had had four or more partners (Tang and Zuo, 2000; Toufexis, 1993).
Recent research on the sexual lives of college students shows that a “hookup culture”
is alive and well on campus, where both male and female students will have one-night
stands, short-lived sexual relationships, or “friends with benefits” relationships in which
friends will have sexual relations without the expectation that their friendship will trans-
form into a full-blown romance (Garcia et al., 2012; Hamilton and Armstrong, 2009; Wade,
2017). However, when a team of sociologists delved more closely into the sexual lives of
college students, they found that while casual sexual encounters were relatively common,
men and women were fairly selective in such encounters. Sociologist Paula England and
colleagues interviewed more than 14,000 undergraduate students at 19 universities and
colleges about their romantic and sexual lives. Nearly three-quarters (72 percent) of both
women and men said that they'd had at least one “hookup” during their senior year. But for
most, hookups were relatively rare. Of those students who said that they had ever hooked
up, equal proportions said that they had fewer than three (40 percent) or between four and
nine (40 percent) hookups. Just one in five reported 10 or more hookups in their lifetimes.
Moreover, not all of these hookups involved sexual intercourse. Fully 20 percent of college
seniors reported never having had sexual intercourse (England et al., 2012).
Studies of the sexual lives of adults beyond college age also reveal that Americans
report relatively few sexual partners throughout their lives and less frequent sex than their

How Do Social Contexts Shape Sexual Behavior? 481

EMPLOYING Health Care Provider
YOUR
SOCIOLOGICAL Medicine is commonly lauded as a “noble profession.” Doctors, nurses, and other health
care providers dedicate their lives to diagnosing and treating health problems and helping
IMAGINATION their patients live long and comfortable lives. A deep knowledge of biology, chemistry,
and anatomy is critical to the medical professions, but a sociological imagination is also
necessary. The study of sociology helps physicians understand why some people may
not have access to the health care they need, how power dynamics in the clinician-
patient encounter may affect the quality of care, why some patients ignore sound medical
advice, why social and environmental factors like stress make people sick, and so on.
In fact, a strong grasp of human behavior is so important to health care providers that
in 2015 the Medical College Admission Test (MCAT) introduced a new required mod-
ule on Psychological, Social, and Biological Foundations of Behavior. The Association of
American Medical Colleges (AAMC) has also underscored the importance of sociology to
medical education, noting that “medicine now faces complex societal problems like addic-
tion, obesity, violence, and end-of-life care, which require behavioral and social science
research and interventions’ (AAMC, 2011).
One area of particular concern to health care providers is cultural competence, or the
skills and ability to interact effectively with patients from cultural backgrounds different
from one’s own. “Culture” refers to more than a patient's race, ethnicity, or national origin;
it also encompasses characteristics such as age, gender, gender identity, sexual orien-
tation, disability, religion, income level, education, geographical location, or profession
(Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2016). An understanding
of sociology helps practitioners to be respectful, responsive, and sensitive to the cultural

counterparts in other nations. For example, in 1994, a team of researchers led by Edward
Laumann published The Social Organization of Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the United States,
the most comprehensive study of sexual behavior since Kinsey. Their findings reflect an
essential sexual conservatism among Americans. For instance, 83 percent of their subjects
had had only one partner (or no partner at all) in the preceding year, and among mar-
ried people, the figure was fully 96 percent, suggesting that only a tiny share of surveyed
married people had been unfaithful to their spouse in the previous year. Fidelity to one’s
spouse was also quite common: Only 10 percent of women and less than 25 percent of men
reported having an extramarital affair during their lifetimes. More recent data reveal that
little has changed; according to the CDC (2017e), in 2015, men reported an average of 6.1
sexual partners in their lives, while women reported just 4.2 partners.

IS SEXUAL ORIENTATION INBORN OR LEARNED?

Most sociologists believe that sexual orientation—whether LGBTQ, heterosexual, bisex-
ual, or asexual —results from a complex interplay between biological factors and social
learning. Since heterosexuality is the norm for most people in U.S. culture, considerable
research has focused on why some people prefer same-sex partners. Some scholars argue
that biological influences predispose certain people to become gay (Bell et al., 1981; Green,

482 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
and linguistic needs as well as the health beliefs and practices of their
patients. The
classic book The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down vividly portrayed
the difficulties a
Hmong family faced when trying to get medical treatment for their daughter Lia
Lee, who
suffered a rare and severe form of epilepsy. Lia's parents believed in spiritual approache
s
to medicine and refused to give their daughter certain medications, while
their doctors
didn't understand Hmong culture, couldn't establish a rapport or empathy with their
patients, and created a context of distrust that impeded Lia's treatment and prognosis
(Fadiman, 1997).
Health care providers also need to recognize their own unconscious biases, which may
affect how they interact with and treat their patients. Several studies have found that Black
and Latino emergency room patients are much less likely than White patients with similar
injuries to be prescribed the painkillers they need. A meta-analysis of 14 studies and about
12,000 White, Black, and Hispanic patients found that Black patients were 40 percent less
likely to receive painkillers for acute pain, while Hispanic patients were 25 percent less
likely as compared to White patients. One explanation is that health care providers hold
assumptions that ethnic minorities are more likely to abuse drugs, or they may believe that
the patients are misrepresenting their conditions simply to secure drugs. Other explanations Understanding the nuances of a
include implicit bias, cultural differences, language barriers, and whether patients report diverse body of patients can
pain and the amount they experience (Pletcher et al., 2008; Lee et al., 2019). Other studies help health care workers
have found that health care providers who do not understand the needs and experiences provide care that considers
of gender-nonconforming and transgender patients may treat them insensitively, referring many different experiences.
to them by the wrong gender, and may even neglect particular symptoms or fail to offer
tests the patient might have needed (Sallans, 2016). Medical practitioners who understand
social, cultural, and interpersonal influences on health and health care will be especially well
equipped to provide respectful and high-quality care to their increasingly diverse patients.

1987). Biological explanations have included differences in brain characteristics of gay and
straight men (LeVay, 2011) and the effect on fetal development of the mother’s in utero
hormone production during pregnancy (Blanchard and Bogaert, 1996; Manning et al., 1997;
McFadden and Champlin, 2000). Such studies, which are based on small numbers of cases,
give highly inconclusive (and highly controversial) results (Healy, 2001). It is virtually
impossible to separate biological from early social influences in determining a person's
sexual orientation (LeVay, 2011).
Studies of twins may shed light on any genetic basis for homosexuality, since identical
twins share identical genes. In two related studies, Bailey and Pillard (1991; Bailey et al.,
1993) examined 167 pairs of brothers and 143 pairs of sisters, with each pair of siblings
raised in the same family, in which at least one sibling defined themself as gay or lesbian.
Some of these pairs were identical twins (who share all genes), some were fraternal twins
(who share some genes), and some were adoptive brothers or sisters (who share no genes).
The results offer some support that same-sex attraction, like opposite-sex sexual
attraction, results from a combination of biological and social factors. Among the men and
women studied, when one twin was gay, there was about a 50 percent chance that the
other twin was gay. In other words, a person is five times as likely to be gay or lesbian if
their identical twin is gay than if their sibling is gay but related only through adoption.

How Do Social Contexts Shape Sexual Behavior? 483

 These results offer some support for the importance of biological factors, since the higher
the percentage of shared genes, the greater the percentage of cases in which both siblings
were gay. However, because approximately half of the identical twin brothers and sisters
of individuals who identified as gay were not themselves gay, social learning must also
be involved.
Even studies of identical twins cannot fully isolate biological from social factors. It
is often the case that even in infancy, identical twins are treated more like each other by
parents, peers, and teachers than are fraternal twins, who in turn are treated more like
each other than are adoptive siblings. Thus, identical twins may have more than genes
in common: They may also share a higher proportion of similar socializing experiences.
Sociologist Peter Bearman (2002) has shown the intricate ways that genetics and social
experience are intertwined. Bearman found that males with a female twin are twice as
likely to report same-sex attractions. He theorized that parents of opposite-sex twins
are more likely to give them unisex treatment, leading to a less traditionally masculine
influence on the males. Having an older brother, however, decreases the rate of same-sex
attraction. Bearman hypothesized that an older brother establishes gender-socializing
mechanisms for the younger brother to follow, which allows him to compensate for uni-
sex treatment. Bearman’s work is consistent with the statements offered by professional
organizations such as the American Academy of Pediatrics (2004), which concludes that
“sexual orientation probably is not determined by any one factor but by a combination of
genetic, hormonal, and environmental influences.”

HOMOPHOBIA AND HETEROSEXISM

The research we have reviewed so far reveals that Americans’ attitudes toward human
sexuality have grown increasingly expansive and open-minded throughout much of the
twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Yet does this open-mindedness extend to all groups?
heterosexism Some contend that anti-gay prejudice persists and that gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgen-
An ideological system that der, and queer (LGBTQ) Americans still do not enjoy the same rights and privileges as
denies, denigrates, and their heterosexual and cisgender peers. The greater status, prestige, and benefits afforded
stigmatizes any nonhetero-
to heterosexual people is called heterosexism. It is closely related to the concept of
sexual form of behavior,
homophobia, a term coined in the late 1960s, which refers to attitudes and behaviors
identity, relationship, or
community. marked by an aversion to, or hatred of, LGBTQ persons and their practices. It is a form
of prejudice reflected not only in overt acts of hostility and violence toward sexual
minorities but also in forms of verbal abuse that are widespread in American culture—for
homophobia example, using words such as fag or homo to insult heterosexual males or using female-
An irrational fear or gendered offensive terms such as sissy or pansy to insult gay men (Pascoe, 2011). Similarly,
disdain of homosexuality. transphobia refers to negative attitudes, feelings, or actions toward transgender and
gender-nonconforming people, their lifestyles, and their practices.
Heterosexism may take a profound toll on the health, well-being, and personal safety
transphobia
of LGBTQ persons. A 2017 survey found that in the United States, 33 percent of stu-
Negative attitudes, feel-
dents who self-identified as gay, lesbian, or bisexual had been bullied on school property.
ings, or actions toward
transgender and gender- Another 27 percent experienced cyberbullying. Comparatively, heterosexual peers expe-
nonconforming people, rienced bullying at rates of 17.1 percent and 13.3 percent, respectively (Kann et al., 2018).
their lifestyles, and their Another national study from 2015 found that 85 percent of LGBTQ youth reported that
practices. they had been verbally harassed at school, 27 percent had been physically harassed, and 49
percent had been victims of cyberbullying. More than half of LGBTQ students (58 percent)

484 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
felt “unsafe” at school (Kosciw et al., 2016). Mistreatment of
transgender youth is even more devastating, epitomized by
the violent 2017 murders of 17-year-old Ally Lee Steinfeld in
Missouri and 18-year-old Jaquarrius Holland in Louisiana.
This pervasive culture of fear, intimidation, and harass-
ment can have dire consequences: LGBTQ youth have much
higher rates of suicide, suicidal thoughts, depression, and
substance use than straight youth, due in large part to the
victimization and teasing they suffer at the hands of their
classmates and to the failure, at times, of their families
and teachers to protect them (Espelage et al., 2008; Russell
and Joyner, 2001; Ryan et al., 2009). For many, families are
a source of cruelty and victimization rather than support.
An estimated 20 to 40 percent of all homeless youth iden- The Stonewall Inn nightclub raid in 1969 is regarded as the
tify as LGBTQ, many of whom have been put out on the first shot fired in the battle for gay rights in the United States.
streets by homophobic or transphobic parents (Durso and The 25th anniversary of the event was commemorated in New
Gates, 2012). York City with a variety of celebrations as well as discussions
_ onthe evolution and future of gay rights.
Despite the devastating statistics on bullying and home-
lessness among LGBTQ youth, data suggest that homophobia
and transphobia in the United States are slowly starting to NN
erode. The majority of Americans today view same-sex rela-
tionships as morally acceptable, signifying a marked increase
from 2001, when just 40 percent of Americans agreed with the practice (Gallup, 2013a). In
May 2011, for the first time in its history, a Gallup poll found that the majority of Americans
(53 percent) supported gay marriage (Gallup, 2013b); by 2019, that proportion had risen to
61 percent (Pew Research Center, 201ga). Public policies both reflect and shape private
attitudes; as we saw in Chapter 11, in June 2015, the U.S. Supreme Court legalized gay
marriage in Obergefell v. Hodges, guaranteeing same-sex married couples the same rights as
opposite-sex married couples.

THE MOVEMENT FOR LGBTQ CIVIL RIGHTS

Until recently, most gay, lesbian, and queer persons hid their sexual orientation for fear that
“coming out of the closet’"—publicly revealing one's sexual orientation—would cost them
their jobs, families, and friends and leave them open to verbal and physical abuse. Yet, since
the late 1960s, many LGBTQ persons have openly acknowledged their sexual orientation,
and in some cities, the lives of sexual and gender minorities have become quite normalized
(Saguy, 2020). New York City, San Francisco, London, and other large metropolitan areas
worldwide have thriving LGBTQ communities.
LGBTQ activists have achieved important milestones in fighting heterosexism and
forging institutional changes, ranging from changing medical notions of sexual orienta-
tion to legalizing same-sex marriage. The movement for LGBTQ civil rights in the United
States arguably began with the Stonewall riots in June 1969, when New York City's gay
community—angered by continual police harassment—fought the New York Police
Department for two days (D’Emilio, 1983; Weeks, 1977). The Stonewall riots became a sym-
bol of gay pride. In May 2005, the International Day against Homophobia was first cele-
brated, with events held in more than 40 countries.

How Do Social Contexts Shape Sexual Behavior? 485

 Activists and advocates have had a profound impact on the policies and practices that
affect LGBTQ persons. For example, the term homosexuality has a troubled history. It was
first used by the medical community in 1869 to characterize what was then regarded as a
personality disorder. Same-sex attraction was medicalized and viewed as a pathology that
required medical or psychiatric treatment. The American Psychiatric Association did not
remove homosexuality from its list of mental illnesses until 1973 or from its influential
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) until 1980. These long-overdue
steps were taken only after prolonged lobbying and pressure by LGBTQ advocacy orga-
nizations. The medical community was belatedly forced to acknowledge that no scientific
research had ever found gays and lesbians as a group to be psychologically unhealthier
than heterosexuals (Burr, 1993). However, the DSM-s5 continues to classify other aspects
of sexuality as “disorders,” medicalizing fairly common sexual problems such as disorders
of sexual arousal (for instance, lubrication and erectile problems) and orgasmic disorders
(American Psychiatric Association, 2013).
In addition to policy changes, social movements and cultural shifts have contrib-
uted to the slow and gradual erosion of heterosexism. One such shift is the public
coming-out of LGBTQ persons in the public eye. Coming out may be important not
only for the person who does so but also for others in the larger society: LGBTQ per-
sons discover that they are not alone, while heterosexuals recognize that people whom
they admire and respect are LGBTQ. Famous actors, singers, and performers, such as
Ellen DeGeneres and Elton John, have been out publicly for many years. And in 2018,
Daniela Vega, the Oscar-nominated star of the Chilean film A Fantastic Woman, achieved
a major milestone when she became the first openly transgender person to present at
the Academy Awards.
LGBTQ persons in other professions, especially professional sports, have been more
reticent about acknowledging their sexual orientation, perhaps out of fear of persecu-
tion. NBA basketball player Jason Collins made national news in April 2013 when he
told reporters that he was gay. With his announcement, Collins became the first active
player in one of the four major American professional sports leagues to announce that
he was gay (ESPN, 2013a). The next year, Michael Sam, who was drafted by the NFL's
St. Louis Rams in 2014, came out as gay. Since that time, literally dozens of pro athletes
have publicly identified as LGBTQ. The 2018 U.S. Winter Olympic Team boasted more
than 14 “out” athletes, including freestyle skier Gus Kenworthy and outspoken figure
skater Adam Rippon.
Social change is occurring globally, slowly but steadily, even in countries that his-
torically have had cruel and oppressive policies toward gays and lesbians. For example, in
2014, the Constitutional Court in Uganda invalidated a previously passed “antigay” bill,
which provided jail terms up to life for persons convicted of having gay sex and stipulating
lengthy jail terms for persons convicted of “attempted homosexuality” or the “promotion
of homosexuality” (Gettleman, 2014). This marked a significant change in a nation where,
just three years earlier, the outspoken gay rights activist David Kato was beaten to death
with a hammer.

486 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
How Does the Social Context of Bodies,
Sexuality, and Health Affect Your Life?
As we have seen in this chapter, our bodies, health, health behaviors, and sexual orienta-
tions and practices reflect a complex set of biological, social, cultural, and historical influ-
ences. For example, although most American young adults believe they have the freedom
to choose whomever they like as their romantic partners (and turn up their noses at the
idea of arranged marriage), the gender of the people we choose, what we deem attractive,
and when and under what circumstances we engage in sexual relationships are powerfully
shaped by laws, norms, and cultural practices.
Similarly, although most people believe that their body size and shape reflect their
own personal efforts, such as going to the gym four times a week and counting calories, or
biological factors (for example, “good genes”), sociologists have documented that social fac-
tors such as race, class, gender, and region affect one's access to health-enhancing resources
like healthy food, safe walking and running paths, and high-quality health care. Solutions
to sweeping public health crises, like the obesity epidemic, often require strategies that
alter both individual-level choices and behaviors and macrosocial structures. Public pro-
grams that target both micro levels—encouraging healthier food choices and exercise
among individuals—and macro levels—bringing grocery stores to urban neighborhoods
and ensuring that major corporations that supply food to public schools abide by healthier CONCEPT CHECKS
food production guidelines—are likely to be more effective.
Describe several
Yet further and dramatic social changes are still needed to eradicate persistent racial
changes in sexual
and socioeconomic disparities in health. The life and premature death of Dr. Irving under-
practices over the past
scores just how powerfully social inequalities affect our bodies. Persistent stressors like two centuries.
racism get under one’s skin, wearing down one’s body and one’s health and thus rendering
What are the most
its victims vulnerable to chronic diseases like diabetes and high blood pressure. Economic important contributions
strains and precarious employment may make some vulnerable to substance use, includ- of Alfred Kinsey's
ing use of opioids or excessive drinking, which have contributed to “deaths of despair” research on sexuality?
from suicide or chronic liver disease. Support for programs like early screening for high Name at least three
blood pressure, obesity, substance use, and depression may help to ensure that health important findings
problems are detected in their earliest stages and that timely treatment is sought. Through about sexual behavior
discovered since Kinséy.
the use of these strategies, it is possible that the United States may ultimately reach
the goal articulated by the federal government to “achieve health equity, eliminate dis- What are several of
the most important
parities, and improve the health of all groups” (Office of Disease Prevention and Health
achievements of LGBTQ
Promotion, 2020). rights movements?

How Do Social Contexts Shape Sexual Behavior? 487

CHAPTER 14 ae : Learning Objectives

The Understand how social, cultural, and

structural contexts shape attitudes toward

Big: Picture
F-||
reLel'ABle Wcye(e | 4@
feryit ecw Viciamiits “ideal” body forms and give rise to two body-
related social problems in the United States:
Human Body?
eating disorders and obesity.

The Sociology of the p. 457

Body: Health, Illness,
and Sexuality
Learn about functionalist and symbolic
interactionist perspectives on physical and
How Do Sociologists mental health and illness in contemporary
Understand Health society. Recognize the ways that
and Illness? # disability challenges theoretical perspectives
Thinking Sociologically on health and illness. Understand the
p. 463 relationship between traditional medicine and
complementary and alternative medicine (CAM).
1. Obesity is a major health concern in
the United States, especially among
poor, Black, and Latino Americans.
What types of public programs do : j
you believe will be most effective in How Do Social
Factors Affect Health Recognize that health and illness are
fighting the obesity epidemic? Why
and Illness? shaped by cultural, social, and economic
do you think the programs you've
factors. Learn about race, class,
proposed are necessary?
p. 470 gender, and geographic differences in
the distribution of disease.
2. Statistical studies of our national health
show a gap in life expectancies between
the rich and the poor. Review all the
major factors that would explain why
rich people live longer than poor people.

3. This chapter discusses the biological

and sociocultural factors associated
with sexual orientation. Why are twin
studies the most promising type
of research on the genetic basis of
sexual orientation? Summarize the
analysis of these studies, and show
whether it presently appears that
sexual orientation results from genetic
differences, sociocultural practices
and experiences, or both.
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

universal health coverage ® si

gradient in health * sociology o

- Why is anorexia more likely to strike young women than heterosexual

young men?
. What explanations are offered for the recent increase in obesity rates?
obesity * food deserts . In what ways is the United States an s “obesogenic environment "7

. How do functionalist theorists and symbolic interactionists differ in

their perspectives on health and illness?
nN. What is stigma, and how does it pertain to health and illness?
sick role ¢ stigma * complementary and 3. What is the biomedical model of health?
alternative medicine (CAM) * biomedical model > . How does disability pose a challenge to both functionalist and biomedical
of health models of health?
. Compare complementary medicine with alternative medicine.

. How do social class and race affect health?

. Name at least two explanations for the gender gap in health.
Wr. Identify at least two reasons why the gender gap in life expectancy
may narrow in the future.
4. What are three social consequences of the AIDS epidemic in
developing nations?
 According to the World Health Organization
(WHO), six of the ten most polluted cities in the
world are in India, including New Delhi, pictured
here. The WHO has called air pollution, which”
increases the risk of respiratory illnesses as
well as heart disease and stroke, the greatest
environmental risk to health.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

How do cities develop and evolve?

mU)ger-la\yzelllelay
Learn how cities have changed as a result of
industrialization and urbanization. Learn how
theories of urbanism have placed increasing

Population,
emphasis on the influence of socioeconomic
factors on city life.

How do rural, suburban, and urban

and the —
life differ in the United States?
Learn about key developments affecting
American cities, suburbs, and rural com-
munities in the last several decades: subur-

ma\viine/alant=a)an
banization, urban decay, gentrification, and
population loss in rural areas.

How does urbanization affect life

across the globe?
See that global economic competition has a
profound impact on urbanization and urban
life. Recognize the challenges of urbanization
in the developing world.

What are the forces behind world

population growth?
Learn why the world population has increased
dramatically, and understand the main
consequences of this growth.

How do environmental changes

affect your life?
See how the environment is a sociological
Urbanization issue related to economic development and
p. 504 population growth.
 7

With a population of 1.4 billion, China is the most populous country in the world;
India is a close second, with 1.3 billion people, and is poised to overtake China
within the next few years. Together, China and India account for nearly two-fifths
of the world’s total population. Their population growth has been accompanied
by rapid economic growth. The Chinese economy grew at an annual rate of 9-10 percent
between 1980 and 2010, with India’s growth rate only a few percentage points slower. Since
that time, both have slowed to a rate of 7 percent, still more than three times the rate of U.S.
economic growth (World Bank, 2018f)—at least until the global COVID-19 pandemic upended
economic growth throughout the world. This highly contagious virus, with fatality rates far
greater than the conventional flu, resulted in the shutting down of much of the world econ-
omy, as countries, provinces, states and cities around the world issued social distancing
and stay-at-home orders in hopes of containing its spread. The Chinese economy initially
shrunk, for the first time in generations, although as of September 2020 it had somewhat

Urbanization, Population, and the Environment 491

 recovered, with a growth rate of 5 percent between July and September (BBC, 2020). By
the end of April 2020, the U.S. economy had shed more than 26 million jobs and had shrunk
by 11 percent; by September, a limited economic recovery reduced the job loss to 13 million

(Cox, 2020; Bartash, 2020; BLS, 2020d). As the COVID-19 pandemic made clear, today’s highly
interconnected world economy is vulnerable to disruption. The pandemic quickly spread thanks to
international travel, whether for business purposes or tourism, and economic collapse followed.
In their rush to re-create the industrial Revolution that made Western nations wealthy,
Chinese and Indian manufacturers—spurred on by Western investors—have become the
world’s smokestack. Their rapid industrialization has lifted hundreds of millions of people
out of poverty and into the middle class, but at a high environmental cost. Six of the ten most
polluted cities in the world are in India (Miles, 2018). Toxic chemical spills have threatened the
water supply of millions of people, while the air in major cities has become so polluted that
the ultramodern skyscrapers are often not visible.
For many years, China’s booming economy depended exclusively on burning coal. Every week
or so, a new coal-burning power plant was brought online, and most used outmoded technology.
The sulfur dioxide-from these plants contributed to nearly a half-million deaths a year in China, while
causing acid rain that poisoned lakes, rivers, and farmlands. Climate-changing smoke and soot from
China's power plants have been detected across the Pacific Ocean in California. China has surpassed
the United States as the world’s leading emitter of greenhouse gases (although when adjusted for
population size, the United States remains the world’s worst offender). China’s environmental threats
became so acute that in 2011, environment minister Zhou Shengxian publicly announced that carbon
dioxide pollution from coal-burning factories coupled with the nation’s high demand for resources—
both consequences of prior economic growth—may, ironically, threaten future economic growth.
Even the state-run newspaper China Daily, historically known for keeping the nation’s problems under
wraps, described China's major cities as “barely suitable for living” given persistent environmental
threats (Wagstaff, 2013).
During the past several years, public discontent over toxic air quality has spurred China toward
a “greener” development path; the country has both reduced its reliance on export manufacturing
and promoted renewable energy technologies such as solar, wind, and nuclear power. China cur-
rently accounts for 29 percent of the world’s human-made carbon emissions, although it is now
investing heavily in green technology. According to a recent report by the International Renewable
Energy Agency, in 2017 China accounted for nearly half of all global expenditures on renewable
energy investment, leading to the conclusion that “no country has put itself in a better position
to become the world’s renewable energy superpower than China” (2019). President Xi Jinping
has called on China to play a leadership role in clean-energy investment and climate change
mitigation, even as the United States appears to be retreating from such a leadership position
(Kaufman, 2017).

In Delhi, India’s capital city, it is estimated that between 10,000 and 30,000 people die each
year because of air pollution; 1.2 million die for the same reason throughout the country as a whole
(Bithal, 2018; Fuller et al., 2019). Unlike with China, India’s problem does not stem so much from
smokestack industries as from motor vehicle exhaust and smoke from home cooking. The gov-
A coal miner emerges from -
a mine after a day's work in ernment of India has responded by shuttering some heavily polluting industries and power plants;
Shanxi Province, China. requiring buses, rickshaws, and taxis to convert to natural gas; banning the burning of rubbish; and
ending government subsidies for diesel-powered motor vehicles (The Economist, 2016). Unlike in
“N China, where the central government exerts strong control over the economy and many aspects of
private life, the Indian government is much weaker, and corruption is more widespread.

492 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

 The potentially dire future facing China and India reveals in vivid detail the
ways that popu-
lation growth, urbanization, industrialization, and the environment are intertwine
d. How exactly
do these forces mutually influence one another? In the case of China, for example,
the rush to
develop and meet the demands of its burgeoning population has severely taxed and depleted
the nation’s natural resources. China has begun building a network of highways, much like the
United States did during the 1950s and 1960s. In fact, the country’s 45,000 miles of high-spee
d
freeways, which will connect all major cities in China, are modeled after the U.S. interstate
highway system. As was the case in the United States, the highways will expand and accelerate
automobile use, projected to outstrip that of the United States by the middle of the century. For
a country where, as recently as a generation ago, the bicycle and rickshaw were the principal
means of transportation, this is an enormous transformation—one that has already contributed
to urban traffic congestion, multiday traffic jams, and increased levels of energy use and pol-
lution. China is making the transition from rural to urban in record time, and the government is
calling for the relocation of some 400 million people—more than the entire U.S. population—to
newly built urban centers. China already has more than 100 cities with populations exceeding
1 million, including six “megacities” with more than 10 million people each (The Economist, 2015b).
In terms of industrialization, China’s explosive economic growth, as previously noted, has
been based on enormous resource consumption and the burning of greenhouse gas—emitting
coal and other fossil fuels. Yet China's environmental challenges are not wholly due to inter-
nal factors. After all, the growth of the country’s factory sector has been the direct result of
European and North American firms’ decisions to relocate their manufacturing to China, where
environmental restrictions have historically been weaker (thereby lowering production costs).
In this chapter, we examine the ways in which population growth, urbanization, and envi-
ronmental change go hand in hand, against the backdrop of the rapid industrialization that is
transforming many parts of the world. We begin by studying the origins of cities and the vast
growth in the numbers of city dwellers that has occurred over the past century. From there,
we review the most influential theories of urban life. We then move on to compare patterns of
urban development in North America with cities in the developing world. Cities in the Global
South are growing at an enormous rate. We consider why this is happening and, at the same
time, look at changes now taking place in world population patterns. We conclude by assessing
the connections among urbanization, world population growth, and environmental problems.

How Do Cities Develop

and Evolve’r <
Cities in Traditional Societies Learn how cities have changed
as a result of industrialization
The world’s first cities appeared at around 3500 B.C.E., in the river valleys of the Nile and urbanization. Learn how
in Egypt, the Tigris and Euphrates in what is now Iraq, and the Indus in what is today theories of urbanism have
Pakistan. Cities in traditional societies were very small by modern standards. Babylon, for placed increasing emphasis on
example, one of the largest ancient Middle Eastern cities, extended over an area of only the influence of socioeconomic
factors on city life.
3.2 square miles and at its height, around 2000 B.C.E., probably numbered no more than
15,000 to 20,000 people. Rome under Emperor Augustus in the first century B.C.E. was

How Do Cities Develop and Evolve? 493

 easily the largest premodern city outside China, with some 300,000 inhabitants—the
population of Anchorage, Cincinnati, or Pittsburgh today.
Most cities of the ancient world shared certain features. They were surrounded by
walls for the purposes of military defense. Their centers, often protected by a second inner
wall, typically featured a religious temple, royal palace, government buildings, a public
square, and a market (Fox, 1964; Sjoberg, 1960, 1963; Wheatley, 1971). The dwellings of the
ruling class or elite tended to be concentrated in or near the center, while less privileged
groups lived closer to the city walls or sometimes outside them, moving inside if the city
came under attack. Different ethnic and religious communities were often segregated in
separate neighborhoods, where their members lived and worked. Because these societies
lacked any form of mass printing and maintained very low literacy rates, public officials
had to shout at the tops of their voices to deliver pronouncements. A few traditional civ-
ilizations boasted sophisticated road systems linking particular cities, but they existed
mainly for military purposes, and transportation for the most part was slow and limited.
Merchants and soldiers were the only people who regularly traveled over long distances.
Sanitary conditions were rudimentary at best, with open sewers and animal excrement
likely to be everywhere.
Although cities were the main centers for science, the arts, and cosmopolitan
culture, their influence in surrounding areas was always weak. No more than a tiny
proportion of the population lived in cities, and the division between cities and coun-
tryside was pronounced. By far the majority of people lived in small rural communities
and rarely came into contact with more than the occasional state official or merchant
from the towns.

Industrialization and Urbanization

The contrast in size between the largest modern cities today and those of premodern civiliza-
tions is extraordinary. The most populous cities in the industrialized countries—sometimes
termed “megacities—number more than 10 million inhabitants (see the “Globalization by
conurbation the Numbers” infographic on p. 504). A conurbation—a cluster of cities and towns forming
A cluster of towns or a continuous network—may include even larger numbers of people. The peak of urban life
cities forming an unbroken today is represented by what is called the megalopolis, termed the “city of cities” in ancient
urban environment. Greece—used in modern times to refer to very large conurbations. The term was first applied
in modern times to refer to the Northeast Corridor of the United States, an area covering some
450 miles from north of Boston to south of Washington, D.C. In this region, some 56 million
megalopolis
people live at an average density of more than 800 persons per square mile. Large, dense urban
The “city of all cities” in
populations can also be found in the lower Great Lakes region surrounding Chicago and in
ancient Greece—used in
modern times to refer to
the San Francisco—East Bay—San Jose-Silicon Valley region of California (Scommegna, 2014).
very large conurbations. Britain was the first society to undergo industrialization, beginning in the mid-
eighteenth century. The process of industrialization generated increasing urbanization—
the movement of the population into towns and cities, away from the land. In 1800, less
urbanization than 20 percent of the British population lived in towns or cities with more than 10,000
The movement of the inhabitants. By 1900, this proportion had risen to 74 percent. London held approximately
population into towns
1.1 million people in 1800; by the beginning of the twentieth century, it had increased in
and cities and away from
size to a population of more than 7.8 million, at that date the largest city ever seen in the
the land.
world. It was a vast manufacturing, commercial, and financial center at the heart of the
still-expanding British Empire.

494 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

 The urbanization of most other European countries
and the United States took place somewhat later. When
the American colonies declared independence in 1776, the
largest city was Philadelphia, with a population of only
40,000. In 1800, the United States was still more of a rural
society than were the leading European countries; fewer
than 10 percent of Americans lived in communities with
populations of more than 2,500 people. Between 1800
and 1900, as industrialization grew in the United States,
the population of New York City leaped from 60,000 to
4.8 million. Today, slightly more than 80 percent of
Americans reside in metropolitan areas.
Although there are exceptions, urbanization gener-
ally goes hand in hand with economic growth. The least-
urbanized countries are also low-income countries (where Traffic outside of the Bank of England in the financial district of
London in 1896. In only a century, the population of London grew
only 33 percent live in urban areas); next come the more
from just over 1 million people to nearly 8 million people.
urbanized middle-income countries (53 percent urban),
while high-income countries are the most urbanized
(81 percent urban). At more than 82 percent urban, North “N
America is the most urbanized, followed by Latin America
and the Caribbean (81 percent) and the European Union
(76 percent). The least-urbanized countries are in South Asia (34 percent urban), which is
also one of the poorest regions in the world (World Bank, 2019¢).
Over the past three decades China went from being 26 percent to 61 percent urban.
In what is likely the largest internal migration in history, hundreds of millions of Chinese
moved from farms and villages to giant cities to take jobs in factories and supporting
services. This urbanization, as noted previously, was in large part by government design,
as central state planning called for urban-based industrial production to replace rural
agriculture as the driving force in the economy. India, on the other hand, remains largely
rural, with only one third of its populations living in urban areas (UN Department of
Economic and Social Affairs [UN DESA], 2018a, 2018b, 2018c).

Theories of Urbanism
THE CHICAGO SCHOOL
Scholars associated with the University of Chicago from the 1920s to the 1940s—
especially Robert Park, Ernest Burgess, and Louis Wirth—developed ideas that were for
many years the chief basis of theory and research in urban sociology. Two concepts devel-
oped by the so-called Chicago School are worthy of special attention. One is the ecological ecological
we ae approach
PP
approach to urban analysis, the other the characterization of urbanism as a way of life,
A perspective on urban
developed by Wirth (Park, 1952; Wirth, 1938). It is important to understand these ideas as
analysis emphasizing the
they were initially conceived by the Chicago School and to see how they have been revised
foot “natural” distribution of
and even replaced by sociologists in more recent decades. cheomeiahberhende ints

Urban Ecology Ecology—the study of the adaptation of plant and animal organisms areas having contrasting
to their environment—is a term taken from the physical sciences. The Chicago School characteristics.
believed that cities grew and took shape by adapting to their environments, much as is

How Do Cities Develop and Evolve? 495

 the case with plants and animals. Large urban areas initially tend to develop along the
shores of rivers, in fertile plains, or at the intersections of trading routes or railways.
They then become ordered into “natural areas” through such processes as competi-
tion, invasion, and succession—a set of concepts taken directly from biological ecology
urban ecology to describe an urban ecology. Much like plants and animals in a natural environment,
An approach to the study different neighborhoods develop through the adjustments made by inhabitants as they
of urban life based on struggle to earn their livelihoods. The Chicago School sought to show that cities grew out-
an analogy with the ward in concentric rings: In the center are the inner-city areas, a mixture of big-business
adjustment of plants and prosperity and decaying private homes; beyond these are older established neighborhoods,
organisms to the physical
where workers employed in stable manual occupations live; farther out still are the sub-
environment. According to
urbs, in which higher-income groups tend to live. Processes of invasion and succession
ecological theorists, the
various neighborhoods occur within and between the concentric rings. For instance, as property decays in a cen-
and zones within cities tral or near-central area, poor residents—ty pically ethnic and racial minority groups—will
are formed as a result find rents to be affordable, and, lacking other options, might start to move into it. As they
of natural processes of
do so, more of the preexisting population starts to leave for neighborhoods elsewhere in
adjustment on the part
the city or out to the suburbs.
of populations as they
compete for resources. Within this larger framework, differentiation occurs as different groups compete for
space. For example, groups on which many others depend (banks, corporate headquarters,
insurance companies) have a dominant role, often reflected in their central geographical
position; members of different ethnic groups may all live in certain neighborhoods, rang-
ing from poor to wealthy depending on the fortunes of the group (Hawley, 1950, 1968).
These processes were imagined to be as immutable as the laws of nature, an assumption
that might have provided some scientific credence to sociological reasoning but, as we shall
see, often proved to be incorrect.

urbanism Urbanism as a Way of Life Wirth’s (1938) thesis of urbanism outlines how life in
A term used by Louis cities both differs from life elsewhere and helps to shape life outside cities—for example,
Wirth to denote distinctive by influencing styles of dress and behavior. As a “way of life,” cities are unique in that
characteristics of urban large numbers of people live in close proximity in virtual anonymity, without knowing
social life, such as its
one another personally—a fundamental contrast to small, traditional villages. As a result,
impersonal or alienating
within cities most contact (for example, with sales clerks, baristas, and passengers on
nature.
trains) is fleeting and partial, serving as a means to other ends rather than contributing
to the development of satisfying relationships.
Wirth was among the first to address the “urban interaction problem” (Duneier and
Molotch, 1999), the need for city dwellers to respect social boundaries when so many people
are so close together all the time. Many people walk down city streets acting unconcerned
about others near them, often talking on cell phones or listening to music that blocks
out the sounds of urban life. Through the appearance of apathy, they can avoid unwanted
transgressions of social boundaries.
Wirth’s ideas have deservedly enjoyed wide currency. The impersonal nature of many
day-to-day contacts in modern cities is undeniable, and to some degree, this is true of social
life in general in modern societies. However, we should not overgeneralize from Wirth’s
ideas. Neighborhoods are often marked by close kinship and personal ties—for example,
among immigrant groups seeking to preserve their ethnic ties or previous ways of living.
Neighborhoods can also result from interactions among people who share a common inter-
est, whether it be religion, politics, language, or art and culture. A small town or village
does not easily allow for the development of such subcultural diversity. For example, some

496 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer) young people may find
more hospitable
communities in cities with large gay subcultures, such as San Francisco
, compared with
the small towns where they grew up. A large city may be a world of strangers, yet
it ulti-
mately supports and creates personal relationships.

JANE JACOBS: “EYES AND EARS UPON THE STREET”

Like most sociologists in the twentieth century, the Chicago School researchers were pro-
fessors who saw their mission as contributing to a scholarly literature and advancing the
field of social science. At certain moments in the history of sociology, however, advances
have also come from thinkers working outside universities without formal training in
sociology. One such person was Jane Jacobs, who published The Death and Life of Great
American Cities (1961) and emerged as a highly influential public intellectual in the field of
urban studies.
Jacobs, like Wirth, noted that “cities are, by definition, full of strangers,” some of whom
are dangerous. She argued that cities are most habitable when they feature a diversity of
uses, thereby ensuring that many people will be coming and going on the streets at any
time. When enough people are out and about, Jacobs wrote, “respectable” eyes and ears
dominate the street and are fixed on strangers, who will thus not get out of hand. The more
people who are out, or who are looking from their windows at the people who are out, the Cities can promote diverse
subcultures. The Castro
more their gazes will safeguard the street.
district of San Francisco, for
More than five decades after her book was published, Jacobs's ideas remain extremely
example, has a thriving gay
influential. Yet times have changed since Jacobs’ writing, and a great diversity of people subculture.
are now found on city sidewalks, often representing economic inequalities, cultural differ-
ences, and extremes of behavior. From the homeless seeking a few dollars, to the mentally ill
who have no other place to go, sidewalk life can often seem unpredictable and threatening
aN
(Duneier, 1999). Under these conditions, strangers do not necessarily feel the kind of soli-
darity and mutual assurance that Jacobs described. Sociologists today must ask, What hap-
pens to urban life when “the eyes and ears upon the street” represent vast inequalities and
cultural differences? Under what conditions do the assumptions Jacobs made still hold up?

URBANISM AND THE CREATED ENVIRONMENT

Whereas the earlier Chicago School of sociology emphasized that the distribution of peo-
ple in cities occurs naturally, more recent theories of the city have stressed that urbanism
is not a natural process but rather is shaped by political and economic forces. These the-
ories focus on the created environment, or the infrastructure established by humans to created
environment
serve their own needs, including roads, railways, factories, offices, private homes, and other
buildings. Urbanism is a core aspect of the created environment. Cities and urban areas Infrastructure established
by human beings to serve
were “created” by the spread of industrial capitalism.
their own needs, including
This focus on the political economy of cities, increasingly in a global context, rep-
roads, railways, factories,
resented a new and critical direction for urban sociology. It emphasizes the ways that offices, homes, and other
everyday life in urban areas is shaped by macrosocial forces and institutions, including buildings.
corporations and public policies.
According to social geographer David Harvey (1973, 1982, 1985, 2009), space is contin-
ually restructured in modern urbanism. ‘This restructuring process is determined by deci-
sions oflarge firms (where they choose to place their home offices, research and development
centers, and factories); government control over both land and industrial production; and

How Do Cities Develop and Evolve?

 the activities of private investors who buy and sell houses and land. Businesses, for exam-
ple, are constantly weighing the relative advantages of new locations against existing ones.
As production becomes cheaper in one area, or as a firm shifts its focus from one product
to another, offices and factories will be closed down in one place and opened up elsewhere.
Once the new offices or factories have been built and the area redeveloped, investors will
look for opportunities for further speculative building elsewhere. What is profitable in one
period will not necessarily be so in another, when the financial climate changes.
The activities of private home buyers are strongly influenced by where business inter-
CONCEPT CHECKS
ests buy up land, as well as by interest rates and tax rates fixed by local and central gov-

What are two ernments. After World War II, for instance, suburban development boomed outside major
characteristics of cities in the United States. This was partly due to ethnic discrimination and the tendency
ancient cities? of White people to move away from urban neighborhoods populated by people of color.
What is urbanization? However, this shift was made possible, Harvey argued, only because governments pro-
How is it related to vided tax breaks to home buyers and construction firms and financial organizations set
globalization? up special credit arrangements. These incentives provided the basis for the building and
How does urban ecology buying of new homes on the peripheries of cities and at the same time promoted demand
use analogies to physical for industrial products, such as the automobile (Harvey, 1973, 1982, 1985).
science to explain life in
Like Harvey, Manuel Castells (1977, 1983) argued that cities are almost wholly artificial
modern cities?
environments, constructed by people, rather than the natural forces emphasized by the
What Is the urban
Chicago School. Both also stress that the spatial form of a society is closely linked to the
interaction problem?
larger political economy. However, the nature of the created environment is not just
According-to Jane
the result of the activities of wealthy and powerful people; Castells stressed the importance
Jacobs, the more
of the struggles of underprivileged groups to better their living conditions. Urban prob-
people there are on
the streets, the more lems stimulate a range of social movements, including those concerned with improving
likely it is that street housing conditions, protesting air pollution, defending parks, and combating development
life will be orderly. that changes the character of an area. Castells studied the gay movement in San Francisco,
Do you agree with for example, which successfully restructured neighborhoods around its own cultural
Jacobs's hypothesis
values—allowing many gay organizations, clubs, and bars to flourish—and gained influ-
ETatom al-lam-> do)tclarclalolamiols
this pattern?
ence over local politics.

How Do Rural, Suburban,

? and Urban Life Differ in
the United States?
Learn about key
developments affecting
American cities, suburbs,
and rural communities in
One of the major changes in the distribution of the U.S. population since World War II has
the last several decades:
suburbanization, urban been the large-scale movement of people to urban areas, both large cities and newly con-
decay, gentrification, structed suburbs. At the same time, rural populations have continued to decline as young
and population loss in people seek richer professional and personal opportunities in our nation’s large and small
rural areas. cities. We therefore begin with a discussion of rural America and suburbia before moving
on to look at the larger metropolitan areas.

498 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

The Decline of Rural America?
Rural areas of the United States are defined by the Census Yay: : :
Bureau residually: as all those places located outside of bite |J ' Bi [4
urban areas. Rural communities typically have fewer than , | ) D
2,500 people and are often areas where people live in open bs eaten Fe |
country. In the 1950s, rural areas accounted for more than es meee eet

a third (36 percent) of the U.S. population; as of the most . ee Bu

cits &
recent Census (2010), that figure has declined to less than 5) - | ec |i Hane

fe e |
a fourth (19 percent), even though rural America contains -———— S.
most of the country’s land mass (97 percent) (Ratcliffe et al.
2016; America Counts, 2017).
Population decline in rural areas is the result of many Rural areas such as Ripton, Vermont, are suffering from
factors: the mechanization of agriculture, which replaced significant population loss.
more labor-intensive small family farms with large indus-
trial farms; lack of economic opportunities, reflected in IN
high rates of poverty; the attraction of urban lifestyles for
younger people; and—in some regions—a dearth of natu-
ral amenities, such as forests, lakes, or temperate winters. The outmigration of young peo-
ple in particular has meant that fewer babies are born to replace the aging rural population
(Johnson, 2006). As a result, many rural areas have disproportionately high numbers of
older adults, a phenomenon called “aging in place” that explains the relatively old popula-
tions in rural areas in the “Rust Belt” (the area around the Great Lakes and upper Midwest
that has lost industry) (McGranahan and Beale, 2002).
One out of every four rural children lives in poverty, higher than the urban rate
(one out of every five) (National Low Income Housing Coalition, 2015). The counties
with persistent child poverty tend to cluster in Appalachia, along the Mississippi Delta,
in the northern Great Plains, along the Texas-Mexico border, and in the Southwest
(Schaefer et al., 2016). Race also shapes rural poverty, just as it shapes urban poverty. Rural
counties with the highest child poverty rates often have majority non-White populations.
These areas include Black-majority counties in the Mississippi Delta and counties in the
Midwest and West that have large Native American populations, often dwelling on Indian
reservations (O'Hare and Mather, 2008).

Suburbanization
In the United States, suburbanization, the massive development and inhabiting of towns
surrounding a city, rapidly increased during the 1950s and 1960s, a time of great eco-
nomic growth. A series of federal policies after World War II encouraged Americans to
pursue the “American dream” of owning a house and a piece of land. The Federal Housing
Administration (FHA) provided assistance in obtaining mortgage loans, making it possible
in the early postwar period for families to buy housing in the suburbs for less than they
would have paid for rent in the cities. The FHA did not offer financial assistance to improve
older homes or to build new homes in the central areas of ethnically mixed cities; its
large-scale aid went only to the builders and buyers of suburban housing.
President Dwight D. Eisenhower oversaw the passage of the Federal-Aid Highway Act
in 1956, authorizing $32 billion ($300 billion in today’s dollars) for building the National

How Do Rural, Suburban, and Urban Life Differ in the United States? 499
Suburban Levittown, New
York, in the 1950s (left).
A housing development
in the exurb of Highland, .
California (right).

System of Interstate and Defense Highways. Gasoline taxes were also used to fund the
emerging interstate highway system, which launched today’s network of freeways and
toll roads. The interstate highway system both resulted from—and contributed to—the
expansion of the automobile industry, as the two-car family became common. High-speed
highways and the rapidly growing number of cars that came to rely on them boosted
the postwar economy. At the same time, they enabled families to move to lower-tax, less
expensive suburbs and drive to work in neighboring cities. As industries and services
followed people to the suburbs, commuting between suburbs also became common.
Suburbs eventually became more racially and ethnically diverse; by 2010, people of
color had come to comprise 35 percent of all suburban residents—close to their proportion
of the overall U.S. population—although the fastest-growing, low-density, distant suburbs
(so-called exurbs) remained largely white (Kneebone et al., 2011). Members of minority
groups move to the suburbs for reasons similar to those of the White people who preceded
them: better housing, schools, and amenities.
Today, scholars debate whether the divide between “suburb” and “city” is meaningful,
as many older suburbs, often on the fringes of major cities, share characteristics that were
once hallmarks of city life—pockets of poverty, an aging housing stock (occupied by aging
residents), old infrastructure, growing immigrant populations, and little land left for new
development that will generate property-tax revenue. These inner suburbs stand in stark
contrast to outer suburbs that have new housing stock, expanses of open land, and popu-
lations that tend to be more racially and ethnically homogeneous. As a result, researchers
increasingly use the terms urban area or metropolitan area to describe regions that encompass
central cities and their immediate outskirts. Between 2010 and 2018, metropolitan areas
grew by 19 million people (7.1 percent). Roughly 86 percent of the U.S. population now
lives in metropolitan areas (some 281 million people) (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2019).
While the last several decades saw movement from the cities to the suburbs, they also
witnessed a shift in the regional distribution of the U.S. population from North to South
and from East to West. Between 2010 and 2018, regional growth was much more rapid in
the South (8.6 percent) and West (8.2 percent) than it was in the Northeast (1.3 percent) and
Midwest (2.0 percent) (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2019f).

500 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

Urban Problems
Urban decay is partially a consequence of the social and economic forces involved
in the move-
ment of businesses, jobs, and middle-class residents from major cities to the outlying suburbs,
a trend that began in the 1950s. Millions of blue-collar jobs disappeared, which particular
ly
affected poorly educated people, who were disproportionately people of color. Although the
overall educational levels of minority groups have improved since the mid-twentieth century,
the improvement has not been sufficient to keep up with the demands of an information-based
economy (Kasarda, 1993). William Julius Wilson (1991, 1996) has argued that the problems of
the urban underclass have grown out of this economic transformation (see Chapter 7).
These economic changes also contributed to increased residential segregation of racial
and ethnic groups and social classes, as we saw in Chapter 10. Discriminatory practices by
home sellers, real estate agents, and mortgage-lending institutions added to this pattern
of segregation (Massey and Denton, 1993). One-quarter of the roughly 29 million African
Americans living in the largest metropolitan areas are found in segregated neighborhoods,
defined as neighborhoods where more than four out of every five residents are Black (24/7
Wall St., 2016). While some may argue that this is because most people prefer to live in
racially homogeneous neighborhoods populated by people similar to themselves, it turns
out that racial segregation today is in large part the result of government housing policies
that began during the Great Depression of the 1930s and continued for several decades
after World War II. Richard Rothstein (2017) argues that housing built under the federal
Public Works Administration was deliberately segregated, with most going to White
Americans. After World War II, the 1949 Housing Act provided FHA guarantees for bank
loans, enabling the construction of large-scale White-only housing developments, with
deeds that prohibited resale to African Americans (so-called restrictive covenants).
At the local level, African American neighborhoods were frequently rezoned to allow
industrial (and often toxic) uses, effectively turning them into slums. These and other gov-
ernment policies enabled White working-class Americans to buy homes in decent neigh-
borhoods at affordable prices, while consigning most African Americans to rental housing
in substandard areas. Over many decades, home ownership became the principal source of
wealth for White Americans as their homes increased in value over time. Rothstein argues
that this historical race-based denial of equal home-ownership opportunities resulted in an
enormous racial wealth gap that persists today. While income among Black Americans is cur-
rently around 60 percent of White income, wealth among Black Americans is only 5-7 percent
of White wealth, making it more difficult for Black people to buy homes at today's prices or
afford to send their children to college. These challenges are especially severe for low-income
(and disproportionately minority) households, since there is an acute shortage of affordable
rental units (Aurand et al., 2017). Moreover, the landlord-tenant relationship is often
exploitive: In the absence of rent and eviction controls, landlords will charge whatever the
market will bear and can legally evict tenants for any (or no) reason—for example, to find
tenants who can afford significant rent increases. Frequent evictions, requiring moves to new
neighborhoods, can serve to undermine long-term relations in low-income communities.
The social ties among the urban poor that contribute to a healthy community become what
sociologist Matthew Desmond (2016) has termed “disposable.” Evictions can be highly
destructive of individuals and communities; Desmond's work points to the central impor-
tance of affordable housing in a broad range of antipoverty policies.

How Do Rural, Suburban, and Urban Life Differ in the United States? 501
 Gentrification and Urban Renewal
Urban decay is not wholly a one-way process; it can stimulate countertrends, such as
gentrification and urban renewal. More recently, many central cities have seen substan-
tial reinvestment as wealthier professionals have moved back into downtown areas. This
gentrification revival has resulted in a process of gentrification whereby older, deteriorated housing
A process of urban stock and other buildings are refurbished by affluent groups moving into an area. This
renewal in which older, process is called gentrification because those areas or buildings return to the control of the
deteriorated housing is urban “gentry"—high-income dwellers—rather than remaining in the hands of the poor.
refurbished by affluent
Gentrification is nothing new—3o years ago sociologist Elijah Anderson (1990)
people moving into
analyzed the effect of gentrification on cities. Although the renovation of a neighbor-
the area.
hood generally increases its value, it rarely improves the living standards of its current
low-income residents, who are usually forced to move out. The poor residents, often people
of color, who continue to live in the neighborhood receive some benefits in the form of
improved schools and police protection, but the resulting increases in taxes and rents often
force them to leave for a more affordable neighborhood, most often into impoverished areas
of the city with substandard housing that are likely to be racially segregated. The White
CONCEPT CHECKS newcomers come to the city in search of cheap “antique” housing, closer access to their
city-based jobs, and a trendy urban lifestyle. They profess to be open-minded about racial
Describe at least two .
problems facing rural
and ethnic differences; in reality, however, little fraternizing takes place between the new
America today. and old residents unless they are of the same social class. Over time, the neighborhood is
gradually transformed into a white middle-class enclave.
Why did so many
Naal-im(or-]atom anioncm(0) Often gentrification is a result not purely of market forces but of government policies
suburban areas in the that invest public funds into poor areas. Urban renewal (sometimes called urban redevel-
1950s and 1960s? opment) is the process of renovating deteriorating neighborhoods by using public funds to
What are two unintended renew old buildings and construct new ones, often through large-scale demolition of slum
consequences of housing. The twin processes of gentrification and urban renewal gained force after World
10] e101 oY-1a 4-1010)alta
War II, in large part when the 1949 and 1954 federal Housing Acts pumped billions of fed-
How do they deepen
eral dollars into urban renewal programs in run-down urban areas, leading Black writer
socioeconomic and
racial inequalities? James Baldwin to describe urban renewal as “Negro removal.”

How Does Urbanization

Affect Life across
me =6the Globe?
See that global economic
In premodern times, cities were self-contained entities that stood apart from the predomi-
competition has a profound
impact on urbanization and nantly rural areas in which they were located. Communication between cities was limited.
urban life. Recognize the The picture at the start of the twenty-first century could hardly be more different. Globalization
challenges of urbanization has had a profound effect on cities, making them more interdependent and encouraging the
in the developing world. proliferation of horizontal links between cities across national borders. Physical and virtual
ties between cities now abound, and global networks of cities are emerging.

502 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

Global Cities
The role of cities in the new global order has been attracting a great deal of attention from urban renewal
sociologists. Saskia Sassen has been one of the leading contributors to the debate on cities The process of ren-
and globalization. She coined the term global city to refer to urban centers that are home ovating deteriorating
to the headquarters of large transnational corporations anda superabundance of financial, neighborhoods by using
public funds to renew old
technological, and consulting services. In her early work, Sassen (1991) focused on three
buildings and construct
such cities: New York, London, and Tokyo. The contemporary development of the world
new ones, often through
economy, she argued, has created a novel, strategic role for major cities. Most such cities large-scale demolition of
have long been centers of international trade, but they now have four new traits: slum housing.

1. They have developed into command posts—centers of direction and policy

making—for the global economy. global city
2. ‘They are the key locations for financial and specialized service firms, which have A city—such as London,
New York, or Tokyo—that
become more important than manufacturing in influencing economic development.
has become an organizing
3. They are the sites of production and innovation in these newly expanded center of the new global
industries. economy.

4. They are markets in which the “products” of financial and service industries are
bought, sold, or otherwise disposed of.

Within the highly dispersed world economy of today, cities like these provide for
central control of financial innovations, markets, and the specialized services required by
business organizations for administering offices and factories scattered across the world.
Services and financial goods are the “things” the global city makes.

Inequality and the Global City

The new global economy is highly problematic in many ways. Sassen (1998) further argues
that global cities have produced a new, interrelated dynamic of inequality: It is no coinci-
dence that, in many global cities, the prosperous central business district is interlinked
with impoverished urban areas. The growth sectors of the new economy—financial ser-
vices, marketing, high technology—are reaping profits far greater than any found within
traditional economic sectors. As the salaries and bonuses of the very affluent continue to
climb, the wages of those employed to clean and guard their offices are dropping. Sassen
argues that we are witnessing the “valorization” of work located at the forefront of the new
global economy, along with the “devalorization” of work that occurs behind the scenes.
Within global cities, a geography of “centrality and marginality” is taking shape.
Alongside resplendent affluence is acute poverty. These two worlds exist side by side, yet
actual contact between them can be surprisingly minimal. As Mike Davis (1990) noted in
his study of Los Angeles, there has been a “conscious ‘hardening’ of the city surface against
the poor.” Accessible public spaces have been replaced by walled compounds, neighbor-
hoods guarded by electronic surveillance.

Urbanization in the Global South

Most urban growth is now occurring in cities in the Global South, in regions with large
populations. Although Africa and South Asia (a region that includes India, Bangladesh,
Nepal, and Pakistan) are still mostly rural, this is predicted to change dramatically by

How Does Urbanization Affect Life across the Globe?

 Urbanization

Today 55 percent of the world’s population resides in cities. This proportion is expected to rise to 68 percent
~ by 2050, with China,.India, and Nigeria alone accounting for more than a third of the projected growth of the world’Ss
- urban population. 3

Largest cities in 2018 Percentage of.population

In millons 2016: = 2035" za residing in urban areas, 1950- Fo} to)

Mi Tokyo, Japan 2) ate © 360 (0% is World

WI Delhi, India abe asa 75% — High income
oo eo e oe — Middle income
© Shanghai, China 25.6 34.3 o 50% Pa ee

!> S&o Paulo, Brazil — 217 245 reas

'_ Mexico City, Mexico 21.6 25.4 :

0% :
™ Cairo, Egypt 201 285 ae lsfe) poigte 4990 201 (2030 2050

@ Mumbai, India 20,0 : 275 =

[BB Beijing, China © 496.6. = 25.4.

' Dhaka, Bangladesh. “49.6 2-912

(Osaka, Japan ; 19.3 18.3

New York-Newark, U.S. 18.8 208 3 : C | 3°

@ Karachi, Pakistan 15.4 23.1

ialwd0)[Lol =e ‘a

=
€
;
e0.&
ed

ry é =
wi =
3=)
a
)
ou

Karachi NewYork Osaka Mexico City Beijing Mumbai_ Cairo i ©)at-|,<- ee T- [00dat-11
1() Shanghai Tokyo Delhi
Pakistan U.S. Japan Mexico China India . Egypt Bangladesh Brazil China Japan . India

Source: United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2019¢.

mid-century. By 2050, 59 percent of all Africans and 54 percent of South Asians will be
living in urban areas—a rural-urban shift involving some 1.5 billion people in these two
regions. For the less-developed regions of the world as a whole (excluding China), the
rural-urban shift is predicted to involve more than 2 billion people (UN DESA, 2018b.).
Why will urban growth be limited largely to less industrialized regions in the coming
decades? Apart from the obvious fact that the most economically developed nations are
already highly urbanized, two factors in particular must be taken into account.
First, rates of population growth are higher in the Global South than they are in
industrialized nations, and urban growth is fueled by high fertility rates among people
already living in cities. Second, there is widespread internal migration from rural areas to
urban ones. People are drawn to cities in the Global South either because their traditional
systems of rural production have disintegrated or because the urban areas offer superior
job opportunities. Rural poverty prompts many people to try their hand at city life. They
may intend to migrate to the city for only a short time, aiming to return to their rural
homes once they have earned enough money.

CHALLENGES OF URBANIZATION IN THE GLOBAL SOUTH

Rapid urbanization in the Global South has brought with it many economic, environmen- .
| informal economy
tal, and social challenges.
Economic transactions
Economic Challenges Asagrowing number ofunskilled and agricultural workers migrate carried on outside the
to urban centers, the formal economy often struggles to absorb the influx into the workforce. In sphere of formal paid
most cities in the Global South, it is the informal economy that allows those who cannot find employment.
formal work to make ends meet. It is estimated that more than 60 percent of the employed pop-
ulation worldwide earns a living in the informal economy
(International Labour Organization, 2018). From casual
work in manufacturing and construction to small-scale
trading activities, the unregulated informal sector offers
earning opportunities to poor or unskilled workers.
Informal economic opportunities are important in
helping thousands of families (and women, especially)
to survive in urban conditions, but they are also prob-
lematic. The informal economy is untaxed and unregu-
lated. It is also less productive than the formal economy;
countries where economic activity is concentrated in
this sector fail to collect much-needed revenue through
taxation. The low level of productivity also hurts the
general economy—the proportion of the gross domes-
tic product (GDP) generated by informal economic
activity is much lower than the percentage of the pop-
ulation involved in the sector. Some development ana-
There are currently 33 megacities with 10 million or more inhabitants,
that attention should be paid to formalizing
Aiea 5 26 of which are in the Global South, including Lagos, Nigeria.
or regulating the large informal economy, where much
of the workforce is likely to cluster in years to come.

Environmental Challenges The rapidly expand- “N

ing urban areas in the Global South differ dramatically

How Does Urbanization Affect Life across the Globe? 505

 from cities in the industrialized world. Although cities everywhere are faced with envi-
ronmental problems, those in the Global South are confronted by particularly severe risks.
As we saw earlier in this chapter, China's leaders have the explicit goal of capping the
nation’s energy use and reducing environmental degradation. Pollution, housing shortages,
inadequate sanitation, and unsafe water supplies are chronic problems for cities in less
industrialized countries.
Housing is one of the most acute problems in many urban areas. Cities such as Calcutta and
Sao Paulo are massively congested. Housing shortages have resulted in rising prices for available
housing, forcing the poor—and the migrants who flock to these cities in search of jobs—to
crowd into squatters’ zones that mushroom around the edges of cities. In urban areas in the
Global North, newcomers are most likely to settle close to the central parts of the city, but the
reverse tends to happen in the Global South, where migrants populate the fringe of the urban
areas. Shanty dwellings made of concrete blocks—or, in worse cases, burlap or even card-
board—are set up around the edges of the city wherever there is a little space. This congestion
and overdevelopment in city centers can lead to serious environmental problems.
Finally, global climate change in combination with population growth and urbaniza-
tion can have deadly consequences. One study predicts that heat-related deaths in India will
double by 2080, the direct result of global warming (Economic Times, 2015); another study
drew similar conclusions for New York City (Freedman, 2013). In Pakistan, 1,250 people
died during a heat wave in June 2015; during the spring of 2016, Karacht—Pakistan’s larg-
est city, with more than 16 million people—vegan to run out of water, with people queuing
up for hours for potable water brought in on trucks (Awaz.TV, 2016). Nor is Pakistan alone;
nearly half the global population already resides in places that are potentially water scarce
at least one month a year, three-quarters of whom are in Asia (UNESCO, 2018b).

Social Challenges Many urban areas in the Global South are overcrowded, and social
programs are under-resourced. Poverty is widespread, and existing social services can-
not meet the demands for health care, family-planning advice, education, and job training.
The unbalanced age distribution in less industrialized countries adds to their social and

506 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

economic difficulties. Compared with industrialized countries, a much larger proportion
of
the population in the Global South is under age 15. For example, in many African nations,
nearly half of the population is under age 15. This figure stands at 50 percent in Niger, the
youngest country in the world, 48 percent in Uganda and Mali, 47 percent in Chad and
Angola, and 46 percent in Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. By way of
contrast, in Japan and Germany—two of the world’s oldest populations—just 13 percent of
the national population is under age 15 (World Bank, 20188).
A youthful population needs a good educational system, but many countries in the
Global South lack the resources to provide universal education. When their families are
poor, many children must work full time, and others have to eke out a living on the street,
begging for whatever they can. Poor urban children fare worse than more well-off urban
children and rural children in terms of health, are more likely to be underweight, and are
less likely to receive important vaccinations. From these beginnings, children in urban
slums face lifelong patterns of disadvantage. When they mature, most are unemployed,
homeless, or both.

The Future of Urbanization in the

CONCEPT CHECKS
Developing World
In considering the scope of the challenges facing urban areas in developing countries, it can Discuss the effects of
globalization on cities.
be difficult to see prospects for change and development. Conditions of life in many of the
world's largest cities seem likely to decline even further in the years to come. The picture, What are the four main
(olaf-1= (08(1 14a) ad (9)87-1
however, is not entirely negative.
cities?
First, although birthrates remain high in many countries, they are likely to drop in the
Urban growth in the
years to come, as we will discuss in the next section. Second, globalization is presenting
developing world is
important opportunities for urban areas in the Global South. With economic integration,
aale(olamalicial-lmiat- lamas
cities around the world are able to enter international markets, promote themselves as elsewhere. Discuss
locations for investment and development, and create economic links across the borders several economic,
of nation-states. Third, migrants to urban areas are often “positively selected” in terms of environmental, and
Yolodf-1 Moo]at\-1010(-18 (ee)
traits such as higher levels of educational attainment. Thus migration may be beneficial
such rapid expansion
to those who find better work opportunities, and for their families, who benefit from
of cities in developing
remittances—the money that the migrant workers send back home. nations.

What Are the Forces behind

World Population Growth’ <
Learn why the world
More than a half-century ago, biologist Paul Ehrlich warned about the dangers of global population has increased
population growth in his controversial book The Population Bomb (1968). At the time the dramatically, and
book was written, the world’s population was only 3.5 billion. It has more than doubled understand the main
consequences of
since then to 7.8 billion today— having increased by more than 1 billion in only the last
this growth.
10 years. Ehrlich’s dire predictions seem all the more relevant today. But will such growth
continue into the foreseeable future?

What Are the Forces behind World Population Growth? 507

 It is difficult to predict with any precision the rate at which the world population will
rise, but United Nations researchers estimate that the world’s population will reach 9,7 bil-
demography
lion people by 2050 before stabilizing at 10.9 billion by the end of the century (UN DESA,
The study of the size, dis-
2019¢). This may seem like good news: The rate of population growth appears to have
tribution, and composition
of populations. slowed quite a bit. Instead of adding a billion people every 10 years, over the next three
decades a billion will be added every 15 years.
Unfortunately, this slowdown is not as hopeful as it seems. Unless there are changes in
crude birthrate the way humans live, even current population levels—amuch less adding billions of people
A statistical measure to the planet— may prove unsustainable. The real issue is what will happen over the next
representing the number 30 or so years, by which time, if current trends are not reversed, the world’s population
of births within a given
will already have grown to unsustainable levels. Although there are grounds for supposing
population per year,
that world population growth is beginning to trail off, the factors underlying population
normally calculated as the
number of births per 1,000 growth are by no means completely predictable, and all predictions have to be interpreted
members. Although the with caution.
crude birthrate is a useful
index, it is only a general Population Analysis: Demography
measure, because it does
not specify numbers of Given the importance of understanding the dynamics and effects of human population
births in relation to age growth, an entire field has emerged to study it scientifically: demography. The term has its
distribution. roots in ancient Greek: demos (the people) and graphos (writing, recording). It was invented
about a century and a half ago, at a time when nations were beginning to keep official sta-
tistics on the size of their populations in an effort to explain population growth, decline,
and geographical distribution. As we shall see, such population dynamics are governed by
three factors: births, deaths, and migrations. Demography

PHILIPPINES: is therefore often treated as a branch of sociology because

these factors are largely social and cultural in nature.
th Baby
BASIC DEMOGRAPHIC CONCEPTS
Among the basic concepts used by demographers, the most
important are crude birthrates, fertility, and crude death
rates. Crude birthrates are expressed as the number of
live births per year per 1,000 persons in the entire popula-
tion. They are called “crude” rates because they do not focus
on women of childbearing age, which is a much better pre-
dictor of population growth. Age-specific birthrates take
into account such differences: for instance, the number of
births per 1,000 women in the 25- to 34-year-old age group.
Crude birthrates are useful for making overall com-
parisons among different groups, societies, and regions.
Thus the crude birthrate for the world as a whole in 2019
was 19 per 1,000. It was far lower in the United States
Hospital workers in the Philippines congratulate Camile Dalura on
delivering the world’s 7 billionth baby on October 31, 2011. (143 per 1,000), although other industrialized countries
have even lower rates: 9 per 1,000 in Germany and Italy
and 8 per 1,000 in Japan, for example. In many other parts
“YN of the world, crude birthrates are much higher. In India,
for instance, the crude birthrate was 18 per 1,000, and in

508 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

many African nations, it was more than 40 per 1,000. The crude birthrates in Angola,
Niger, and Mali—44 per 1,000—were the world's highest in 2019 (UN DESA, 20190).
China's crude birthrate is roughly the same as that of the United States (12 per 1,000}-—a
direct result of government-mandated family-planning programs introduced between
1978 and 1980 that enforced (sometimes through sanctions against violators) a one-child
policy. The Chinese government lifted the controversial ban in 2015 and now allows cou- age-specific
ples to have two children. While there were a number of reasons for this policy shift, the birthrate
most serious concern was that there would be insufficient numbers of young people to Statistical measures
representing the number
support China's rapidly aging population (Buckley, 2013).
of births within a given
It is important to note that for the world as a whole, the crude birthrate has declined population per year in rela-
considerably over the past half-century—from 36 per 1,000 in 1963 to 19 per 1,000 today. tion to age distribution.
While fewer births suggests lower population growth and therefore reduced pressure on
the environment, as we shall see below, declining global birthrates by themselves will
not solve our environmental problems. Fertility refers to the actual number of live-born fertility
children the average woman actually has during her child-bearing years (the years during The average number
of live-born children
which she is able to become pregnant), in contrast to the number that are biologically pos-
produced by women of
sible. The fertility rate is therefore usually calculated as the average number of live births
childbearing age ina
per 1,000 women of childbearing age. Social and cultural factors, including birth control particular society.
practices, play a role in determining actual fertility.
Crude death rates (also called “mortality rates”) are calculated in the same way as
birthrates—the number of deaths per 1,000 of population per year. Again, there are crude death rate
major variations among countries, but death rates in many societies in the Global South A statistical measure rep-
are falling to levels comparable to those of the West. The crude death rate for the world resenting the number of
deaths that occur annually
as a whole was 8 per 1,000 in 2019—a rate shared by many countries throughout the
in a given population per
world, including Canada, Argentina, and some African countries such as Burundi and
year, normally calculated
Zimbabwe. (Perhaps surprisingly, the U.S. crude death rate, 9 per 1,000, is slightly higher as the number of deaths
than the world average.) Both India and China had slightly lower crude death rates (7 per per 1,000 members.
1,000). At the other extreme, Bulgaria, Lesotho, and Serbia had the highest crude death Crude death rates give
a general indication of
rates, at 15 to 16 per 1,000. A high crude death rate can result from many factors, with
the mortality levels of a
poverty—and the poor health care that often goes along with it—being a major cause. community or society but
But HIV/AIDS, warfare, drugs (such as opioids in the U.S.) and natural disasters also are limited in their useful-
play a role. Crude death rates globally have fallen even more significantly than crude ness because they do not
birthrates over the past half century, from 18 per 1,000 in 1960 to 8 per 1,000 today take into account the age
distribution.
(World Bank, 2019a). While declining global mortality is obviously good news from the
standpoint of public health (and personal suffering), there is one downside: Since global
population growth necessarily results from the difference between births and deaths, mortality
the fact that the number of deaths has declined even more than the number of births
The number of deaths ina
is the reason that the world’s population continues to grow, with resulting pressures on population.
the environment.
Like crude birthrates, crude death rates provide only a very general index of mortality
(the number of deaths in a population). Specific death rates give more precise information. infant mortality
A particularly important specific death rate is the infant mortality rate: the number of
rate
babies per 1,000 births in any year who die before reaching age one. One of the key fac- The number of infants who
rates. die during the first year of
tors underlying the population explosion has been reductions in infant mortality
life, per 1,000 live births.
died in infancy, a
For the world as a whole, in 2018, out of every 1,000 births, 28 babies
significant drop over three decades (as recently as 1990 the rate was 65). Infant mortality

What Are the Forces behind World Population Growth? 509

 ranged from a low of 1 to 2 per 1,000 in countries such as Norway, Sweden, and Finland,
three Scandinavian countries with strong public health care systems, to a high of 81 in
the war-torn Central African Republic. The infant mortality rate in the United States—
6 per 1,000—is at the low end, but it’s not as low as high-income countries as a whole
(4 per thousand), or, for that matter, Cuba (also 4 per 1,000) (World Bank, 2020f). Although
Cuba is a poor (and undemocratic) country, its government has made preventive medicine,
including a strong primary health care system, one of its top priorities (Medical Education
Cooperation with Cuba, 2016).
Declining rates of infant mortality are the most important influence on increas-
ing life expectancy—that is, the number of years the average person can expect to
live. In 1900, life expectancy at birth in the United States was about 40 years.
Today it has increased to nearly 79 years. (World Population Review, 2020). This does
not mean, however, that most people at the turn of the century died when they were
life expectancy around 40 years old. If we look at the life expectancy of those people who survived
The number of years the the first year of life, we find that in 1900, the average person could expect to live to
average person can expect
age 58. Illness, poor nutrition, and natural disasters are the other factors that influ-
to live.
ence life expectancy. Life expectancy has to be distinguished from life span, which is
the maximum number of years that an individual can live. Although life expectancy
life span has increased in most societies in the world over the past century, life span has

The maximum length of remained unaltered.

life that is biologically
possible for a member of Dynamics of Population Change
a given species.
Rates of population growth or decline are measured by subtracting the yearly number
of deaths per 1,000 from the number of births per 1,000. (Actual population growth or
rates of decline also requires taking into account the number of people who have migrated into the
population country as well as the number who have emigrated out of the country.) For the world as a
growth or decline whole, population is increasing at a rate of 1.1 percent each year, which is half the rate of
A measure of population 50 years ago (World Bank, 2020h). While this trend is certainly promising—the popula-
change calculated by tion explosion is clearly slowing—as we have seen it will still result in several billion more
subtracting the yearly
people by the end of the century, if the predicted trends prove to be correct.
number of deaths per
How can such a tiny rate of growth (1.1 percent each year) produce billions more
1,000 from the number
of births per 1,000. people over the next 7o or so years? The answer is that population growth is exponential:
People born today add to the total population, creating a larger base for future growth.
Since today there are approximately 7.8 billion people in the world, and the annual
exponential growth rate is currently 1.1 percent, then next year there will be 85.8 million more peo-
growth ple (85,800,000 is 1.1 percent of 7,800,000,000), bringing the total to 7,885,800,000. If
A geometric, rather than this larger population base continues to grow at 1.1 percent each year, then two years
linear, rate of increase.
from now 86,743,800 more people will be added, and so on into the future. Each year, the
Populations tend to grow
number of people added will grow. We can measure this effect by means of the doubling
exponentially.
time, the period of time it takes for the population to double. The formula used to calculate
doubling time is 70 divided by the current growth rate. For example, a population growth
doubling time rate of 1 percent will produce a doubling of numbers in 70 years. At 2 percent growth, a
The time it takes for a population will double in 35 years.
particular population There are significant differences in population growth rates between rich and poor
to double. countries. Virtually all industrialized countries have growth rates of less than 0.6 per-
cent. The number of people in the European Union grew by only o.2 percent in 2018; the

510 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

 GLOBAL MAP 15.1

Change in Population Growth Rate, 2010-2019

MB<-0.43% MB -0.43%-0.29% .0.29%-0.96% }.0.96%-1.72% MB 1.72%

Pacific Ocean

Indian Ocean

Source: World Bank, 2020h.

United States grew by 0.6 percent. Some advanced industrialized countries—for example,
Japan, Portugal, and Italy—have even experienced modest population decline (World Bank,
2019b). In these countries, fertility has declined relative to mortality sufficiently that births
(and net migration) no longer outnumber deaths. Economic success appears to go hand-
in-hand with declining population growth (and, at the extreme, even population decline).
On the other hand, as previously noted, the poorest countries in the world have
the highest crude birthrates and therefore the fastest-growing populations. The number
of people in low-income countries grew 2.6 percent in 2018, meaning their populations
(currently 705.4 million people) will double in only 27 years (World Bank, 2019b). Fertility
remains high in some poorer countries because traditional attitudes to family size have
persisted. Having large numbers of children is often still regarded as desirable, providing a
source of labor on family-run farms. Some religions either are opposed to birth control or
affirm the desirability of having many children. Contraception is opposed by Islamic lead-
ers in several countries and by the Catholic Church, whose influence is especially marked
in South and Central America.
High birthrates also mean a youthful population: 42 percent of people living in low-
income countries are under 14, compared with only 17 percent of people in high-income
countries. A young, poor population creates numerous social and economic challenges:
Large numbers of unemployed or underemployed young people, especially young men,
are often a prescription for unrest, providing a recruiting ground for organizations that
advocate for radical (and sometimes violent) change (Darden, 20109).

What Are the Forces behind World Population Growth? 511

 During the rise of industrialism, many looked forward to a new age in which food scar-
city would be a phenomenon of the past. The development of modern industry, it was
widely supposed, would create a new era of abundance. In his celebrated work Essay on the
Principle of Population (1798/2003), Thomas Malthus criticized these ideas and initiated a
debate about the connection between population and food resources that continues to this
day. At the time Malthus wrote, the population in Europe was growing rapidly. Malthus
pointed out that whereas population increase is exponential, food supply depends on fixed
resources that can be expanded only by developing new land for cultivation. Population
growth, therefore, tends to outstrip the means of support available. The inevitable outcome
is famine, which, combined with the influence of war and plagues, acts as a natural limit
to population increase. Malthus predicted that human beings would always live in circum-
stances of misery and starvation unless they practiced what he called “moral restraint.”
His cure for excessive population growth was for people to delay marriage and to strictly
limit their frequency of sexual intercourse. (The use of contraception he proclaimed to
oo ett be a “vice.”)
Malthusianism For a while, Malthusianism was ignored. The population development of the Western
A doctrine about popula- countries followed a quite different pattern than the one Malthus had anticipated. Rates of
tion dynamics developed
population growth trailed off in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In the 1930s, there
by Thomas Malthus,
were major worries about population decline in many industrialized countries, including
according to which popu-
lation increase comes up the United States. Malthus also failed to anticipate the technological developments that
against “natural limits,” fostered increases in food production in the modern era. However, the upsurge in world
represented by famine population growth in the twentieth century again lent some credence to Malthus’s views.
and war.
Population expansion in the Global South seems to be outstripping the resources that
those countries can generate to feed their citizens.

5 ee iERE MESES

The Indian railroad, one

networks, continues to be _
one of the only forms of
" affordable transportation
Indians. India
is projected

around 2024.

NS

512 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

FIGURE 15.1

Demographic Transition
STAGE 1 STAGE 2 STAGE3 STAGE 4

BIRTHRATE

DEATH RATE NATURAL

INCREASE

POPULATION
DECREASE

YL
TOTAL POPULATION

Both birthrates and death Death rates fall while fertility Birthrates drop and Birthrates continue to
rates are high. Population remains high, resulting in a population stabilizes. drop while death rates
grows little, if at all. phase of marked population remain stable. Population
growth. grows very slowly or, in
some cases, declines.

The Demographic Transition

During the nineteenth century, successful industrialization and economic development
demographic
transition
in Europe and the United States resulted in slower population growth. This has been
A three- or four-stage
termed the demographic transition (Figure 15.1), a notion first developed by Warren S.
process in which one type
Thompson (1929), who described a three-stage process in which one type of population
of population stability (high
stability would eventually be replaced by another as a society reached an advanced level death rates offset high
of economic development. birth rates, resulting in low

Stage 1 refers to the conditions characteristic of most pre-industrial societies, in rates of population growth)
are eventually replaced by
which both birth and death rates are high and the infant mortality rate is especially high.
another type of population
Population grows little, if at all, as the high number of births is more or less offset by the stability (birth and death
large number of deaths. Stage 2, which began in Europe and the United States in the early rates both decline sharply
part of the nineteenth century—with wide regional variations—occurs when death rates due to industrialization,
fall while fertility remains high. This is, therefore, a phase of marked population growth. again resulting in low rates
of population growth.
(Some scholars divide this stage into two phases, one in which birthrates remain high but
death rates drop, and a second in which death rates also begin to decline). It is subsequently
replaced by stage 3, in which, with industrial development, birthrates drop to a level such
that population is again fairly stable. Some societies in Europe have moved into a fourth
stage, which we will discuss in the next section.

What Are the Forces behind World Population Growth? 513

EMPLOYING Demographer
YOUR
SOCIOLOGICAL You may notice changes happening in your hometown or the neighbor
hoods surrounding

IMAGINATION your college campus. Perhaps you see that a high-end grocery store or
moving in. Or you may marvel at the construction site for a brand-new
fitness studio is
elementary school.
options in
You might have also noticed that the ATM at your local bank offers language
to locate
English, Spanish, Mandarin, and Russian. How do businesses decide whether
their latest franchise in one neighborhood versus another? And how do planners decide
whether their city or town needs a new school, senior center, or additional weekday

routes on the commuter rail or bus schedule? How do companies decide which lan-
guages, if any, to translate their materials into?
Demographers hold the key to these and other questions that require a deep knowl-
edge of the size, distribution, and composition of a population. Demography is a branch of
sociology focused on how populations grow and change. It uses complex statistical meth-
ods and population-based data, often obtained from large surveys or the U.S. Census.
Given the statistical complexity of the work, most demographers have at least a master’s
degree in sociology or statistics, although a bachelor’s degree in sociology may be suffi-
cient for some entry-level positions.
Demographers make observations about the causes and consequences of pop-

ulation changes, such as increases in birthrates or immigration. Demographers also

analyze data to identify current trends and predict future ones. These predictions can
help governments, social service agencies, and private companies to plan ahead. For
instance, if a demographer calculates that a particular state has seen a substantial
increase in births, then they might project that in 20 years that state may require
more two- and four-year colleges to accommodate this large and growing number of
young people.

Industrial development in the United States was accompanied by a range of social

changes that contributed to lower birthrates. As the economy transitioned from agricul-
tural to industrial, parents no longer required many children to help maintain their farms,
although at least initially children could work in factories. But as industrial economies
matured, child labor was made illegal; instead, compulsory schooling meant that parents
were expected to support their children throughout their school years—and sometimes
even throughout their college years. Instead of being seen as an economic asset, children
came to be viewed as an economic cost. Industrial development was also accompanied by
technologies that allowed women to control their own fertility as well as cultural changes
regarding people's views toward childbearing. The number of children a woman would
have came to be viewed as under her own control rather than a “gift from God.” In con-
temporary society, as women have achieved higher levels of education and higher earnings
in the labor market, the incentive to have fewer children has increased. Higher education
among both men and women is also linked to delayed marriage and, consequently, delayed
(and thus diminished) childbearing (Caldwell et al., 2010).

514 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

 Many demographers work for government agencies such as the Census Bureau or
Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). For example, the BLS hires demographers to research
questions like, Which subpopulations have above-average unemployment rates? We know
that rates among young Black men are especially high, which has implications for their fam-
ily lives and health. Likewise, demographers may find that women and men working in the
Same occupation have very different annual earnings, calling attention to the fact that some
industries may be particularly guilty of gender discrimination. When analyzing and inter-
preting data, demographers require a sociological imagination. If one person is unemployed,
that may be a personal issue reflecting their poor work ethic or bad luck. Yet if demographic
analyses show clear patterns whereby some groups are consistently more likely to face poor
labor market prospects, then that may be an indication of a larger public issue such as racial

discrimination or sexism in the labor market. By detecting trends and differences among
People line up for a job fair in
subgroups, demographers are identifying public issues that may require policy solutions.
New York City. Demographers
Businesses, corporations, and market research firms also regularly employ dem- who work for the Bureau of
ographers to help them make decisions about the kinds of goods and services they deliver. Labor Statistics are concerned
Let's say that a high-end fitness firm is debating whether to locate their latest studio in with issues such as unemployment
a particular neighborhood. They may want to know the average income of people living and other labor market outcomes.
and working there. Demographers might also examine the neighborhood’s commuting or
residential patterns. If urban workers leave the office at 5 P.M. and then return to their
homes in the suburbs, the fitness studio might schedule classes at 5:30 P.M. rather than
8 P.M. so that members can work out before returning home for dinner.
Demographers also work for international organizations like the United Nations and
World Bank. Demographic analyses can help us understand why birthrates are so high in
places like sub-Saharan Africa and why high birthrates are linked with undesirable out-
comes like poverty and infant and child mortality. Demography is a fascinating profession
that allows its workers to apply sophisticated statistical tools and sociological concepts to
some of the most vexing social issues in the United States and worldwide.

The theories of demographic transition directly oppose the ideas of Malthus. Whereas
for Malthus, increasing prosperity would automatically bring about an increase in popu-
lation, the thesis of demographic transition emphasizes that economic development gen-
erated by industrialism would actually lead to a new equilibrium of population stability.

Prospects for Change

While it is difficult to predict with any precision the rate at which the world population
will rise, one trend does seem likely: countries in the Global South will undergo some
degree of demographic transition. To the extent that declines in mortality precede declines
in fertility, these countries will experience a surge in population before growth levels off
and the world’s population stabilizes.
A second trend concerns the developed countries that have already undergone the first
three stages of the demographic transition. As previously noted, some of these countries
have already begun to experience population decline as their fertility drops below replace-
ment levels. These countries have effectively moved into a fourth stage of the demographic

What Are the Forces behind World Population Growth? o1S

 steady, result-
transition, during which birthrates continue to drop while death rates remain
aging results,
ing in very slight population growth or even population decline. A process of
people
in which the proportion of young people declines while the proportion of elderly
social
markedly increases. If this trend continues, it could have widespread economic and
in the
implications for economically developed countries. First, there will be an increase
dependency ratio: the ratio of economically dependent members (the elderly) to econo-
mically productive members (younger working members) of the population. Economically
(oxo)
\(od=}= meg 2| 0d 4
dependent persons are those considered too young or too old to work, typically those under
age 15 and over age 65. As the dependency ratio increases, pressure will mount on health
Explain Malthus’s
position on the care and social services—with relatively fewer persons working (and therefore able to pay
relationship between the taxes) needed to finance them.
foe) oL6] idolaimei ne)Atamrlare! What will be the consequences of these demographic changes? Some observers see
the food supply. the makings of widespread social upheaval—particularly in countries in the Global South
Describe the four stages undergoing demographic transition. Changes in the economy and labor markets—as
of the demographic well as warfare and civic violence—may prompt widespread migration. Refugees, like all
ideclasyidlelan
migrants, seek out major cities, where the possibility of finding work is the greatest. This
How does the theory of enormous movement of people has placed significant strains on the resources of the desti-
demographic transition
nation countries, typically high-income countries where anti-immigrant feeling has helped
conflict with Malthus’s
to fuel the rise of populist authoritarianism (see Chapter 13).
ideas?

How Do Environmental
> Changes Affect Your Life's
See that the environment Today the human onslaught on the environment is so intense that few natural processes
is a sociological issue are uninfluenced by human activity. Nearly all cultivatable land is under agricultural
related to economic
production. What used to be almost inaccessible wilderness areas are now often nature
development and
reserves, visited routinely by thousands of tourists. Modern industry, still expanding
population growth.
worldwide, has led to steeply climbing demands for sources of energy and raw materials.
Yet the world’s supply of resources is limited, and some key reserves are bound to run out
if global consumption is not restricted. Even the world’s climate, as we shall see, has been
affected by global industrialization and economic growth—and the world’s wealthiest
dependency ratio countries have had the largest impact.

The ratio of economically

dependent members (older Global Environmental Threats
adults) to economically Global environmental threats are of several basic sorts. The ones that are most likely to be
productive members
felt locally, at least in economically developed countries like the United States, are those
(younger working members)
of the population.
associated with air and water pollution, the loss of forests and other wildlife habitats, the
creation of waste that cannot be disposed of in the short term or recycled, and the depletion
of resources that cannot be replenished. According to a May 2019 United Nations report,
“nature is declining globally at rates unprecedented in human history—and the rate of
species extinctions is accelerating, with grave impacts on people around the world now
likely” (United Nations Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and

516 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

 Ecosystem Services, 2019). The report, which drew on
15,000 scientific and government
sources, concluded that up to a million animal and plant
species—out of 8 million total
species on the planet—are threatened with extinction.
The loss of biodiversity, in turn,
means more to humans than the loss of natural habitat. Biodive
rsity also provides humans
with new medicines and sources and varieties of food, and
it plays a role in regulating
atmospheric and oceanic chemistry.
Industrialized countries have become “throwaway societies,” pollutin
g the environ-
ment by routinely discarding a staggering volume of items. When
we buy food in grocery
stores it is often wrapped in packages that are immediately discarde
d; products bought
online arrive in cardboard or plastic, which winds up in garbage dumps
(and often the
ocean); electronic waste—computers, cell phones, and the host of toys
and gadgets that
contain electronic circuits—is routinely “recycled” to landfills in poor countries
, where
there are few if any safeguards against contaminating local watersheds, farmland
s, and
communities.

Global Warming and Climate Change

Global warming occurs due to the high levels of carbon dioxide, methane, and other ereen-
house gases in the atmosphere. Burning fuels such as oil and coal in cars and power sta-
tions releases greenhouse gases, as does using aerosol cans, material for insulation, and
air-conditioning units. This buildup of greenhouse gases in the earth's atmosphere func-
tions like the glass of a greenhouse. The atmosphere allows the sun's rays to pass through
but acts as a barrier to the rays reflecting back off the earth's surface, causing the earth to
heat up. For this reason, global warming is sometimes termed the “greenhouse effect.” The
U.S. Energy Information Administration (2016) projected that worldwide energy use will
increase by nearly half between 2012 and 2040, and more than half of that increase will
occur in China and India. In 2010, those two countries accounted for 24 percent of the
total growth in energy use. If current trends continue, the administration predicts that
by 2040, China will be using more than twice the energy of the United States. Despite
breakthroughs in renewable energy, it is predicted that fossil fuels will still comprise more
than three-quarters of global energy consumption. When all greenhouse gases are taken
into account, China surpassed the United States as the world’s largest emitter in 2005, and
it currently accounts for 27 percent of the world total, twice the share of the United States
(13 percent).
Yet when making comparisons it is important to bear in mind that China has four
times the U.S. population. On a per person basis, the U.S. is by far the world’s largest pro-
ducer of greenhouse gases: the U.S. currently emits twice as much carbon dioxide per per-
A worker at an e-waste
son as China (Oliver and Peters, 2018). Also recall that China’s greenhouse gas emissions
recycling company in
come in large part from factories that are making products that people all over the world Bangalore, India, shows
consume, for firms that are headquartered in the United States, Europe, and Japan. In an shredded pieces of printed
important sense, therefore, the production of greenhouse gases has been outsourced to Co]gol] eles
1a Me)Me)ek-yo) (-1¢-
electronic gadgets. E-waste.,
firms in China as well as other industrializing counties.
is a growing environmental
In 2007, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), a blue-ribbon group
FTate Molle)(omal-t-llanmeelater-i
ga
of scientists created by the UN Environment Program and its World Meteorological
Organization, took the planet's temperature and found it had already increased by 1 degree
Celsius (1.8 degrees Fahrenheit) since pre-industrial times (the period 1850-1900 is used “N
as an approximation) and has been rising steeply since the mid-twentieth century. Rising

How Do Environmental Changes Affect Your Life? Si

 DIGITAL LIFE

| | rave Your Ecological Footprint

The United States makes up roughly 4 percent of the global your home, how much you drive (and what gas mileage you get),S
ei i population yet uses nearly one-third of the world’s fossil fuel whether you use public transportation, and how much you fly. As
_ reserves (U.S. Energy Information Administration, 2016). you chart your lifestyle, the many things you have come to enjoy _ oe
‘According to the Global Footprint Network, we would need 4.1 surround your avatar.
: planet Earths to allow every person on the planet to live a typical If you are a student at a U.S. college or university who hessin
American lifestyle (McDonald, 2015). The many decisions we a dorm, is a vegan who eats only locally grown vegetables, gets

make each day—what kinds of cars we drive, how much we fly, around on a bicycle, travels long distances by bus, and never
the size of our homes, and even how much time we spend in flies, you will require “only” 3.3 planets! That’s because unless
; ‘the shower each morning—contribute to the United States’ high you are completely off the grid, you are still tied into arange of
levels of resource consumption. services that require energy, and in the United States, those ser-
‘i Many Americans, however, especially young adults, are taking vices are typically not energy efficient. Still, you are likely doing
conscious steps to monitor their energy use by biking to school less ecological damage than the authors of this textbook. When
or work, ‘recycling and composting, bringing old cell phones to. one of your authors took the quiz, nearly 7 planet Earths were
e -waste facilities, and using refillable water bottles.But how do required: Living in a full-sized house, driving a car—even one
we know whether these efforts are enough, or what their impact = that is energy-efficient—and flying around the world to confer-
: _ is? A number of websites and apps have been developed that ay ences clearly take a toll on the planet. On the other hand, if you
enable users to estimate their ‘ecological footprints,” theamount lived in Switzerland and lived an ecologically conscious lifestyle,
of energy they require given the details of their daily living.One iysil according to the quiz, you would require only 2.4 planets.
of the most popular is the Ecological Footprint Quiz (https:ee The lesson derived from this exercise is simple: Your indi-
www. footprintcalculator. org/), which provides an animated tour vidual lifestyle can, in fact, make a difference. Still, a significant
a through one’s lifestyle. While perhaps not perfectly scientifically : reduction in the global ecological footprint will require the coun-
accurate, it will give you a rough idea of how many planet Earths tries of the world to adopt policies that will move them toward
_ would be required if everyone on the planet were to consume the much greater energy efficiency. The Paris Agreement on
land and other resources required to enjoy your lifestyle. climate change provides a hopeful direction; however, more
You begin by creating (and styling) your avatar and choos- than four years after the Paris Agreement was adopted, seven
ing your country. You next enter information about the food you of 197 signatories have not ratified it. Namely, the United States
eat (are you a vegan? meat eater? is your food mainly local? withdrew from the agreement under the Trump Administration
_ organic?), the amount of clothing and other goods you have, and has left the agreement as of November 4, 2020 (Apparicio
the amount of trash you generate, the size and “greenness” of and Sauer, 2020).

How many planet Earths would it take if

everyone on the planet were to consume the
resources required to enjoy your lifestyle?
temperatures result in the rapid shrinking of arctic ice caps and mountain glaciers,
long-
term droughts in some regions, greater rainfall in others, an increase in hurricane activity
in the North Atlantic, and in general, more turbulence in global weather. Most significantly,
the 2007 IPCC report stated unequivocally that human activity was the principal source of
global warming, very likely causing most of the temperature increase over the last century.
By 2014, when the IPCC issued its synthesis report based on the most recent research,
the experts warned of “severe, pervasive and irreversible impacts for people and ecosys-
tems,” including continued global warming to 2 degrees Celsius (3.6 degrees Fahrenheit)
by the end of the century, more frequent and longer-lasting heat waves, and more extreme
weather, such as tropical storms, cyclones, and hurricanes. The best hope was to limit
the total increase to no more than 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit) from pre-
industrial levels, which meant only another 0.5 degrees Celsius (0.9 degrees Fahrenheit)
from 2014 levels (IPCC, 2015).
The 2014 IPCC report suggested ways to mitigate the worst consequences of global
warming. The first and most important step would be for the countries of the world to
adopt conservation measures aiming to limit global warming to no more than 2 degrees
Celsius. (As noted above, limiting warming to an increase of 1.5 degrees Celsius is neces-
sary if major climate disruptions are to be avoided.) This would require national policies
reducing greenhouse gas emissions, which in turn would require massive conversions
from economies based on fossil fuels to economies based on clean energy. In December
2015, 195 nations met in Paris and reached an agreement to limit the global temperature
increase to no more than 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit). Each country agreed
to submit a climate plan. China, for example, pledged to lower emissions per unit of GDP
by 60 to 65 percent (which would mean total emissions would continue to rise at least
until 2030, because China hopes to continue building its rapidly growing GDP). The Paris
Agreement also included a “loss and damage” principle, under which wealthy countries
agreed to create a fund to help poorer countries cope with the effects of global warming
(UNFCCC, 2015).
While the Paris Agreement was historically significant and seen by many as a hopeful
sign, it remains to be seen whether it will be honored. There are no enforcement mecha-
nisms apart from regular public reports that may shame countries into fulfilling their com-
mitments. The agreement was further weakened in 2017, when U.S. president Donald Trump
announced that the United States would no longer participate in it. Following nearly two
years of negotiations, formal withdrawal was announced in November 2019, and became
effective November 4, 2020. It now remains up to China and the other world signatories to
be leaders in addressing the principal causes of global climate change. The IPCC expressed
grave concerns in an October 2018 special report, commenting “that we are already see-
ing the consequences of 1°C of global warming through more extreme weather, rising sea
levels and diminishing Arctic sea ice, among other changes.” The report also noted that
greenhouse gas emissions continue to rise despite pledges from virtually every country to
lower them, and that substantial action by governments and the private sector are required
if the goal of limiting temperature increase to 1.5 degrees Celsius is to be realized. The
report gave the world only a dozen years (until 2030) to achieve the 1.5 degree Celsius goal,
after which it predicted far greater risks of droughts, floods, and extreme heat waves, all of
which could result in poverty for hundreds of millions of people (Watts, 2018). “Now more
than ever,” the IPCC report concludes, “unprecedented and urgent action is required of

How Do Environmental Changes Affect Your Life? BH,

 all nations” if the world is to avoid extreme hot days, an increase in heavy
rainfalls and flooding in some areas and prolonged droughts in others,
stronger melting of ice sheets and glaciers and a resulting increased sea
level rise (Hoegh-Guldberg et al., 2018).
A separate IPCC report on oceans, glaciers, and permafrost pub-
lished a year later noted a significant shrinkage of the earth's glaciers,
snow cover, and arctic sea ice; a warming of the oceans; and a melting
of northern permafrost in recent decades (Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change, 2019). According to the report, melting glaciers have
resulted in sea levels that have risen more in the past century than they
have at any time during the past several thousand years; rising sea levels,
in turn, have contributed to coastal flooding. The predicted increase in
average global temperature is sufficient, in the eyes of some scientists,
to destabilize the ice sheets that cover Greenland and the western part
of Antarctica; were these ice sheets to melt in their entirety, sea levels
would rise an estimated 30 feet or more. While such a catastrophic event
seems unlikely in the foreseeable future, in 2019 the Greenland ice sheet
lost 300 billion tons of ice, far more than normal —the result of record
Kids play on a merry-go-round near an oil
refinery at the Carver Terrace housing project hot weather during the summer months (Tutton, 2019; National Snow
playground in west Port Arthur, Texas. Port and Ice Data Center, 20109).
Arthur sits squarely on a two-state corridor The poorest people around the world would be the most severely
routinely ranked as one of the country’s most affected by climate change, because they would lack access to resources
" polluted regions.
that might enable them to adjust. On a global level, soil degradation,
deforestation, water shortages, and toxic emissions of all sorts are most
“N heavily concentrated in the Global South. Apart from severe droughts—
which are turning once-fertile lands into deserts—global warming
threatens the water supplies of hundreds of millions of people, increases
the danger of flooding for others, adversely affects agriculture in many parts of the
world, and further reduces the planetary biodiversity on which many depend. About
815 million people—11 percent of the global population—already suffer from hunger or
undernourishment. In some parts of the world, more than one-third of the population
is undernourished (United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, 2017). Because
some amount of global warming seems inevitable, the recent IPCC report recommended
measures that might be taken to offset some of these predicted consequences, including
early warning systems, flood and cyclone shelters, seawalls and levees, desalinization
plants to convert seawater to drinking water, and programs to educate people about the
dangers of global warming.
Stopping—or even slowing—the environmental effects of climate change will require
significant actions on the part of individuals as well as nations. If the impoverished nations
sustainable
development of the world are to catch up with the richer ones, a new path to development is needed.
Such a path must couple scarce resource conservation with the reduction of greenhouse
Development that meets
the needs of the present gases and other pollutants. This path has been called sustainable development, aterm that
without compromising the was first used in a report by the World Commission on Environment and Development
ability of future generations (1987), popularly referred to as the Brundtland Report after former Norwegian prime min-
to meet their own needs. ister Gro Harlem Brundtland, who chaired the commission. The report defined sustain-
able development simply as “development that meets the needs of the present without

520 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (p. 326). This
definition sought to reconcile two seemingly intractably opposed communities: environ-
mentalists, who were often seen as antigrowth, and businesspeople, who were often seen
as anti-environment. Environmentalists could now argue that at least in wealthy indus-
trial nations, environmentally harmful economic development should be limited, while
conceding that economic growth might be necessary to lift people out of poverty in the
Global South.
The notion of sustainable development, while popular, remains unclear; What are
the needs of the present? How much development can occur without compromising
the future, particularly because we don't know what the future effects of technologi-
cal change may be (Giddens, 2009)? However imprecise the term, “sustainable develop-
ment” is generally taken to mean that growth should, at least minimally, be carried on
in such a way as to preserve and recycle physical resources rather than deplete them,
to maintain biodiversity, and to keep pollution to a minimum by protecting clean air,
water, and land.
One way sustainable development might be achieved is by switching from a
carbon-based economy to one based on renewable energy that emits fewer greenhouse
gases. This involves moving from coal, petroleum, and gas to clean technologies (so-called
green technology) such as solar and wind power, biofuels, fuel-efficient transportation,
advanced storage batteries, and high-tech power grids. A case can also be made for nuclear
energy as a clean alternative to petroleum, since nuclear plants do not emit greenhouse
gases. More than a quarter of Europe's energy currently comes from nuclear power plants.
But nuclear energy also has a number of potential drawbacks: the possibility of a nuclear
plant accident that releases deadly radiation; problems of disposing radioactive waste
that remains highly toxic for thousands of years; and the danger that nuclear fuel could be
stolen and used to make nuclear weapons.
There was initially some hopeful evidence that economies could grow sustainably
without increasing greenhouse gases: Even though global GDP grew by 3 percent during
the two-year period of 2014-2015, carbon emissions remained flat (International Energy
Agency, 2016). But according to the World Meteorological Association, between 2015 and
2019 carbon dioxide emissions actually increased, resulting in an accelerated increase
in the atmospheric concentration of major greenhouse gases (World Meteorological
Organization, 2019). One detailed study of leading fossil fuel-producing countries found
that rather than curbing fossil fuel production as sought by the Paris Agreement, “gov-
ernments are planning to produce about 50 percent more fossil fuels by 2030 than would
be consistent with a 2°C pathway and 120 percent more than would be consistent with
a 1.5°C pathway” (Stockholm Environment Institute et al., 2019). So far the efforts of the
world’s leading economies to meet the Paris Agreement's goals and stop (or even slow)
global warming have not been encouraging.

Environmental Social Movements

Individual actions such as recycling or buying sustainable products are important steps
that signal a personal commitment to make a difference. But such actions by themselves
are unlikely to have a significant effect on global warming. To be truly effective, individ-
define in
ual actions have to be mobilized into large-scale social movements, which we

How Do Environmental Changes Affect Your Life? 521

Chapter 16 as collective attempts to further a common interest or secure a common goal
through action outside the sphere of established institutions.
There is evidence that a social movement may be emerging around climate change.
During the September 2019 “Global Week for the Future” (also called the Climate Strike), an
estimated 4 million people took to the streets in 150 countries around the world to demand
that their governments take action to halt global warming. Massive peaceful demonstra-
tions drawing hundreds of thousands of participants—many of whom were school-age
teenagers—occurred in major metropolitan areas such as New York City, London, Berlin,
Melbourne, Manila, Nairobi, and Rio de Janeiro, as well as towns on every continent (even
scientists in Antarctica joined in). The demonstrations were timed to coincide with the
United Nations Climate Action Summit, which brought world leaders together to address
climate change (Sengupta, 2019).
The global demonstrations were the direct result of actions a year earlier by
a 15-year-old Swedish schoolgirl. In August 2018, Greta Thunberg stopped going to
school, deciding it was more important to protest Swedish government inaction on
the climate crisis. So instead of attending classes, Thunberg protested outside of the
Swedish Parliament, holding a sign that read “Skolstrejk for klimatet” (“school strike
for the climate”). Her ideas quickly caught on, creating an international movement of
students who were willing to miss classes to protest government inaction on climate
change, even if it meant being disciplined for absenteeism. Thunberg became a global
symbol of the urgency felt by a growing number of high school and college students,
who had come to the conclusion that they would be paying the price for their par-
ents’ generation’s inaction on climate change. When she addressed the UN Summit,
Thunberg pulled no punches:

This is all wrong. I shouldn't be up here. I should be back in school on

the other side of the ocean... .You have stolen my dreams and my
childhood with your empty words. And yet I’m one of the lucky ones.
People are suffering. People are dying. Entire ecosystems are collapsing.
We are in the beginning of a mass extinction, and all you can talk about
is money and fairy tales of eternal economic growth. How dare you!
(Thunberg, 2019)

By early 2020 Thunberg had amassed some 3 million followers on Twitter and Facebook
and more than 8 million followers on Instagram. Her efforts clearly show that all it takes
is one young girl to inspire massive demonstrations—if the issue is seen as urgent and the
timing is right. Thunberg’s success is also the result of social media and the platform it gave
her story to go viral, as her direct actions (such as her solitary protest outside the Swedish
Parliament) spread to a large and receptive youthful audience.
But do large-scale protests, even those involving millions of people, constitute an
effective social movement that will lead to change? There is evidence that a large majority
of people around the planet are now deeply concerned about climate change. A 2018 Pew
Research Center survey of nearly 28,000 people in 26 countries found that 68 percent
viewed climate change as a “major threat,” up from 56 percent only five years earlier. In
the United States the figure was somewhat lower (58 percent), although it was still notably
higher than it had been five years earlier (40 percent). Perhaps most significant, differences
of opinion in the United States appear to split along lines of age—not surprising, perhaps,

CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

 given the youth-driven protests inspired by Thunberg. A 2018
Gallup survey found that
79 percent of millennials (ages 18 to 34) were worried either
“a great deal” or “fair amount”
about global warming, compared with only 56 percent of baby
boomers (ages 55 and older)
(Reinhart, 2018).
There are numerous social movement organizations concerned with
climate change,
global warming, and climate justice. Global green movements and political
parties (such
as Friends of the Earth, Greenpeace, or Conservation International) have
developed in
response to environmental threats. Although green philosophies are varied,
a common
thread concerns taking action to protect the world’s environment, conserve rather
than
exhaust the earth’s resources, and protect the remaining animal species. One of the largest
groups, 350.0rg, links hundreds of organizations around the globe, has been involved
in
more than a dozen campaigns, and supports grassroots efforts by organizations in com-
munities that are directly affected by climate change. Doug McAdam, one of sociology’s
leading social movement theorists, has recently noted, “in the ‘6os, it was civil rights and
then the Vietnam War. Climate change absolutely has that kind of emotional resonance
for people, particularly for young people, because they're going to have to deal with it”
(Weise, 2019).

The New Ecological Paradigm in Sociology

A change in thinking about human-environmental relations emerged in the 1970S.
Classical sociology had tended to minimize, if not completely ignore, the importance of
human impacts on the environment. This was partly because the negative effects were less
pervasive (recall that by 1900, there were still fewer than 2 billion people in the world), but
primarily because sociology, like much of social science thought, generally took for granted
human domination of nature (Leiss, 1994).
As we saw in Chapter 1, sociology emerged during the late nineteenth and early twen-
tieth centuries, a period that reflected what has been termed “optimistic ethnocentrism”
during an “age of exuberance” (Catton and Dunlap, 1980). This refers to the belief that sci-
ence, technology, and industrial development, fueled by vast lands and resources in North
and South America as well as a seemingly endless supply of fossil fuel, would provide
for limitless opportunity and endless progress. This view has been termed the Human
Exceptionalism Paradigm (HEP), reflecting the belief that humans are unique among all
creatures: We dominate all species and can remake the world to serve our needs, because
human destiny is shaped by social and cultural factors and not the physical environment
(Catton and Dunlap, 1980).
“This view held sway until the early 1970s, when it was seriously challenged by a
growing number of sociologists and ecologists. This was a period during which social
movements were already challenging prevailing worldviews (see Chapter 16), includ-
ing the taken-for-granted assumption that human life could somehow be divorced
from the natural world. The HEP was further challenged when an offshore oil drilling
platform in the Santa Barbara, California, channel blew out in 1969, covering miles of
pristine coastline with oil, killing thousands of birds, and creating what was at that
time the largest ecological disaster in U.S. history. The oil spill received widespread
media attention: Even President Nixon paid a visit. The spill inspired the first Earth Day
as well as one of the country’s first environmental studies programs, at the University
of California, Santa Barbara. The oil spill also highlighted the tensions between the

How Do Environmental Changes Affect Your Life?

TABLE 15.1

Applying Sociology to Population, Urbanization, and the Environment

APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING POPULATION, CONTEMPORARY APPLICATION
CONCEPT
URBANIZATION, AND THE ENVIRONMENT -

Second In a few industrial economies, birth rates have become Greece, Japan, Italy, and Portugal have all lost
Demographic lower than death rates, as families choose to have fewer population from natural increase—a fate that
children. This results in an aging population, along with may await other countries as they become
Transition
population decline. wealthier.

The New An increasingly influential way of thinking, emerging in the Environmental sociology—a branch of sociology
Ecological 1970s, that emphasizes the complex human and natural that examines the relationships between social

Paradigm interactions involved in global ecosystems and recognizes systems and the ecosphere, studying such
that the biophysical environment is not limitless. areas as the origins and impacts of technology,
the relationship between social change and
environmental change, and the role of social
inequality and power relationships in shaping
human interactions with the environment.

Anthropocene A term meaning “human epoch” used to denote the current Understanding the role of carbon emissions
geological period, in which many geologically significant and the greenhouse effect; global warming and
conditions and processes are profoundly altered by human climate change; and the need for concerted
activities. international action to avoid increasingly
catastrophic climate emergencies.

Food Security People’s access to sufficient, safe, and nutritious food that Global warming, climate change, and drought
meets the need for an active and healthy life. threaten food security for a significant portion
of the world population; even today, more
than 800 million people are undernourished.

Environmental Damaged ecosystems are closely linked to the harms Deforestation in the Amazon further
Injustice experienced by the most marginalized human beings impoverishes the indigenous peoples who live
across the planet. Pollution, climate change, and other there and depend on the forests; the most toxic
ecological challenges do the most damage to the world’s industries are found in the poorest communities
poorest people. and nations

Sustainable Economic development that meets the needs of the Switching from carbon-based economy
Development present without compromising the ability of future to renewable energy; balancing economic
generations to meet their own needs. development with ecological considerations;
studying social movements in support of
sustainable development
SSeS

524 CHAPTER 15 Urbanization, Population, and the Environment

petroleum industry and local residents, raising questions about the nature of power in
America (Molotch, 1970). Popular books, such as Rachel Carson's Silent Spring (1962),
which exposed the effects of pesticides on water, had already raised public awareness
about environmental issues.
The change in thinking about human-environmental relations that emerged in the
1970s was labeled the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP), a framework that emphasized the
complex interactions involved in global ecosystems. Humans, it argued, are not somehow
exempt from the “web of nature,” and our biophysical environment is not limitless. On the
Anthropocene
contrary, the carrying capacity of our planet is limited, and we must come to understand
A term used to denote
and respect these limits or else pay a price (Catton and Dunlap, 1980; see also Buttel, 1987;
the current geological
Dunlap, 2002; Freudenberg et al., 1995; Schnaiberg, 1980). epoch, in which many
At the turn of the twenty-first century, Paul Crutzen, an atmospheric chemist and geologically significant
recipient of the Nobel Prize in Chemistry, popularized the term Anthropocene (“human conditions and processes
epoch”) to characterize the current geological period, a time when human activities have are profoundly altered by
human activities.
become the main agent of change in our planetary ecosystem (Crutzen and Stoermer,
2000). This label has caught on: The term has appeared in hundreds of scientific publica-
tions, and the International Union of Geological Sciences, the organization charged with
identifying geological periods, has convened scholars to decide whether the Holocene (the
period that began after the last ice age some 12,000 years ago, providing the conditions
CONCEPT CHECKS
under which modern human societies developed) has been officially superseded by the
Anthropocene (Stromberg, 2013). Describe the basic
The term is significant because it reflects the overwhelming scientific consensus that processes that give rise
humans have become the driving force behind global ecological change and that global to global warming.

warming has significantly altered the conditions that gave rise to the agricultural revo- Define sustainable
lution and modern societies. It recognizes that an understanding of the Anthropocene development and
provide at least one
requires many different disciplines to work together, “from engineering and environmen-
critique of the concept.
tal science to the social sciences and humanities” (Oldfield et al., 2014).
What is meant by the
The once radical ideas of early environmental sociologists have by now become
Human Exceptionalism
mainstream, acknowledged by the consensus of IPCC scientists, reflected in the Paris
Paradigm? What has
Agreement, and perhaps even enshrined in a new—if problematic—geological era. replaced it?

How Do Environmental Changes Affect Your Life? S25)

 |
CHAPTER15 Learning Objectives

The Learn how cities have changed as a result

of industrialization and urbanization. Learn

Big Picture How Do Cities

OC Leta
=e
oe
how theories of urbanism have placed
increasing emphasis on the influence of
8 socioeconomic factors on city life.

‘Urbanization, P. 493
Population, and
the Environment

How Do Rural, Learn about key developments affecting

Suburban, and Urban American cities, suburbs, and rural
Life Differ in the communities in the last several decades:
United States? suburbanization, urban decay, gentrification,
Thinking Sociologically ®# and population loss in rural areas.

p. 498

1. Explain what makes the urbanization

now occurring in developing countries
different from and more problematic
than the urbanization that took place
How Does ae
Urbanization Affect : See that global economic competition
a century ago in New York, London, Life across the Globe? has a profound impact on urbanization and
Tokyo, and Berlin. urban life. Recognize the challenges
of urbanization in the developing world.
p. 502
2. Following analysis presented in this
chapter, concisely explain how the
expanded quest for cheap energy and
raw materials and present-day
dangers of environmental pollution What Are the
and resource depletion threaten not Forces behind World
Learn why the world population has
only the survival of people in developed Population Growth?
increased dramatically, and understand the
countries but also that of people in main consequences of this growth
less developed countries. P. 507
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

1. What are two characteristics of ancient cities?

2. What is urbanization? How is it related to globalization?
3. How does urban ecology use physical science analogies to explain life in
modern cities?
4. What is the urban interaction problem?
5. According to Jane Jacobs, the more people are on the streets, the more
conurbation * megalopolis * urbanization
likely it is that street life will be orderly. Do you agree with Jacobs's
ecological approach urban ecology
hypothesis and her explanation for this pattern?
* urbanism © created environment

1. Describe at least two problems facing rural America today.

2. Why did so many Americans move to suburban areas in the 1950s and 1960s?
gentrification * urban renewal 3. What are two unintended consequences of urbanization? How do they
deepen socioeconomic and racial inequalities?

1. Discuss the effects of globalization on cities.

global city * informal economy 2. What are the four main characteristics of global cities?
3. Urban growth in the developing world is much higher than elsewhere.
Discuss several economic, environmental, and social consequences of such
rapid expansion of cities in developing nations.

birthrate ¢ fertility © cr
e infant mortality rate e life expec eal xplain Malthus s position on the relationship between population growth
e rates of populat Nn er owtt r decline exponen and the food supply

growth © doubling time ¢ Malthusianism 2. Describe the four stages of the demographic transition

e demographic transition * dependency rat 3. How does the theory of demographic transition conflict with Malthuss ideas?
 Syria descended into civil war in 2011 after :
pro-democracy protests turned violent. Since then, the
Islamic State and other jihadist organizations have
entered the fight, as have the United States and Russia.
The conflict, which had claimed half a million lives as
of 2020 and resulted in nearly 12 million displaced
people, has left much of the country in ruins.

THE BIG QUESTIONS

How does globalization affect

social change?
Recognize that a number of factors
influence social change, including the
physical environment, political organization,

Globalization culture, economics, and technology.

Why does terrorism seem to be

on the rise in the world today?

lam: Changing Understand the relationship between

globalization and terrorism.

World-
What are social movements?
Understand what social movements are, why
they occur, and how they affect society.

What factors contribute to

globalization?
Recognize the importance of information
flows, political changes, and transnational
corporations.

How does globalization affect

your life?
Recognize the ways that large global systems
affect local contexts and personal experiences.

tah
Global Wealth
p. 560
 On December 17, 2010, Tunisian street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on

fire in protest of the local police's confiscation of his wares and the harassment and
humiliation that he experienced at the hands of a local government bureaucrat. This
single act of frustration and defiance, many people believe, catalyzed an eruption of
demonstrations and riots in protest of the country’s widespread corruption and inequality. In
the months following the Tunisian Revolution, protests spread like wildfire throughout Jordan,
Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and elsewhere in the Middle East in the spring of 2011—deemed the
Arab Spring.
The nature and causes of the protests varied across countries and over time, yet most
were led by educated but discontented young people fighting against dictatorships, human
rights violations, government corruption, economic declines, unemployment, extreme poverty,
and persistent inequalities between the haves and have-nots. These revolutions eventually
led to the resignation or overthrow of five heads of state: Tunisian president Zine El Abidine

Globalization in a Changing World ayAe|

 Ben Ali, Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, President Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen, Libyan
leader Muammar al-Gaddafi, and Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych. In Ukraine, more than
300,000 young people took to the streets in 2014, protesting corruption, economic stagnation,
and Yanukovych’s decision to sign a treaty and loan agreement with Russia instead of an agree-
ment that would have fostered closer ties with the European Union. When Ukraine's security
forces responded with force, the demonstrations mounted and Yanukovych was driven from
office (Black et al., 2014).
Unlike revolutions and protests at earlier points in history, all of these events were facil-
itated by the Internet. Through the use of Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, online chatrooms, and
other forms of social media, protesters and refugees—as well as jihadists—could report in “real
time” what they did and saw; these messages were transmitted not only to their peers and
fellow protesters but to viewers worldwide, inspiring large protests across the globe (Kulish,
2011). In India in 2011, hundreds of thousands of disillusioned young people supported rural
activist Kisan Baburao “Anna” Hazare in his hunger strike. Hazare starved himself for 12 days,
until the Indian Parliament met some of his demands to implement an anticorruption measure.
Meanwhile in Israel, an estimated 430,000 people gathered in Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and Haifa
to protest high unemployment, high costs of living, and other social injustices. That same year
in London, violence erupted at a protest march organized by the Trades Union Congress; an
estimated 250,000 to 500,000 people marched from the Thames Embankment to the Houses
of Parliament to Hyde Park to show their opposition to planned public spending cuts. In cities
across the United States, protests have been organized over income inequality (Occupy Wall
Street), and more recently police brutality and the mass incarceration of Black Americans
(Black Lives Matter), and a higher minimum wage (Fight for 15), among other causes.
Yet protests do not always result in positive social change. While the overthrow of Egyptian
president Mubarak did pave the way for the first democratic election in Egyptian history, the
winner of the election—Mohamed Morsi, a leading member of the Muslim Brotherhood—soon
issued a constitutional declaration giving himself virtually unlimited power. This triggered
another wave of popular protests, and the Egyptian military staged a coup. Morsi was impris-
oned and eventually sentenced to death. Thousands of his followers were killed or imprisoned
by the Egyptian military, and Egypt returned to the autocratic rule that had prompted the upris-
ings in the first place. Both Yemen and Libya descended into civil war, with armed factions—
often supported by outside powers—laying waste to cities and villages.
Protests in Syria were brutally repressed by the regime of President Bashar al-Assad,
resulting in a civil war that, as of the first half of 2020, had claimed half a million lives, injured
countless others, and displaced nearly 12 million people—half internally and half as refugees
who fled to other countries (Specia, 2018; CNN, 2020). This, in turn, has resulted in the rise
globalization of anti-immigrant political movements throughout Europe and has threatened the European
The development of social, Union's open-border policy—one of the key components of European unity. Social media, which
cultural, political, and had prompted protests and calls for democracy across the world in 2011, were effectively used
economic relationships
by Islamic extremists to recruit jihadists and suicide bombers from Europe and North America,
stretching worldwide. In
facilitating the creation of the so-called Islamic State across a vast swath of the Middle East.
current times, we are all
influenced by organiza- While the Arab Spring had many causes, globalization played a central role. Globalization
tions and social networks refers to the development of social, cultural, political, and economic relationships whereby indi-
located thousands of viduals, groups, and nations become more interdependent. Such interdependence is increas-
miles away. ingly at a global scale—that is, what happens halfway across the globe is more likely now
than ever before to have enormous consequences for our daily lives. For example, the global

CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

economic downturn that began in 2007 contributed to rising global food prices, increased
unemployment, and greater inequality in North Africa and the Middle East, which in recent
years had suffered from economic problems stemming from policies implemented decades
earlier. Beginning in the 1950s and 1960s, countries throughout the region adopted
semi-
socialist economic policies that promised public-sector jobs and social services, such as health
care and education, with the expectation that in exchange, citizens would consent to rule
by
authoritarian governments. But in the mid-1980s, economic reforms spread throughout the
region, spurred by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These organizations
promoted “free market” economic liberalization: privatizing state-owned industries, reducing
government subsidies for food and fuel, and economic austerity programs that severely cut
government spending. While these reforms were good for business and initially resulted in
economic growth, the benefits did not filter down to the middle or poorer classes. At the same
time, a global commitment to mass education (expressed in the United Nations Millennium
Development Goals) meant that there were many well-educated youth in the region who had
little or no economic prospects, blamed corrupt and repressive governments for their problems,
and were well aware of the existence of democratic alternatives. Since 15- to 30-year-olds
made up nearly a third of the population, there was no shortage of angry young people who social change
believed they had little to lose and much to gain by taking to the streets (Winckler, 2013; Ansani Transformation in the
and Daniele, 2012; Kirk, 2016; Lynch, 2011). institutions and culture of
a society. Social change is
A key part of the study of globalization is the emergence of a world system—for some
an ever-present phenomenon
purposes, we need to regard the world as a single social order. As we can see in the case of
in social life but has become
the Arab Spring protests that surged throughout the world—and the often violent responses especially intense in the
to the push for greater democracy—we are all global citizens whose lives are increasingly modern era. The origins
interdependent. In this chapter, we examine these global processes and see what leading of modern sociology can
be traced to attempts to
sociologists and other social scientists have had to say about them. Some of these ideas
understand the dramatic
will already be familiar to you, since much of this book has been about the consequences
changes shattering the
of globalization. In this chapter, we go beyond our earlier discussions, considering why the traditional world and
modern period is associated with especially profound and rapid social change. We examine promoting new forms of
how globalization has contributed to this change and offer some thoughts on what the future social order.

is likely to bring.

How Does Globalization

Affect Social Change? <
The ways of living and the social institutions characteristic of the modern world are rad- Recognize that a number
of factors influence social
ically different from those of even the recent past. During a period of only two or three
change, including the
centuries—a small sliver of time in the context of human history—human social life has
physical environment,
been wrenched away from the types of social order in which people lived for thousands of political organization,
years. Social change can be defined as the transformation over time of the institutions and culture, economics,
culture of a society. Globalization has accelerated the pace of social change, bringing vir- and technology.

tually all of humanity into the same turbulent seas. As a result, to a far greater degree than
any generations before us, we face an uncertain future. To be sure, conditions of life for
previous generations were always insecure: People were at the mercy of natural disasters,

How Does Globalization Affect Social Change?

 the world, today
plagues, and famines. Yet, although these problems still trouble much of
we must also deal with the social forces that we ourselves have unleashed.
theory
Social theorists have tried for the past two centuries to develop a single grand
importance of
that explains the nature of social change. Marx, for example, emphasized the
economic factors in shaping all aspects of social life, including politics and culture. But no
single-factor theory can adequately account for the diversity of human social development
from hunting and gathering and pastoral societies to traditional civilizations to the highly
complex social systems of today. In analyzing social change, we can at most accomplish two
tasks: We can identify major factors that have consistently influenced social change, such as
the physical environment, political organization, culture, economics, and technology, and we
can also develop theories that account for particular periods of change, such as modern times.

The Physical Environment

The physical environment often affects the development of human social organization.
This is clearest in regions of the world with extreme environmental conditions, where
people must organize their ways of life in relation to the weather. For example, people who
live in Alaska, where the winters are long and cold and the days very short, tend to follow
different patterns of social life from people who live in the much warmer American South.
Most Alaskans spend more of their lives indoors and, except for the summer months,
plan outdoor activities carefully, given the frequently inhospitable environment in which
they live.
Less extreme physical conditions can also affect society. Historically, indigenous
Australian groups never came to rely on agriculture since the continent contained hardly
any native plants suitable for regular cultivation or animals that could be domesticated.
Ease of communication across land and the availability of sea routes are also important:
Societies cut off from others by mountain ranges, impassable jungles, or deserts often
remain relatively unchanged over long periods of time.
A strong case for the importance of environment was made by Jared Diamond (2005)
in his widely acclaimed book Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed. Diamond—a
physiologist, biologist, and geographer—examined more than a dozen past and pres-
ent societies, some of which collapsed (historical societies include Easter Island and the
Anasazi of the southwestern United States; more recent examples include Rwanda and
Haiti) and some of which overcame serious challenges to succeed. Diamond identified five
sets of factors that can contribute to a society’s collapse: the presence of hostile neighbors,
the absence (or collapse) of relationships with trading partners for essential goods, climate
change, environmental problems, and an inadequate response to environmental, political,
and social problems. Three of these five factors have to do with environmental conditions.
The first four factors are often outside of a society's control and need not always result in
collapse. The final factor, however, is always crucial: As the subtitle of Diamond’s book
suggests, success or failure depends on the choices made by a society and its leaders.
The collapse of Rwanda, for example—which culminated in the 1994 genocide that left
more than 800,000 Tutsi dead—is typically attributed to ethnic rivalries between the Hutu
and Tutsi, fueled by Rwanda's colonial past. During the first part of the twentieth century,
Belgium governed Rwanda through Tutsi administrators because, according to the prevail-
ing European racial theories of the time, the Belgians believed the Tutsi—who tended on
average to be somewhat taller and lighter skinned than the Hutu and, therefore,
closer in

Daz CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

 id ©

Rwandan refugees try to

reach the United Nations
camp in Tanzania. More than ;
~ 800,000 Tutsi and moderate
Hutu were killed during a
period of 100 days in 1994. -
Hundreds of thousands —
of Rwandans fled to
neighboring countries to
~ escape the bloodshed. -

resemblance to Europeans—to be more “civilized.” This led to resentments and hatred that
boiled over in 1994, fueled by Hutu demagogues who urged the killing of all Tutsi.
Diamond did not reject this explanation but showed that it is only part of the story; by
itself, he argued, it cannot account for the depth of the violence. Instead, through careful
analysis of patterns of landholding, population, and killing, he argued that the root causes of
the genocide can be found in overpopulation and the resulting environmental destruction.
Rwanda had one of the fastest-growing populations in the world, with disastrous conse-
quences for its land as well as its people, who had become some of the most impoverished on
the planet. Faced with starvation and the absence of land to share among the growing number
of (male) children, Rwanda was ripe for violence and collapse. Although ethnic rivalries may
have fueled the fires of rage, Diamond demonstrated that in some hard-hit provinces, Hutu
killed other Hutu as young men sought to acquire scarce farmland by any means.
Some have criticized Diamond for overemphasizing the importance of the environ-
ment at the expense of other factors. The environment alone does not necessarily determine
how a society develops. Today especially, when humans can exert a high degree of control
over their immediate living conditions, environment would seem to be less important:
Modern cities have sprung up in the arctic cold and the harshest deserts.
With the rise in extreme climate-related events due to global warming, such as hurri-
canes, droughts, and wildfires, the physical environment in many parts of the world is pro-
jected to change dramatically. Populations will be forced to either move due to food scarcity
and land loss or somehow adapt to the changing climate conditions; examples include large
coastal populations affected by rising sea levels, from Boston to Bangladesh, and residents
of drought-stricken areas, from the U.S. Southwest to sub-Saharan Africa. The poorest
people—and the poorest countries—are the most vulnerable (Environmental Protection
Agency, 2017). Such changes, and any required adaptations, will prove costly to govern-
ments: According to one study, for each degree increase in average global temperature,
the cost to the United States alone will be 2 percent of GDP, or roughly $380-$390 billion
(based on 2017 GDP). The study notes that since its estimates only account for the effects on
the United States, overall costs would likely be higher: Many U.S. trading partners would

How Does Globalization Affect Social Change?

 likely suffer worse effects, to the detriment of the U.S. economy, while migration would
increase as climate change devastates poorer countries (Hsiang et al., 2017).

Political Organization
A second factor strongly influencing social change is the type of political organization that
operates in a society. In hunting and gathering societies, this influence is minimal, since
there are no political authorities capable of mobilizing the community. In all other types
of societies, however, the existence of distinct political agencies—chiefs, lords, monarchs,
and governments—strongly affects the society's course of development.
How a society and its leaders respond to a crisis can play a decisive role in whether
the society thrives or fails. A leader capable of pursuing dynamic policies and generating
a mass following or radically altering preexisting modes of thought can overturn a previ-
ously established order. However, individuals can only reach positions of leadership and
become effective if favorable social conditions exist. Mahatma Gandhi, the famous pacifist
leader in India, effectively secured his country’s independence from Britain because World
War II and other events had unsettled its existing colonial institutions.
The most important political factor that has accelerated patterns of change in the
modern era is the emergence of the modern state, which has proved to be a vastly more
efficient mechanism of government than the types that existed in premodern societies.
Globalization today may be challenging the ability of national governments to exert leader-
ship effectively. Sociologist William Robinson (2001, 2004, 2014), for one, claims that as
economic power has become increasingly deterritorialized, so, too, has political power: Just
as transnational corporations operate across borders with little or no national allegiance,
transnational political organizations are becoming stronger even as national governments
are becoming weaker. The World Trade Organization (WTO), for example, has the power to
punish countries that violate its principles of free trade (Conti, 2011).

Culture
The third main influence on social change is culture, including communications systems,
religious and other belief systems, and popular culture. Communications systems, in par-
ticular, affect the character and pace of social change. The invention of writing, for instance,
allowed for effective record keeping, making possible the development of large-scale organi-
zations. In addition, writing altered people's perceptions of the relation among past, present,
and future. Societies that write can keep a record of past events, which then enables them to
develop a sense of their own evolution. A country with a written constitution and laws can
have a legal system based on the interpretation of specific legal precedents—just as written
scripture like the Bible or the Koran enables religious leaders to cite and justify their beliefs.
Religion, as we have seen, may be either a conservative or an innovative force in social
life. Some forms of religious belief and practice have acted as a brake on change, empha-
sizing above all the need to adhere to traditional values and rituals. Yet, as Max Weber
emphasized, religious convictions frequently play a mobilizing role. For instance, through-
out history, many American church leaders have promoted efforts to lessen poverty or
diminish inequalities in society. Religious leaders, such as Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., were
at the forefront of the American civil rights movement.
Yet at the same time, religion today has become one of the driving forces running
counter to many of the cultural aspects of globalization. Islamist fundamentalists,

534 CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

 fundamentalist Christians, and ultra-Orthodox
Jewish haredim all reject what they
regard as the corrupting influences of modern secula
r culture, now rapidly spreading
throughout the world thanks to mass media and the
Internet (Juergensmeyer, 2003, 2009;
Juergensmeyer et al., 2015). Fundamentalist Islami
sts call this “westoxification’"—terally,
getting drunk on the temptations of modern Western
culture. Although such religious
communities are usually willing to embrace moder
n technology, which they often use
effectively to disseminate their ideas, they reject what they
view as the “McWorld”
corruptions that go along with it.
Sociologist Mark Juergensmeyer (1993) predicted that in the twenty-f
irst century, the
principal cultural clashes would not be between so-called civilizations
but rather between
those who believe that truthful understanding is derived from religious
faith and those
who argue that such understanding is grounded in science, critical thinking
, and secular
thought. Although it is too early to fully evaluate the accuracy of Juergensmeyer's
pre-
diction, we do see compelling evidence for it already. For example, in the United
States,
political debates rage between religious conservatives who promote teaching creation
ism
(versus evolution) in schools and liberals who believe that government policies should
be guided by scientific evidence and the preservation of civil rights. Not surprisingly,
creationism is much more likely to be taught in public school systems in politically conser-
vative districts in the South than in more liberal regions of the North (Kirk, 2014).

Economic Factors
Of economic influences, the farthest reaching is global capitalism. Capitalism differs in a
fundamental way from premodern production systems because it involves the constant
expansion of production and the ever-increasing accumulation of wealth. In traditional
economic systems, levels of production were fairly stable, since they were geared to
habitual, customary needs. Capitalism requires constant revision of the technologies of
production, a process into which science is increasingly drawn. The rate of technological
innovation fostered in modern industry is vastly greater than in any previous type of
economic order. And such technological innovation, as we have seen, has helped create
a truly global economy—one whose production lines draw on a worldwide workforce.
Thanks to modern technology, firms today are able to produce goods and deliver services
by hiring factories and service centers around the world; though these companies provide
jobs for people in emerging economies, they often come with the cost of harsh and unsafe
working conditions.
Economic changes help shape other changes as well. Science and technology, for
example, are driven in part (often in large part) by economic factors. Governments often
get into the act, spending far more money than individual businesses can afford in an effort
to ensure that their countries don't fall behind technologically, militarily, or economically.
For instance, when the Soviet Union launched the world’s first satellite (Sputnik) into space
in 1957, the United States responded with a massive and costly space program, inspired by
the fear that the Russians were winning the space race. Even as recently as 2013, President
Barack Obama proposed boosting funding for the Energy Department to modernize the
United States’ existing nuclear weapons with the goal of maintaining “a safe, secure and
effective nuclear deterrent” (Guarino, 2013). In each of these historical cases, the arms
race—fueled by government contracts with corporations—provides major economic
support for scientific research as well as more general support for the U.S. economy.

How Does Globalization Affect Social Change?

 Technology
Technology has influenced social change since humans evolved from our prehuman pri-
mate ancestors. For example, the invention of primitive tools enabled early humans to hunt
animals and gather food more efficiently; harnessing fire hundreds of thousands of years
ago changed the nature of food and provided warmth, which in turn facilitated the spread
of humans around the globe; the development of bronze (adding tin to copper) 4,000 years
ago made for stronger metals, improved tools, and (not surprisingly) better weapons; paper,
invented in China two millennia ago, transformed writing and reading (although an early
use was for toilet paper!); gunpowder, a Chinese invention that came 1,000 years after
postindustrial
5 paper, forever changed the nature of warfare; and the printing press, which was first devel-
society
oped in Europe in the fifteenth century, enabled the mass production of pamphlets and
A society based on the books, allowing the spread of ideas that resulted in the Protestant Revolution.
production of knowledge
We have seen in this and previous chapters how the Internet and the proliferation
and information rather
than material goods, of smartphones have transformed our personal relationships, the nature of politics and
resulting in the rise of an social movements, our forms of recreation, and the ways in which we learn and work—in
economic service sector fact, almost every aspect of modern life. These changes have been among the most rapid
and the decline of the in human history, resulting in what geographer David Harvey (1989) has aptly described
moapifaetunins sector: as “time-space compression’—technological changes that cause the relative distances
between places (measured in terms of travel time or cost) to shrink, effectively making
such places grow “closer.” Until the steam locomo-
tive was developed in the mid-nineteenth century, a
person traveling by horse-drawn carriage would be
fortunate to average a mile per hour on rough roads; a
100-mile trip might take many days. The steam loco-
motive, which could reach 60 miles an hour, reduced
the same trip to a couple hours; the propeller airplane
in the 1950s to 15 minutes; and the jet by half that
time. Today, we can virtually travel anywhere in the
world instantaneously, whether it be through video-
conferencing software such as Zoom, FaceTime,
Google Hangouts, or other easily available apps.
The rapid technological advances that have
occurred in most of your lifetimes ushered in a social
change as significant as the agricultural revolution
12,000 years ago or the eighteenth-century Industrial
Revolution—the information revolution. The result
is said to be a postindustrial society—one in which
knowledge and information expand the importance
of services in the economy, while the physical pro-
duction of goods declines in significance (Bell, 1976;
The Internet and the proliferation of smartphones have transformed .
nearly every aspect of modern life. Touraine, 1974). The blue-collar worker, employed in
a factory or workshop, is no longer the most essen-
Ds tial type of employee. White-collar (clerical and pro-
fessional) workers outnumber blue-collar workers,
with professional and technical occupations growing

536 CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

 fastest of all. The shift from producing goods to provid
ing services in the U.S. economy
does not mean that factory production has ceased to be
important: Manufacturing jobs
have simply been offshored to take advantage of lower wages
and weaker environmental
protections in poor countries (see Chapters 8 and 13 for a more
extensive discussion).
These are all advances that stem from the invention of the integra
ted circuit—a tiny
microchip containing numerous electronic circuits that permit
vastly increased speeds
for data processing. While integrated circuits were first developed in
the 1950s, the first
commercially useful microprocessors, involving the use of numerous
chips as the central oto]
|[od=iia maod, |= 04,€-)
processing unit (CPU) for computers, were developed by Intel in the 1970s. The
world that
we know today didn't exist even a generation ago. Our smartphones harness more Name three examples of
com-
puting power than that possessed by entire governments when most of your grandp cultural factors that may
arents
were your age; the Internet and cloud computing provide users with access to global influence social change.
infor-
mation; and entirely new sources of information have developed that didn't even What are the most
exist
two decades ago, including Google (which was invented in 1998), Facebook (2005), Reddit important political
(2005), Twitter (2006), Instagram (2010), Snapchat (2011), and, in China at least, WeChat factors that influence
social change?
(2011). As we have previously discussed, these new technologies played a central role in the
Arab Spring. Throughout this chapter, we will return to the role of technology, examining Oh WA(0l=-m (04 nao] (0141
affect social change?
its role not only in social movements but in other changes that stem from globalization
What is a postindustrial
in the world today.
society?

Why Does Terrorism

Seem to Be on the Rise
in the World Today? <
Terrorism has seized national headlines in recent decades, yet defining terrorism can Understand the
be a complex and nuanced endeavor (Turk, 2004). Terrorism broadly refers to “any relationship between
globalization and
action [by a nonstate organization] ... that is intended to cause death or serious bodily
terrorism.
harm to civilians or noncombatants, when the purpose of such an act, by its nature or
context, is to intimidate a population, or to compel a Government or an international
organization to do or to abstain from doing any act” (Panyarachun et al., 2004). In sim-
pler terms, according to sociologist Mark Juergensmeyer (2015), terrorism is “a public
act of violence meant to be intimidating.” Note that this definition leaves out the notion terrorism
that terrorism is limited to nonstate actors; states, in this view, can commit terrorist A public act of violence
acts as well. meant to be intimidating.
Terrorism today is most famously associated with loosely connected extremist groups
that claim to embrace a form of Islam they believe to be true to the Qur'an's original teach-
ings. Organizations such as al Qaeda, ISIS (which had hoped to create an Islamic State), and
Boko Haram engage in very public acts of extreme violence aimed largely at civilian pop-
ulations. Beheadings, suicide bombings in markets and other public places, and public exe-
cutions are widely circulated through social media in the hope of intimidating opponents

Why Does Terrorism Seem to Be on the Rise in the World Today? Soil
 and attracting recruits. Although they frame their acts in terms of Islam, they no more
reflect Islamic beliefs than acts of Christian terrorists reflect the beliefs of Christianity.
social movement
In fact, before 9/11, the worst act of terrorism in the United States was the 1995 bomb-
Large groups of people
ing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, which claimed 168 lives
who seek to accomplish,
or to block, a process (including 19 children in a day-care center), while injuring more than 800 others. That act
of social change. Social was carried out by Timothy McVeigh, a former U.S. serviceman and White supremacist
movements normally exist strongly influenced by the Christian Identity movement. There are currently more than
in conflict with organiza- 950 active hate groups in the United States, most espousing racist ideologies that draw on
tions whose objectives
a vision of a supposedly pure (and White) Christian culture (Southern Poverty Law Center,
and outlook they oppose.
2017). In fact, as Juergensmeyer has shown, when it comes to terrorism, no religion has a
However, movements that
successfully challenge monopoly on the use of violence to intimidate nonbelievers: Muslims, Christians, Jews,
power can develop into Sikhs, Hindus, and even Buddhists have all spawned terrorist offshoots in recent years
organizations. (Juergensmeyer, 2003, 2009; Jerryson and Juergensmeyer, 2010).
The fact that terrorism today often grows out of religious beliefs would seem to be
puzzling: After all, when sociology emerged in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries, its founders generally assumed that with the rise of science and secular think-
ing, religion would decline in importance (see Chapter 12). But in the twenty-first century,
as globalization contributed to the spread of Western secular beliefs throughout the world,
CONCEPT CHECKS traditional beliefs that once provided people with a sense of identity, accountability, and
security have been undermined. The loss of personal and spiritual identity provides fertile
How do we define ground for leaders who promise the absolute certainty that comes with a commitment to
terrorism?
unquestioned religious beliefs. In the view of religious fanatics, terrorism is a political
What are some of the weapon to be used in what they see as a “cosmic war” between good and evil: It shows that
causes of religious
their beliefs are powerful enough to provoke and frighten even the most powerful coun-
terrorism in the
tries Juergensmeyer, 2009).
world today?

What Are Social

> Movements’?
Understand what social In addition to economics, technology, politics, and culture, one of the most common ways
movements are, why social change occurs is through social movements. As we saw earlier in this chapter, social
they occur, and how they
movements are collective attempts to further a common interest or secure a common goal
affect society.
(such as forging social change) through action outside the sphere of established institu-
tions. A wide variety of social movements, some enduring, some transient, have existed
in modern societies. They are a vital feature of the contemporary world, as are the formal,
bureaucratic organizations they often oppose.
Social movements come in all shapes and sizes. Some are very small, numbering fewer
than a dozen members; others include thousands or even millions of people. Some social
movements carry on their activities within the laws of society, such as those carrying out
peaceful protests in public squares, while others operate as illegal or underground groups;
such a group might, for instance, break into a nuclear power plant to protest its opera-
tions. However, social movements operate near the margins of what is defined as legally

538 CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

permissible by governments at any particular time or place. Increasin
gly, many are also
global in scope and rely heavily on the use of information technology to link
local partici-
pants to global issues.
Social movements often arise with the aim of bringing about a major change, such as
expanding civil rights for a segment of the population. In response, countermovements
sometimes arise in defense of the status quo. The campaign for the right to legal abor-
tion, for example, has been vociferously challenged by anti-abortion (“pro-life”) activists.
Similarly, movements calling for the rights of transgender individuals have often been
met by counterprotests from religious conservatives; most recently, the countermovement
against transgender equality has taken the form of “bathroom bills” that prevent people
from using a bathroom that doesn't correspond to their biological sex.
Often, laws or policies are altered as a result of the action of social movements. These
changes in legislation can have far-ranging effects. For example, it used to be illegal for
groups of workers to call their members out on strike, and striking was punished with
varying degrees of severity in different countries. Eventually, however, these laws were
amended on a broad scale, making the strike a permissible tactic of industrial conflict.

Classical Theories of Social Movements

Sociology arose in the late nineteenth century as part of an effort to come to grips with
the massive political and economic transformations that Europe experienced on its way
from the pre-industrial to the modern world (Moore, 1966). Perhaps because sociology
was founded in this context, sociologists have never lost their fascination with these
transformations.
Since mass social movements have been so important in world history over the past
two centuries, it is not surprising that a range of theories exist to try to account for them.
Of the theories formulated early in the history of the social sciences, the most important
was that of Karl Marx. Marx, who lived well before any of the social movements under-
taken in the name of his ideas took place, intended his views to be taken not just as an
analysis of the conditions that fostered revolutionary change but as a means of further-
ing such change. Whatever their intrinsic validity, Marx's ideas had an immense practical
impact on twentieth-century social change.
We turn our attention now to three classical frameworks for the study of social
movements: economic deprivation, resource mobilization, and structural strain.

ECONOMIC DEPRIVATION
Marx's view of social movements is based on his general interpretation of human history
(see Chapter 1). According to Marx, the development of societies is marked by periodic
class conflicts that, when they become acute, tend to end in a process of revolutionary
change. Class struggles derive from the unresolvable tensions (he termed them “contra-
dictions”) in societies, the most prominent of which can be traced to economic changes,
or changes in the forces of production. In any stable society, there is a balance among the
economic structure, social relationships, and the political system. As the forces of produc-
tion change, contradictions are intensified, leading to open clashes between classes—and
ultimately, Marx predicted, to revolution. In Marx's view, revolutionary social movements
emerge from below: An increasingly discontented working class eventually organizes,
rises up, and overthrows the system that oppressed them. For Marx, revolutionary social

What Are Social Movements? ne?

 movements were a legitimate (indeed, inev-
itable) response to an inequitable and self-
destructive capitalist economic system.
Marx’s views were not shared by Max
Weber, who rejected the notion that revo-
lutionary change necessarily rises up from
impoverished groups that are marginalized
by an oppressive economic system (Collins,
2001). Weber's study of revolutions in ancient
Rome and Greece and in medieval Italian city-
states, as well as upheavals in Russia a decade
before the Communist revolution of 1917,
led him to conclude that revolutions (and the
social movements that swirled around them)
were far more complex than Marx envisioned:
They often resulted from conflict between
different status groups contending for power,
Relative deprivation between the peasantry and the elite in France led to the the breakdown of state power, and geopoliti-
overthrow of the monarchy in the late eighteenth century. cal strain (for example, defeat in war). Weber
also questioned whether it was legitimate for
“N revolutionary movements to seek to topple
governments, since the state (even if oppres-
sive), he argued, is the “human community
that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given
territory” (Weber, 1921/1946, emphasis in original).
Contrary to Marx’s predictions, and perhaps more in keeping with Weber's theories,
revolutions failed to occur in the advanced industrialized societies of the West. Why? More
than a half-century ago, the sociologist James Davies (1962), a critic of Marx, pointed to
periods of history when people lived in dire poverty but did not rise up in protest. Davies
argued that social protest, and ultimately revolution, is more likely to occur when there
is an improvement in people's living conditions that raises their level of expectations.
When those expectations are not met, people experience relative deprivation, a discrep-
ancy between the lives they are forced to lead and what they think could realistically be
achieved; they then rise up in protest. While a number of recent studies have found some
support for the theory of relative deprivation, it is clear that individual frustration is not
sufficient to explain the rise of social movements (Walker and Smith, 2002; Abrams and
Grant, 2012; Smith et al., 2012). Sociological, as opposed to more psychological, factors are
also at work, including the ability of social movement organizations to mobilize necessary
resources as well as structural strains in society that result in social conflict.

RESOURCE MOBILIZATION
Resource mobilization theory emerged during the 1970s, a period of heightened activism
concentrated on the rights of women and minorities, the Vietnam War, and the environ-
ment. Sociologists questioned whether self-interest alone (such as that implied by the
notion of relative deprivation) was sufficient to explain this rise in social movements,
which often involved young, relatively affluent White students.

CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

 Resource mobilization theory emphasizes the interaction between
a group’s ability
to mobilize the necessary resources to be effective, its internal organization,
the degree to
which the group is able to form coalitions with other groups, and the political
(or other) cir-
cumstances that created opportunities for action (Tilly, 1978). A key study of the civil
rights
movement drew on this framework to explain its rise and subsequent decline, examini
ng
such factors as changing relationships among activists and an overall decline in funding
for key organizations (McAdam, 1982). Resource mobilization theory also emphasizes
the
entrepreneurial aspects of social movements: how they amass needed money, facilities, and
dedicated participants, including the tactics they use to garner broader support, such as
different forms of communication and access to existing support networks (McCarthy and
Zald, 1977, Zald and McCarthy, 1979). By focusing on the concrete environments in which
social movements exist, this theory highlights the importance of what the French sociolo-
gist Alain Touraine (1977, 1981) has termed fields of action—the arenas within which social
movements interact with established organizations; social movements engage in conflict
with the very organizations and networks on which they often draw for support.

STRUCTURAL STRAIN
Neil Smelser's (1963) theory of structural strain emphasizes the importance of structural
conditions (rather than the conscious actions of social movement activists) in shaping
social movements and collective action. His “value-added” theory underscores the cumula-
tive effect of six conditions necessary to bring about social change:

1. Structural conduciveness refers to the general social conditions promoting or

inhibiting the formation of different types of social movements.

2. Just because the conditions are conducive to the development of a social move-
ment does not mean those conditions will bring it into being. There must be
structural strain, or tensions that produce conflicting interests within societies. structural strain
Uncertainties, anxieties, ambiguities, or direct clashes of goals are expressions of Tensions that produce
such strains. conflicting interests within
societies.
3. Generalized beliefs and ideologies crystallize grievances and suggest courses of
action that might be pursued to remedy them.

4. Precipitating factors are events or incidents that actually trigger direct action by
those who become involved in the movement.

5. The first four conditions combined might precede minor protests, but they do not
lead to the development of social movements unless there is a coordinated group
that becomes mobilized for action. Leadership and some means of regular com-
munication among participants, together with funding and material resources, are
necessary for a social movement to exist.

6. The development of a social movement is strongly influenced by social control

forces. A harsh reaction by governing authorities might encourage further protest
and help solidify the movement, whereas divisions within the military can be
crucial in deciding the outcome of confrontations with revolutionary movements.

Smelser’s model is useful for analyzing the sequential set of circumstances common
in social movement development. But his theory—along with resource mobilization

What Are Social Movements? 541

 theory—can be seen as overly deterministic, treating social movements as responses to
situations rather than allowing that their members might take conscious action to achieve
desired social changes.

Globalization and Social Movements

Since the emergence of classical social. movement theory in the 1960s and 1970s, new
theories have emerged that emphasize the quality of private life rather than the broader
economic or political concerns that tended to be a key focus of the classical theories.
Research has also focused on the changing role of technology, particularly the Internet
and social media, in shaping social movements. These developments have occurred within
the context of globalization, which shapes both social movements themselves and our
understanding of them.

NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

Until the 1964 Civil Rights Act was passed—the result of a decade of action by members
of the civil rights movement—African Americans in the South were barred from using
“White only” restrooms and public facilities, such as swimming pools, or from eating with
White people in some restaurants. In the 1960s and 1970s, the women’s movement played a
similar role in the fight for women’s rights. For example, prior to 1971, Idaho law gave men
preference over women when it came to managing the estate of a deceased person, hold-
ing that “males must be preferred to females” (Napikoski, 2017). Feminist attorney—and
later Supreme Court justice—Ruth Bader Ginsburg successfully argued the position of the
women’s movement before the U.S. Supreme Court, which then overturned the law.
The civil rights and women’s movements of the 1960s and 1970s; the gay rights campaign
of the 1990s; and the transgender rights, environmental, gun control, Black Lives Matter,
#MeToo, alt-right, and antifa (anti-fascist) movements today are often referred to as new social
movements. This description seeks to differentiate contemporary social movements from
those that preceded them in earlier decades. New social movements are often concerned with
aspects of private life as much as with political and economic issues, calling for large-scale
changes in the way people think and act. In other words, what makes new social movements
“new” is that—unlike conventional social movements—they are not based on single-issue
objectives that typically involve changes in the distribution of economic resources or power.
Rather, they involve the creation of collective identities based around entire lifestyles, and
they often call for sweeping cultural changes. Although the triggers of the Arab Spring pro-
tests differed across nations, many of the uprisings in North Africa and the Persian Gulf had
common catalysts, including discontent over the persistent concentration of wealth in the
hands of autocrats in power, insufficient transparency in governmental policies and prac-
tices, corruption, and the refusal of young people to accept the status quo (Khalidi, 2011).
Participation in new social movements is often viewed as a moral obligation (and some-
times even a pleasure) as much as a calculated effort to achieve some specific goal. Moreover,
the kinds of protest chosen by new social movements are a form of “expressive logic”
whereby participants make a statement about who they are: Protest is an end in itself, a way
of affirming one's identity, and a means to achieving concrete objectives (Polletta and Jasper,
2001). The Women's March on Washington in January 2017, a worldwide protest in sup-
port of women’s rights and other human rights issues, attracted an estimated 3 to 5 million
participants—men as well as women. The marches and demonstrations were not directed

542 CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

 >

On January 21, 2017,

hundreds of thousands
of protesters descended
on the nation’s capital for
the Women’s March on
Washington. Across the
globe, an estimated 3 to
romani felamsf-10)
9](<Moy-1a (of) of
14-10)
a . i e
in the march.
IVEKkicur Sy

at immediate actions or changes but rather were intended to show solidarity among those
committed to feminist ideals and opposed to perceived threats to gains in women's rights.
The marches held one year later, which reportedly attracted some 2 million participants,
were more closely tied to effecting change in the 2018 U.S. midterm elections (Lopez, 2018).
The rise of new social movements in recent years is a reflection of the changing risks
facing human societies. The conditions are ripe for social movements: Increasingly, tradi-
tional, democratic political institutions are unable to cope with the challenges before them;
they cannot hope to fix sweeping problems like climate change and the dangers of nuclear
energy. Asa result, these unfolding challenges are frequently ignored or avoided until it is
too late and full-blown crises are at hand. The cumulative effect of these new challenges
and risks is a sense that people are losing control of their lives in the midst of rapid change.
Individuals feel less secure and more isolated—a combination that leads to a sense of
powerlessness. By contrast, corporations, governments, and the media appear to be
dominating more and more aspects of people's lives, heightening the sensation of a run-
away world. There is a growing sense that, left to its own logic, globalization will present
ever-greater risks to the lives of ordinary people.
Although faith in traditional politics seems to be waning, the growth of new social
movements is evidence that people today are not apathetic or uninterested in politics,
as is sometimes claimed. Rather, many have come to believe that direct action and par
ticipation are more useful than reliance on politicians and political systems. New social civil society
movements are helping to revitalize democracy in many countries. They are at the heart of
The sphere of activity that
a strong civic culture or civil society—the sphere between the state and the marketplace lies between the state and
occupied by family, community associations, and other noneconomic institutions. the marketplace, includ-
ing the family, schools,

Technology and Social Movements community associations,

and other noneconomic
In recent years, two of the most influential forces in late modern societies—in formation institutions. Civil society,
technology and social movements—have come together with astonishing results. In our or civic culture, is essen-

current information age, social movements around the globe are able to join together in tial to vibrant democratic
societies.
huge regional and international networks comprising nongovernmental organizations,
religious and humanitarian groups, human rights associations, consumer protection

What Are Social Movements? 543

DIGITAL LIFE

Online Activism Trends Upward

For young adults today, political protests have been reinvented by Over the course of three days, an estimated 10 million tweets
digital media technologies. As we have seen in this chapter, tech- were posted by protesters and observers using the most popular
nology has played a critical role in mobilizing both social movements hashtags, according to researchers from New York University.
and public protests. The Arab Spring (as well as the civil wars and Unlike several other recent protests around the globe, however,
jihadist movements that followed), Occupy Wall Street, and Black these tweets came from people on the front lines rather than
Lives Matter movements have all been fueled by social media. people sharing their views from outside the nation. Researchers
Black Lives Matter, which began as an online protest move- documented that roughly 90 percent of geotagged tweets were
ment against police killings of African Americans, has grown coming from inside the country, with half from Istanbul—the
into a social movement that “affirms the lives of Black queer and epicenter of the protests (Fitzpatrick, 2013).
trans folks, disabled folks, Black-undocumented folks, folks with Dissatisfied with the local mainstream media’s coverage
records, women and all Black lives along the gender spectrum. of the uprisings, young Turkish protesters began live tweeting
It centers those that have been marginalized within Black liber- their actions and using their smartphones to livestream video
ation movements. It is a tactic to (re)build the Black liberation of the daily events. These tweets and videos, along with arti-
movement” (Black Lives Matter, 2020). It used social media to cles in the Western news media, became the major source of
disrupt campaign rallies during the 2015 presidential primaries, information about the movement. Protesters even urged their
and it forced the resignations of the president of the University fellow Turks to turn off their televisions in protest of the lack
of Missouri and a Yale professor (Foran, 2015). In May 2020, the of coverage by the local mainstream media, using the hashtag
death of George Floyd at the hands of police resulted in a global #BugiinTelevizyonlariKapat (literally, “turn off the TVs today”).
movement calling for police reform, accountability measures, and Instead, they directed people to turn to the Internet to find out
defunding of police departments. Black Lives Matter protests what was really happening (Fitzpatrick. 2013).
across the world prompted the passage of reforms and reduc- Electronic media were also critical players in the January
tions in police budgets, as well as the removal of Confederate 2014 protests in Ukraine. For example, early tweets by jour-
statues in the United States (Somvichian-Clausen, 2020). nalists and activists were considered the primary trigger that
To take another example, Twitter was an essential player in brought hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians into the streets
the antigovernment protests in Turkey in 2013. Since the local on the eve of November 21, 2013. Even before dedicated Twitter
media did not adequately cover the protests, many Turks would feeds and Facebook pages were created, protesters tracked the
have had little knowledge of what was happening without Twitter. events using hashtags. Very early on, #Euromaidan emerged

advocates, environmental activists, and others who campaign in the public interest. These
electronic networks now have the unprecedented ability to respond immediately to events
as they occur; gain access to and share sources of information; and put pressure on cor-
porations, governments, and international bodies as part of their campaigning strategies.
For example, crowdsourcing websites like Rally and ActBlue allow like-minded individu-
als to make contributions to the political causes and candidates they support.
The Internet and social media have facilitated the work of social movement activists;
with the click of a finger, local stories can be disseminated internationally. The ability of
citizens to coordinate international protests is highly worrisome for governments. For

544 Globalization in a Changing World

 The January 25, 2011, protest in Egypt
relied so heavily on social media for its
organization that pundits refer to the day
as the “Facebook Revolution.”

as the main hashtag used for protest-related tweets. Shortly MySpace—it took on a new force in 2017 when Alyssa Milano
thereafter, an official Euromaidan Facebook page was created. tweeted #MeToo and called for others who had been sexually
Its popularity set a record in Ukraine, attracting 76,000 likes in harassed or assaulted to do the same. As of 2020, some of the
its first week. The page was used to provide real-time updates most powerful men in the world have been called to answer for
as well as information on activists’ future plans and advice on their crimes, including movie producer Harvey Weinstein, Ohio
how to deal with potentially aggressive police officers. The state senator Cliff Hite, actor Kevin Spacey, comedian Louis
speed and reach of such digital messages were remarkable and C.K., financier Jeffrey Epstein, and U.S.A. Gymnastics doctor
unprecedented (Arndt, 2014). Larry Nassar (Brown, 2018; Carlsen et al., 2018). Since 2017,
In recent years the #MeToo movement has surged to inter- over 262 individuals have been accused of sexual misconduct
national status as people around the world demand recognition (North et al., 2019).
of and changes to cultures of sexual harassment. Powerful, Have you ever used a Facebook page, Twitter, or other
prominent people around the world have suddenly been held digital media to participate in or spread news about a polit-
accountable for sometimes years of harassing others in the ical issue or event? What do you see as the pros and cons?
workplace. While the original “Me Too” movement began over What can digital media achieve that old 1960s-style protests
a decade earlier—founded by the activist Tarana Burke on could not?

example, in response to massive protests against government corruption in January 2011,

the Egyptian government blocked social media sites and mobile phone networks before
ultimately pulling the plug on Egypt's access to the Internet. In an effort to control infor-
mation flows, the Chinese government created the “Great Firewall,” which makes it virtu-
ally impossible for Chinese citizens to access Google or Facebook.
From global protests in favor of canceling developing nations’ debts to promoting fair
trade to ending international corruption, the Internet has the potential to unite campaign-
ers across national and cultural borders. Some observers argue that the information age
is witnessing a migration of power away from nation-states into new nongovernmental

What Are Social Movements? 545

 alliances and coalitions. Such global social movements (Bennett, 2012, Ghimire, 2005;

Milani and Laniado, 2007) are composed of cross-border networks of activists who join
together in pursuit of common goals—a task greatly facilitated by the Internet. For exam-
ple, the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), which received the
CONCEPT CHECKS | Nobel Peace Prize in 2017, is a coalition of 468 nongovernmental organizations in more
than 100 countries; its mission is to promote implementation of the United Nations treaty
Compare and contrast on the prohibition of nuclear weapons (ICAN, 2018). Transnational feminist networks
the three classical (Moghadam, 2005) unite groups fighting for women’s rights around the world and include
frameworks for studying
the Association for Women's Rights in Development, “an international, feminist, mem-
social movements.
bership organization committed to achieving gender equality, sustainable development
Provide an example of a
and women’s human rights” (2018), and the Sisterhood Is Global Institute, whose global
new social movement.
communication network provides “urgent action alerts” to organizations around the world
What distinguishes new
(2018). Networked organizations such as these depend on websites and social media to get
social movements from
the word out and coordinate activities among their members.
their precursors?

What Factors Contribute

> to Globalization’
Recognize the importance Globalization is often portrayed solely as an economic phenomenon. Some make much of
of information flows, the role of transnational corporations whose massive operations influence global produc-
political changes, and tion processes and the international distribution of labor. Others point to the electronic
transnational corporations.
integration of global financial markets and the enormous volume of global capital flows.
Still others focus on the unprecedented scope of world trade, which involves a much
broader range of goods and services than ever before.
Although economic forces are an integral part of globalization, it would be wrong
to suggest that they alone produce it. Globalization is created by the coming together of
technological, political, and economic factors. It has been driven forward above all by the
development of information and communications technologies that have intensified the
speed and scope of interaction between people all over the world.

Information Flows
The explosion in global communications has been facilitated by some important advances
in technology and the world’s telecommunications infrastructure. In the post-World War II
era, there has been a profound transformation in the scope and intensity of telecommunica-
tions flows. Traditional telephone communication, which depended on analog signals sent
through wires and cables, has been replaced by integrated systems in which vast amounts
of information are compressed and transferred digitally. Cable technology and the spread
of communications satellites have been integral in expanding international communica-
tions since the 1960s. As of 2019, the United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs stated
that there were 2,666 satellites revolving around the earth (Datta, 2020).
The impact of these communications systems has been staggering. In countries
with highly developed telecommunications infrastructures, homes and offices now

546 CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

 have multiple links to the outside world, includ-
ing telephones (both landlines and cell phones),
digital and cable television, and the Internet.
The Internet has emerged as the fastest-growing
communication tool ever developed. More than
4.1 billion people worldwide (over half of the
world’s population) were estimated to be using
the Internet in 2019—*epresenting 273 percent
growth in usage since 2005 (International Tele-
communication Union, 2020).
As noted earlier, these forms of technology
facilitate the compression of time and space: Two
individuals located on opposite sides of the planet
can hold a conversation in real time and send
documents and images or tweet their ideas to
each other with the help of satellite technology.
gras
Widespread use of the Internet and smartphones
. At a call center in Gurgaon, India, employees field questions and concerns
1s spurring on and accelerating processes of glo- from people in the United States and elsewhere, representing a global
balization; more and more people are becoming flow of information.
interconnected through the use of these technolo-
gies and are doing so in places that have previously Mw
been isolated or poorly served by traditional com-
munications. Although the telecommunications
infrastructure is not evenly developed around the world, a growing number of countries
now have access to international communications networks in a way that was previously
impossible.
Globalization is also being driven forward by the electronic integration of the world
economy. The global economy is increasingly dominated by activity that has been described
as “weightless” and “intangible” (Quah, 1999). This so-called weightless economy is one in
which products have their base in information, as is the case with computer software,
media and entertainment products, and Internet-based services. The emergence of such an
economy has been linked to the development of a broad base of consumers who are tech-
nologically literate and who eagerly integrate new advances in computing, entertainment,
and telecommunications into their everyday lives.
While the idea of a weightless economy is useful in pointing to the growing economic
importance of information, it obscures the fact that we cannot live on information alone:
Someone is ultimately making the goods we consume, writing the code that powers our
software, staffing call centers around the world (Aneesh, 2015), and generally providing
other supposedly “weightless” services. All too often, the people who do so are underpaid
and work in unsafe and unhealthy conditions. Since the weightless economy increasingly
drives production and consumption, it also contributes to resource depletion and climate
change. Cloud computing now represents an estimated 1.8 percent of total energy
consumption in the United States. Amazon alone required almost as much electricity to
power its servers as its hometown city of Seattle in 2015; its annual global carbon dioxide
emissions are estimated to be 3.3 million tons and growing—+oughly the same as 650,000
passenger cars (Ryan, 2018; Environmental Protection Agency, 2018).

What Factors Contribute to Globalization? 547

 The very operation of the global economy reflects the changes that have occurred in
the information age. Many aspects of the economy now work through networks that cross
national boundaries rather than stopping at them (Castells, 1996). To be competitive in
globalizing conditions, businesses and corporations have restructured themselves to be
more adaptable and less hierarchical. Production practices and organizational patterns
have become more flexible, partnering arrangements with other firms have become com-
monplace, and participation in worldwide distribution networks has become essential for
doing business in a rapidly changing global market.
Whether ajob is ina factory ora call center, it can be done more cheaply in China, India,
or another developing country than in a developed country like the United States. This is
increasingly true for the work of software engineers, graphic designers, and financial con-
sultants. Of course, to the extent that global competition for labor reduces the cost of goods
and services, it also provides for a wealth of cheaper products (Roach, 2005). As consum-
ers, we all benefit from low-cost flat-panel TVs made in China and inexpensive computer
games programmed in India. It is an open question, however, whether the declining cost of
consumption will balance out wage and job losses due to globalization.

Political Changes
A number of political changes are also driving contemporary globalization. One of the most
significant is the collapse of Soviet-style communism, which occurred in a series of dramatic
revolutions in Eastern Europe in 1989 and culminated in the dissolution of the Soviet Union
itself in 1991. Since then, countries in the former Soviet bloc—including Russia, Ukraine,
Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, the Baltic states, the states of the Caucasus and
Central Asia, and many others—have moved, unevenly, toward Western-style political and
economic systems. They are no longer isolated from the global community but are becoming
integrated within it. The collapse of communism has hastened processes of globalization
but should also be seen as a result of globalization itself. The centrally planned communist
economies and the ideological and cultural control of communist political authority were
ultimately unable to survive in the face of global media and an electronically integrated
world economy.
A second important political factor leading to intensifying globalization is the growth
of international and regional mechanisms of government. The United Nations (UN) and
the European Union (EU) are the two most prominent examples of international organiza-
tions that bring together nation-states in a common political forum. Whereas the UN is an
association of individual nation-states, the EU is a more pioneering form of transnational
governance in which a certain degree of national sovereignty is relinquished by its member
states. The governments of individual EU states are bound by directives, regulations, and
court judgments from common EU bodies, but they also reap economic, social, and political
In a June 2016 referendum benefits from their participation in the regional union.
popularly referred to as Yet both the UN and the EU have been challenged in recent years. The UN, unfortu-
“Brexit,” 52 percent of
nately, has proven to be a weak actor. It has in part been hampered by the requirement
British voters voted to exit
the European Union. that its Security Council consent to any significant UN actions, which in turn requires the
agreement of at least nine of the Council's 15 members, including all five of its permanent
members (the United States, France, England, Russia, and China). Another issue is that
“N member nations are not willing to give up their sovereignty to the UN, which consequently
lacks the means to enforce its actions.

548 CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

 The EU has had difficulty managing the economic slowdo
wn of its member nations,
including the near-insolvency of debt-ridden countries such
as Greece. The influx of more
than a million refugees from war-torn Syria and other countri
es has created seemingly
insurmountable challenges, particularly since once they are in
any European country,
migrants can freely cross borders into any other. Anti-migrant
sentiments have grown,
leading some to question the “open borders” policies that have thus far
created a strongly
unified Europe.
These economic and social struggles culminated in the so-called Brexit vote
in Britain,
a June 2016 referendum in which slightly more than half of all voters (52 percent)
called for
Britain to withdraw from the EU. The vote passed because of voters’ concerns about
immi-
gration and the belief that Britain was surrendering too much national sovereignty to
the
EU governance system in Brussels. While opponents of Brexit argued that such concerns
were greatly overblown, they could not assuage the fears of a majority of voters. The Brexit
vote sent shock waves throughout the EU, since it raised fears that other countries may
eventually follow suit.
A third important political factor is the growing importance of international govern-
mental organizations (IGOs) and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs).
An IGO is a body that is established by participating governments and given responsi-
bility for regulating or overseeing a particular domain of activity that is transnational
in scope. The first such body, the International Telegraph Union, was founded in 1865.
Since that time, a great number of similar bodies have been created to regulate a range of
business activities, including civil aviation, broadcasting, and the disposal of hazardous
waste. Prominent examples include the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank,
and the WTO.
As the name suggests, INGOs differ from IGOs in that INGOs are not affiliated with
government institutions. Rather, they are independent organizations that work along-
side governmental bodies in making policy decisions and addressing international issues.
Some of the best-known INGOs—Greenpeace, Médecins sans Frontiéres (Doctors with-
out Borders), the Red Cross, and Amnesty Internationab—are involved in environmental
protection and humanitarian relief efforts.
Finally, the spread of information technology has expanded the possibilities for contact
among people around the globe. Every day, the global media bring news, images, and infor-
mation into people’s homes, linking them directly and continuously to the outside world.
Some of the most gripping events of the past four decades—such as the fall of the Berlin
Wall; the violent crackdown on democratic protesters in Beijing's Tiananmen Square; the
terrorist attacks in New York City in 2001, Paris in 2015, and Brussels in 2016; and the pro-
tests of the Arab Spring—have unfolded through the media before a truly global audience.
Such events, along with thousands of less dramatic ones, have resulted in a reorientation
in people's thinking from the level of the nation-state to the global stage. Individuals are
now more aware of their interconnectedness with others and more likely to identify with
global issues and processes than in times past.
This shift to a global outlook has two significant dimensions. First, as members of a
global community, people increasingly perceive that social responsibility does not stop at
national borders but instead extends beyond them. There is a growing assumption that the
international community has an obligation to act in crisis situations to protect the physical
well-being or human rights of people whose lives are under threat. In the case of natural

What Factors Contribute to Globalization? 549

 disasters, such interventions take the form of humanitarian relief and technical assistance.
In recent years, earthquakes in Haiti and Japan, floods in Mozambique, famine in Africa,
hurricanes in Central America, a tsunami that hit Asia and Africa, and a typhoon that
struck the Philippines have been rallying points for global assistance. Today, with a grow-
ing awareness of the scientific consensus on the ramifications of global warming, envi-
ronmental movements—anited by social media—have mushroomed from the Marshall
Islands to Miami.
Second, a global outlook means that people are increasingly looking to sources other
than the nation-state to formulate their sense of identity. Local cultural identities in various
parts of the world are experiencing powerful revivals at a time when the traditional hold
of the nation-state is undergoing profound transformation. In Europe, for example, inhabi-
tants of Scotland and the Basque region of Spain might be more likely to identify as Scottish
or Basque—or simply as Europeans—rather than as British or Spanish. Forms of nation-
alism based on ethnicity, religion, or culture—rather than nation-state—are reflected in
growing persecution, and sometimes outright violence, in many countries against those
perceived as nonnative, such as immigrants or members of religious minorities.

Economic Changes
Among the many economic factors driving globalization, the role of transnational corpo-
transnational rations is particularly important. Transnational corporations are companies that produce
corporations goods or market services in more than one country. These may be relatively small firms
Companies that produce with one or two factories outside the country in which they are based or gigantic interna-
goods or market services tional ventures whose operations crisscross the globe.
in two or more countries.
Transnational corporations account for some two-thirds of all world trade, they are
instrumental in the diffusion of new technology around the globe, and they are major actors
in international financial markets. As we noted in Chapter 13, a Swiss study of more than
43,000 transnational corporations found that a mere 737 firms—tless than 2 percent of the
totat—accounted for four-fifths of their combined monetary value. The financial services
industry is a power player in the global economy: The top 50 firms were primarily financial
organizations such as banks and giant investment firms (Vitali et al., 2011). The world’s
500 largest transnational corporations had combined revenues of nearly $327 trillion
in 2018 (Fortune, 2019); in the same year, $75.8 trillion in goods and services were pro-
duced by the entire world (World Bank, 2018f). While the United States remains home to the
largest number of giant transnational corporations, its share has slipped considerably in
recent years, particularly with the rise of Asian countries such as Japan, South Korea, and
especially China.
The “electronic economy” is another factor that underpins economic globalization.
Banks, corporations, fund managers, and individual investors are able to shift funds inter-
nationally with the click of a mouse or a tap on a smartphone. This new ability to instan-
taneously move “electronic money” carries with it great risks, however. Transfers of vast
amounts of capital can destabilize economies, triggering international financial crises. As
the global economy becomes increasingly integrated, a financial collapse in one part of
the world can have an enormous effect on distant economies. This became painfully evi-
dent when the once-venerable financial services firm Lehman Brothers collapsed in 2008,
sending financial shock waves throughout the United States and global economies. The
Dow Jones dropped by more than 4 percentage points immediately following Lehman's

550 CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

filing for Chapter 11 bankruptcy. Banks and insur-
ers throughout the world, from Scotland to Japan,
registered devastating losses as a result (Council
on Foreign Relations, 2013). The Dow's drop
following Lehman Brothers’ collapse was only
recently topped in 2020, when the rise of corona-
virus infections in the United States led the Dow
Jones to drop over 12 percentage points—the
largest single drop since the 9/11 attacks in 2001
(Imbert, 2020).
The political, economic, social, and tech-
nological factors we have described are joining
together to produce a phenomenon that lacks any
earlier parallel in terms of its intensity and scope.
Transnational corporations such as Coca-Cola are eager to tap growing
The consequences of globalization are many and
markets in countries like China and India. Here, corporate leaders break
far-reaching, as we will see later in this chapter.
; ground on a new plant in the Gansu province of China. Coca-Cola has
But first we turn our attention to the main views opened 45 production facilities-in mainland China, an investment of over
of globalization. $13 billion, since it entered the market in 1979.

The Globalization Debate ™

In recent years, globalization has become
a hotly debated topic. Most people accept
that important transformations are occurring around us, but the extent to which
one can attribute them to “globalization” is contested. As an unpredictable and turbu-
lent process, globalization is seen and understood very differently by observers. David
Held and his colleagues (1999) have surveyed the controversy and divided its
participants into three schools of thought: “skeptics,” “hyperglobalizers,” and “transfor-
mationalists.” These three tendencies within the globalization debate are summarized
in Table 16.1.

THE SKEPTICS
Some thinkers argue that the idea of globalization is overrated—that the debate
over globalization is a lot of talk about something that is not new. The skeptics in the
globalization controversy believe that current levels of economic interdependence are not
unprecedented. Pointing to nineteenth-century statistics on world trade and investment,
they contend that modern globalization differs from the past only in the intensity of
interaction between nations. The skeptics agree that there may be more contact between
countries now than in previous eras, but in their eyes, the current world economy is not
sufficiently integrated to constitute a truly globalized economy. This is because the bulk
of trade occurs within three regional groups: Europe, Asia-Pacific, and North America
(Hirst, 1997).
Many skeptics focus on processes of regionalization within the world economy, such
as the emergence of major financial and trading blocs. To skeptics, the growth of regional-
ization is evidence that the world economy has become less integrated rather than more so
(Boyer and Drache, 1996; Hirst and Thompson, 1999). Compared with the patterns of trade

What Factors Contribute to Globalization? Boi

TABLE 16.1

Conceptualizing Globalization: Three Tendencies

CHARACTERISTIC SKEPTICS TRANSFORMATIONALISTS HYPERGLOBALIZERS

What's New? Trading bloc Historically unprecedented levels A global age

of global interconnectedness

Dominant Features World less interdependent than “Thick” (intensive and extensive) Global capitalism, global
in 1890s globalization governance, global civil society

Power of National Reinforced or enhanced Reconstituted, restructured Declining or eroding

Governments

Driving Forces of Governments and markets Combined forces of modernity Capitalism and technology
Globalization

Pattern of Increased marginalization of New architecture of world order Erosion of old hierarchies
Stratification Global South

Dominant Motif National interest Transformation of political Global brands and culture like
community McDonald’s, Beyoncé, etc.

Conceptualization As internationalization and As the reordering of interregional As areordering of the

of Globalization regionalization relations and action at a distance framework of human action

Historical Trajectory Regional blocs/clash of Indeterminate: global integration Global civilization

civilizations and fragmentation

Summary Argument Internationalization depends Globalization is transforming Globalization means the end of
on government acquiescence government power and the nation-state.
and support. world politics.

Source: Adapted from Held et al., 1999.

that prevailed a century ago, they argue, the world economy is less global in its geographi-
cal scope and more concentrated on intense pockets of activity.
According to the skeptics, national governments continue to be key players because of
their involvement in regulating and coordinating economic activity. For example, skeptics
point out that national governments are the driving force behind many trade agreements
and policies of economic liberalization.

THE HYPERGLOBALIZERS
The hyperglobalizers take an opposing position to that of the skeptics (Ohmae, 1990,
1995; Friedman, 2000, 2005). They argue that globalization is a very real phenomenon—
the consequences of which can be felt almost everywhere—and a process that is indif-
ferent to national borders. It is producing a new global order, swept along by powerful
flows of cross-border trade and production. Much of the analysis of globalization offered
by hyperglobalizers focuses on the changing role of the nation-state; they argue that

552 CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

 individual countries no longer control their economies
because of the vast growth in
world trade. Some hyperglobalizers believe that the power
of national governments
is also being challenged from above—by new regional
and international institutions,
such as the EU. Taken together, these shifts signal to the hypergl
obalizers the dawning
of a global age (Albrow, 1997) in which national governments
decline in importance
and influence.
Social scientists endorsing what might be termed a “strong globaliza
tion” position
include sociologists such as William Robinson (2001, 2004, 2005a,
2005b, 2014), Leslie
Sklair (2002a, 2002b, 2003), and Saskia Sassen (1996, 2005). While these scholars
do not see
themselves as hyperglobalists, they argue that transnational economic actors
and political
institutions are challenging the dominance of national ones. Robinson, one of
the stron-
gest proponents of this position, has studied these changes throughout the world, with
a
special focus on Latin America. He argues that the most powerful economic actors on
the
world scene today are not bound by national boundaries: they are, instead, transnational
in nature. For example, he argues that nation-states are being transformed into “compo-
nent elements” of a transnational state—exemplified by the WTO, whose purpose is to
serve the interests of global businesses as a whole by ensuring that individual countries
adhere to the principles of free trade. Robinson (2001) concludes that “the nation-state
is a historically-specific form of world social organization in the process of becoming
transcended by globalization.”

THE TRANSFORMATIONALISTS
The transformationalists take more of a middle position. Writers such as David Held
(Held et al., 1999) and one of the authors of this textbook, Anthony Giddens (1990),
see globalization as the central force behind a broad spectrum of changes that are
currently shaping modern societies. In this view, the global order is being transformed,
but many of the old patterns remain. Governments, for instance, retain a good deal of
power despite the advance of global interdependence. These transformations are not
restricted to economics alone but are equally prominent within the realms of politics,
culture, and personal life. Transformationalists contend that the current level of global-
ization is breaking down established boundaries between internal and external, inter-
national and domestic. In trying to adjust to this new order, societies, institutions, and
individuals are being forced to navigate contexts in which previous structures have
been shaken up.
Unlike hyperglobalizers, transformationalists see globalization as a dynamic and open
process that is subject to influence and change. Globalization is not a one-way process
of Westernization, as some claim, but a two-way flow of images, information, and influ-
ences. Global migration, media, and telecommunications are contributing to the diffusion
of cultural influences. The world’s vibrant “global cities” are thoroughly multicultural, with
ethnic groups and cultures intersecting and living side by side. According to transforma-
tionalists, globalization is a decentered and self-aware process characterized by links and
cultural flows that work in a multidirectional way. Because globalization is the product of
numerous intertwined global networks, it cannot be seen as being driven from one partic-
ular part of the world.
Rather than losing sovereignty, as the hyperglobalizers argue, countries are seen by
transformationalists as restructuring in response to new forms of economic and social

What Factors Contribute to Globalization?

 organization that are nonterritorial in basis (such as corporations, social movements,
and international bodies). They argue that we are no longer living in a state-centric world;
governments are being forced to adopt a more active, outward-looking stance toward
governance under the complex conditions of globalization (Rosenau, 1997).
Whose view is most nearly correct? There are elements of truth in all three views,
although the view of the transformationalists is perhaps the most balanced. The skeptics
CONCEPT CHECKS
underestimate how much the world is changing; world finance markets, for example, are
What Is an example organized on a global level to a greater extent than they ever were before. Yet, at the same
fo} i=l oe) (1dfex-]eredat=]avex= time, the world has undergone periods of intense globalization before, only to withdraw
driving contemporary into periods in which countries sought to protect their markets and closed their borders to
globalization? trade. While the march of globalization today often seems inevitable, it is by no means cer-
How are transnational tain that it will continue unabated: Countries that find themselves losing out may attempt
(oro) Xo)g=]d(elats) to stem the tide.
contributing to
On the one hand, the hyperglobalizers are correct in pointing to the current strength
globalization?
of globalization as dissolving many national barriers, changing the nature of state power,
Compare and contrast
and creating new and powerful transnational social classes. On the other hand, they often
how skeptics,
overemphasize the economic component of globalization and the degree to which it is an
hyperglobalizers, and
transformationalists inflexible, one-way process. In reality, globalization is much more complex. National gov-
explain the phenomenon ernments will neither dissolve under the weight of a globalized economy (as some hyper-
of globalization. globalizers argue) nor reassert themselves as the dominant political force (as some skeptics
How might skeptics, argue) but rather will seek to steer global capitalism to their own advantage. The world
lab] eX=1m24 (0)of-](7-4-1 8-ear-lale economy of the future may be much more globalized than today’s, with multinational
transformationalists corporations and global institutions like the WTO playing increasingly important roles.
differently interpret
But some countries in the world economy may still be more powerful than even the most
the growing global
‘olmolaaliar-varex-me mmOlallarsitg
powerful transnational actors.

How Does Globalization

> Affect Your Life?
Recognize the ways that Although globalization is often associated with changes to big systems—such as the world
large global systems financial markets, production and trade, and telecommunications—the effects of globaliza-
affect local contexts and
tion are felt just as strongly in the private realm. Globalization is fundamentally changing
personal experiences.
the nature of our everyday experiences. As societies undergo profound transformations,
the established institutions that used to underpin them have become outmoded. This is
forcing a redefinition of intimate and personal aspects of our lives, such as the family, gen-
der roles, sexuality, personal identity, interactions with others, and relationships to work.

The Rise of Individualism

In our current age, individuals have many more opportunities to shape their own lives
than once was the case. At one time, tradition and custom exercised a very strong influ-
ence on the path of people's lives. Factors such as social class, gender, ethnicity, and even
religious affiliation could close off certain avenues for individuals or open up others. In

CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

 times past, individuals’ personal identities were formed
in the context of the community
into which they were born. The values, lifestyles, and ethics
prevailing in that community
provided relatively fixed guidelines according to which people
lived their lives.
Under conditions of globalization, however, we are faced with
a move toward a new
individualism in which it is easier for people to actively construc
t their own identities.
Thanks to information technology and social media, globalized
production systems,
and the global spread of consumer culture more generally, the weight
of tradition and
established values is diminishing in many places as people around the world
are exposed
to new ideas. Even the small choices we make in our daily lives—what we
wear, how
we spend our leisure time, and how we take care of our health—are part of
an ongoing
process of creating and re-creating our self-identities.
One study of the degree to which societies have become more individualistic exam-
ined changes in values and behaviors in 77 countries between 1960 and 2010. Values
were measured by survey questions asking how respondents felt about such things as the
importance of family and friends, teaching children to be independent, and preference
for self-expression. Behaviors were determined by census data, including household size,
number of people living alone, and divorce rates. The study found significant increases
in individualistic values in nearly three out of four countries, while more than four out
of five showed significant increases in individualistic behavior (Santos et al., 2017). There
were, however, some significant exceptions: China, for example, actually showed a slight
decline in individualism.

Work Patterns
Globalization has unleashed profound transformations within the world of work.
New patterns of international trade and the shift to a knowledge economy have had a
significant impact on long-standing employment patterns. Many traditional industries
have been made obsolete by new technological advances or are losing their share of the
market to competitors abroad whose labor costs are lower. Global trade and new tech-
nology have had a strong effect on traditional manufacturing communities: Industrial
workers in advanced economies have been left unemployed and without the types
of skills they need to enter the new knowledge-based economy. These communi-
ties are facing a new set of social problems, including long-term unemployment and
rising crime rates, as a result of economic globalization. Yet, at the same time, global-
ization has provided job opportunities for workers (especially women) in emerging
economies. While these jobs are typically poorly paid and frequently unsafe, they also
provide a degree of financial independence that women in more traditional societies
often lack.
If at one time people’s working lives were dominated by employment with one
employer over the course of several decades—the so-called job-for-life framework—today
many more individuals create their own career paths, pursuing individual goals and exer-
cising choice in attaining them. Often this involves changing jobs several times over the
course of a career, building up new skills and abilities, and transferring them to diverse
work contexts. Standard patterns of full-time work are being dissolved into more flexible
arrangements: working from home with the help of information technology, job sharing,
gig work, short-term consulting projects, and so forth. While this affords new opportu-
nities for some, for most it means far greater uncertainty. Job security—and the health

How Does Globalization Affect Your Life? 3581.)

 and retirement benefits that went with it—have
largely become things of the past.

Popular Culture
The cultural effects of globalization have received
much attention. Images, ideas, goods, and styles
‘are now disseminated around the world more
rapidly than ever before. Trade, information
technologies, the international media, and global
migration have all contributed to the free move-
ment of culture across national borders. Many
people believe that we now live ina single infor-
mation order—a massive global network where
American films such as Star Wars: The Rise of Skywalker dominate the information is shared quickly and in great vol-
global box office. Does this amount to cultural imperialism? umes. Films like Avengers: Endgame and Star Wars:
The Rise of Skywalker have enjoyed worldwide

/“N popularity. Avengers: Endgame, currently the top

grossing film of all time, brought in nearly $2.8
billion in 56 countries upon its release in 2019—
two-thirds of it outside the United States.
Some people worry that globalization is leading to the creation of a global culture
in which the values of the most powerful and affluent—in this instance, Hollywood
filmmakers—overwhelm the strength of local customs and traditions. According to this
cultural view, globalization is a form of cultural imperialism in which the values, styles, and
imperialism outlooks of the Western world are being spread so aggressively that they smother individ-
When the values, styles, ual national cultures.
and outlooks of the Others, by contrast, claim that global society is now characterized by an enor-
world are being spread
mous diversity of cultures existing side by side. Local traditions are joined by a host of
so aggressively that they
additional cultural forms from abroad, presenting people with a bewildering array of
smother individual national
cultures. lifestyle options from which to choose. Rather than a unified global culture, what we
are witnessing is the fragmentation of cultural forms (Baudrillard, 1988). Established
identities and ways of life grounded in local communities and cultures are giving
hybridization way to hybridization—the process by which new forms of hybrid identity are
The process by which created out of elements from contrasting cultural sources (Hall, 1992). For example,
new forms of hybrid while bhangra melodies hail from the Punjab region of India, U.S. music fans may rec-
identity are created out of
ognize bhangra harmonies and rhythms in the songs of pop and hip-hop artists such as
elements from contrasting
Beyoncé and Jay-Z.
cultural sources.

Globalization and Risk

The consequences of globalization are far-reaching, affecting virtually all aspects of the
social world. Yet because globalization is a complex and open-ended and process, it pro-
duces outcomes that are difficult to predict and control. Another way of thinking of this
dynamic is in terms of risk. Many of the changes wrought by globalization are presenting
us with new forms of risk that differ greatly from those that existed in previous eras.
Unlike risks from the past, which had established causes and known effects, today’s risks
are incalculable in origin and indeterminate in their consequences.

CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

 THE SPREAD OF “MANUFACTURED RISK”
Humans have always had to face risks of one kind or another, but
today’s risks are qual-
itatively different from those of earlier times. Until quite recently
, human societies were
threatened by external risk—dangers such as drought, earthqu
akes, famines, and storms external risk
that spring from the natural world and are unrelated to the actions
of humans. Today, Dangers that spring from
however, we are increasingly confronted with various types of manufa
ctured risk— the natural world and are
risks that are created by the impact of human knowledge and technology on unrelated to the actions of
the natural
world. As we shall see, many environmental and health risks facing contemp humans. Examples include
orary soci-
eties are instances of manufactured risk: they are the outcomes of our own interven droughts, earthquakes,
tions
famines, and storms.
into nature.
Some of the clearest illustrations of manufactured risk are threats to the natural envi-
ronment (see Chapter 15). One of the consequences of accelerating industrial and tech- manufactured
nological development is that few aspects of the natural world remain untouched by risk
humans. Urbanization, industrial production and pollution, large-scale agricultural proj- Dangers that are created
ects, the construction of dams and hydroelectric plants, and nuclear power are just some of by the impact of human
the ways in which human beings have had an impact on their natural surroundings. The knowledge and technol-
collective outcome of such processes has been widespread environmental destruction, the ogy on the natural world.
Examples include global
precise causes and consequences of which are difficult to calculate.
warming and genetically
In our globalizing world, ecological risk confronts us in many guises. Concern over modified foods.
global warming has been mounting in the scientific community for some years. Most sci-
entists now accept that Earth's temperature has been increasing due to a rising concentra-
tion of greenhouse gases—a by-product of manmade processes, such as deforestation and
the burning of fossil fuels. The potential consequences of global warming are devastating:
If polar ice caps continue to melt at their current rate, sea levels will rise and may threaten
low-lying landmasses and their human populations. Changes in climate patterns have
been cited as possible causes of the record number of hurricanes that swept through the
Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico in the fall of 2005, of Hurricane Katrina, which devastated
New Orleans, and of Hurricane Sandy, which leveled entire neighborhoods in New Jersey
and New York in 2012. Most recently, the brushfires in Australia, also linked to climate
change, destroyed 27.2 million acres and are estimated to have killed over 1 billion animals
(Woodward, 2020; Zaveri and Rueb, 2020).
In the past decade, the dangers posed to human health by manufactured risks
have attracted great attention. For example, sun exposure has been linked to a height-
ened risk of skin cancer in many parts of the world. This is thought to be related to
the depletion of the ozone layer—the layer of Earth's atmosphere that normally filters
out ultraviolet light. There is, however, some good news: According to a 2014 report,
the ozone layer is on track to make a substantial recovery by mid-century, largely
because of the 1987 Montreal Protocol, which banned ozone-depleting chemicals
like chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) (United Nations Environmental Programme/World
Meteorological Organization, 2014).
Many examples of manufactured risk are linked to food. For example, chemical pesti-
cides and herbicides are widely used in commercial agriculture, and many livestock (such
as chickens and pigs) are pumped full of hormones and antibiotics. Some scientists have
suggested that farming techniques such as these, as well as the widespread production
of genetically modified foods, could compromise food safety and have an adverse effect
on humans.

How Does Globalization Affect Your Life? JOU

TABLE 16.2

Applying Sociology to Globalization in a Changing World

APPROACH TO UNDERSTANDING GLOBALIZATION
CONCEPT CONTEMPORARY APPLICATION
IN A CHANGING WORLD

Time-Space Technological changes that reduce the time required to Advances in transportation and
Compression cover a given distance, thereby altering the experience of telecommunications, which have made it
time and increasing the possibility of human activity over possible to cross the United States coast-to-
ever-greater distances. coast in five or six hours by air (as opposed to
five to six months by horse a century ago) or to
have a face-to-face conversation with a friend
half a world away by smartphone (something
that would have been unthinkable a century ago)

Manufactured Risks that are created by the effects of human knowledge Global warming and climate change; global
Risk and technology on the natural world (as opposed to external pandemics such as SARS, MERS, and COVID-19;
risks from the natural world that do not result from human mad cow disease; genetically modified foods
activity). Many current environmental and health risks are
the outcomes of our own interventions into nature.

Postindustrial Society is increasingly based on the production of The Internet, social media, smartphones, virtual
Society information rather than on manufactured goods, resulting reality, artificial intelligence, virtual meetings
in social and cultural changes as profound as those that (and relationships); the growth of the service
followed the Industrial Revolution some two centuries ago. economy

THE GLOBAL “RISK SOCIETY”

Manufactured risks have presented individuals with new choices and challenges in their
everyday lives. Because there is no road map to these new dangers, individuals, countries,
and transnational organizations must negotiate risks as they make choices about how lives
are to be lived. The German sociologist Ulrich Beck (1992) saw these risks contributing to
the formation of a global “risk society.” As technological change progresses more and more
rapidly and produces new forms of risk, we must constantly respond and adjust. The risk
society, he argued, is not limited to environmental and health risks; it includes a whole
series of interrelated changes within contemporary social life: shifting employment pat-
terns, heightened job insecurity, the erosion of traditional family patterns, and the democ-
ratization of personal relationships. Because personal futures are much less fixed than they
were in traditional societies, decisions of all kinds present risks for individuals. According
to Beck (1995), an important aspect of the risk society is that its hazards are not restricted
spatially, temporally, or socially. Today's risks affect all countries and all social classes; they
have global, not merely personal, consequences.

Globalization and Inequality

While Beck and other scholars have drawn attention to risk as one of the main out-
comes of globalization and technological advancement, it is important to recognize

558 CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

 that not all people and societies are affected equally
. New forms of risk
present complex challenges for both individuals
and whole societies
that are forced to navigate unknown terrain. Global
ization is proceed-
ing in an uneven way: Next to mounting ecologi
cal problems, the
expansion of inequalities within and between societies
is one of the
most serious challenges facing the world today.

INEQUALITY AND GLOBAL DIVISIONS

As we learned in our discussions of types of societies (Chapter
2) and of
global inequality (Chapter 8), the vast majority of the world’s wealth
is
concentrated in the industrialized countries of the Global North,
whereas
countries in the Global South suffer from widespread poverty, overpopu
-
lation, inadequate educational and health care systems, and crippling for-
eign debt. The disparity between the industrial North and the Global South
widened steadily over the course of the twentieth century and is now the
largest it has ever been. A recent report on global wealth shows that global
inequality is at extreme levels. The richest 10 percent of the global popula-
tion now owns 82 percent of the world’s wealth, and the richest 1 percent
alone holds 45 percent of all global wealth. In sharp contrast, the bottom
ee Demonstrators in more than 50 countries took
half of the global population owns less than 1 percent of total wealth part in a worldwide “March against Monsanto,”
(Credit Suisse, 2019). calling for an end to the use of genetically
These vast disparities in economic well-being are all the more jar- modified organisms (GMOs).
ring when daily income is considered. A recent study from the Brookings
Institution showed that at the end of 2019, approximately 600 million NN
people were living in extreme poverty—that is, living on less than $1.90
per day. The proportion of persons who live under such dire circum-
stances has decreased markedly over the last three decades—from 44 percent in 1981 to
11 percent in 2017—argely due to reductions in poverty in India. However, the absolute
number of people living in abject poverty remains high, because the populations of poor
nations are so large. Further, about 70 percent of the world’s poor live in Africa. Extreme
poverty is further clustered in sub-Saharan Africa, which accounts for half of the world’s
extreme poor (Kharas et al., 2019).
In much of the Global South, levels of economic growth and output over the past cen-
tury have not kept up with the rate of population growth, whereas the level of economic
development in industrialized countries has far outpaced it. These opposing tendencies
have led to a marked divergence between the richest and poorest countries of the world.
China, for example, accounts for more than 21 percent of the global adult population but
only 17 percent of global wealth (see the “Globalization by the Numbers” infographic on
p. 560). The gap between population and wealth is even more extreme in India, which
accounts for 17 percent of the global adult population but only 1.8 percent of global wealth
(Credit Suisse, 2019).
Globalization is exacerbating these trends by further concentrating income, wealth,
and resources within a small core of countries. As we have seen in this chapter, the global
economy is growing and integrating at an extremely rapid rate. The expansion of global
trade has been central to this process. Global trade in goods and services has increased
by nearly 60 percent in the last decade, from $13 trillion in 2005 to nearly $19.5 trillion

How Does Globalization Affect Your Life? aay

 Global Wealth

In 2019 global wealth reached $361 trillion (U.S. dollars), 27 percent higher than a decade ago at the onset of the
financial crisis. Currently, the wealthiest 1 percent of the population owns 45 percent of all global household
wealth. While emerging economies such as China and India. are growing at a rapid clip, much of this wealth is still
“concentrated in Europe and the United States.

Ml Share of total wealth* . tit Share of adult population

North America : Europe

ase A
Asia-Pacifict* China | India

ae) o% |

mLtehh

itl i+
*Global household wealth as defined by Credit Suisse as the marketable value of financial assets plus non-financial assets (principally housing and land) minus debts. —
**Excludes China and India.

Real annual wealth growth rates (%), 2000-2015

5.3% -
ae 48% 4.7% 4.6% 4.5%

Bottom five countries

China Norway Malaysia Peru Colombia Portugal | Turkey Greece Argentina Egypt ;
Top five countries

Source: Credit Suisse, 2019.

in 2016. The volume of merchandise exports in 2018 exceeded $19.5 trillion—up from
$10.6 trillion in 2005—and the volume of service exports in 2018 was nearly $5.8 trillion—
up from $2.6 trillion in 2005 (World Bank, 2018e; UN Conference on Trade and Development,
2019). Yet only a handful of developing countries have managed to benefit from that rapid
growth, and the process of integration into the global economy has been uneven. Some
countries—such as the East Asian economies, Chile, India, and Poland—have fared well,
with significant growth in exports. Other countries—such as Russia, Venezuela, Algeria,
and most of sub-Saharan Africa—have seen few benefits from expanding trade and
globalization (United Nations Development Programme, 2006). There is a danger that
many of the countries most in need of economic growth will be left even further behind as
globalization progresses (World Bank, 2001).
Free trade is seen by many as the key to economic development and poverty relief.
Organizations such as the WTO work to liberalize trade regulations and to reduce barriers
to trade among the countries of the world. Free trade across borders is viewed as a win-
win proposition for countries in the Global North and South. While the industrialized
economies are able to export their products to markets around the world, it is claimed that
countries in the Global South also benefit by gaining access to world markets. This, in turn,
is supposed to improve their prospects for integration into the global economy.
But such integration has often come with significant human and ecological costs. Low-
income countries are seldom able to compete in world markets; rather, they are far more
likely to provide cheap labor and natural resources for the North American, European, and
East Asian firms that produce the goods and services we all consume. Asa result, low-income
countries typically suffer from low wages and unsafe, polluting factories (Appelbaum and
Lichtenstein, 2016). These countries are also in a poor position to address these problems: If
their governments try to raise wages or enforce strict environmental regulations, they run
the risk of losing foreign investments (and the low-wage jobs they bring) to other coun-
tries that are more compliant. When it comes to hiring factories or purchasing services,
transnational corporations have greater power than the governments of most low-income
countries. And all too often, governmental corruption reinforces this power imbalance
(Appelbaum et al., 2018; Robinson, 2014).
Many low-income countries have also incurred substantial debt to international and
regional banks and other lenders. According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), by
2017, two out of every five low-income developing countries were believed to be at some
degree of risk of defaulting on their loans, twice the number from only four years earlier
(2018). Nearly a third of these—primarily countries in sub-Saharan Africa—were judged
to be of high risk. In many of these countries, interest payments on borrowed money make
up a large and growing part of government spending. If a country is judged to be in serious
danger of default, the IMF may step in, provide loans to bail out the troubled government,
and then require tax increases or cutbacks in government spending (and sometimes both)
to enable the government to function without running a deficit that is funded by private
borrowing. Not surprisingly, such “austerity measures” have not been popular in low-
income countries, prompting anti-austerity protests.
In Tunisia, for example, where, as we saw at the beginning of this chapter, the Arab
Spring first began, anti-austerity protests swept through the country in 2018. The IMF lent
Tunisia $2.9 billion in 2015 to help the country balance its budget; two years later, it told
Tunisia that “urgent action” was needed to reduce the country's deficit. The government's

How Does Globalization Affect Your Life?

 response—raising the prices of gasoline and food and
increasing taxes on a variety of goods and services—
sparked uprisings that quickly turned violent (BBC,
2018; Deutsche Welle, 2018).

THE CAMPAIGN FOR GLOBAL JUSTICE

Not everyone agrees that free trade is the solution to

poverty and global inequality. In fact, many critics argue
that free trade is a rather one-sided affair that benefits
those who are already well-off, leads to massive job loss
of industrial workers in the advanced economies, and
exacerbates existing patterns of poverty and depen-
dency within the Global South. During the 2016 pres-
idential primary campaigns, Democrat Bernie Sanders
and Republican Donald Trump seemed to agree on just
In the.birthplace of the Arab Spring, people storm the streets to one thing: Free trade agreements such as the proposed
protest price hikes and other austerity measures implemented by Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) were costing Americans

ae eeu their jobs. President Trump since doubled down on his

campaign pledge to rethink all trade agreements: He
WN pulled the United States out of the TPP and renegotiated
the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
with Mexico and Canada. The new agreement was
named the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) and was signed by leaders
of the three countries in November 2018.
Recently, much of this criticism of free trade has focused on the activities and policies
of the WTO, which is at the forefront of efforts to increase global trade. Critics of the WTO
argue that free trade and economic globalization succeed in further concentrating wealth
in the hands of a few, while increasing poverty for the majority of the world’s population.
Most of these activists agree that global trade is necessary and potentially beneficial for
national economies, but they claim that it needs to be regulated by different rules from
those favored by the WTO. They argue that trade rules should be focused, first and fore-
most, on protecting human rights, the environment, labor rights, and local economies—
not on ensuring larger profits for already rich corporations.
Critics also claim that the WTO is an undemocratic organization that is dominated by
the interests of the world’s richest nations—particularly the United States. Such imbal-
ances have very real consequences. For example, although the WTO has insisted that coun-
tries in the Global South open their markets to imports from industrialized countries, it
has allowed industrialized countries to maintain high barriers to agricultural imports and
provide vast subsidies for their domestic agriculture production to protect their own agri-
cultural sectors. Between 1995 and 2016, the U.S. government spent more than $350 billion
on subsidies to boost the income of crop and livestock farmers (Environmental Working
Group, 2018). In 2019 alone, the U.S. Department of Agriculture gave $19 billion in subsi-
dies to farmers (Charles, 2019). For certain crops, like sugar and rice, agricultural subsidies
amount to as much as 80 percent of farm income (Stiglitz, 2007). The EU spends $65 billion
each year on its farmers, and the farm budget takes up to 4o percent of the EU's yearly
expenditure (Gebrekidan et al., 2019). This has meant that the world’s poorest countries,

562 CHAPTER 16 Globalization in a Changing World

many of which remain predominantly agricultural, do not have access to the large markets
for agricultural goods in industrialized countries.
Protesters against the WTO and other international financial institutions like the
World Bank and the IMF argue that exuberance over global economic integration and free
trade is forcing people to live in an economy rather than a society. Many are convinced that
economic integration and free trade policies will further weaken the economic position CONCEPT CHECKS
of poor societies by allowing transnational corporations to operate with few or no safety
and environmental regulations. Commercial interests, they claim, are increasingly taking What effects does
globalization have on
precedence over concern for human well-being. Not only within developing nations but
our everyday lives?
in industrialized ones as well, there needs to be more investment in “human capital’—
Why is globalization
public health, education, and training—if global divisions are not to deepen even fur-
associated with new
ther. The issues raised in protests against the international financial order were, in many
forms of risks? What
ways, echoed in the protests that sprung up throughout dozens of nations in 2011. The are they?
key challenge for the twenty-first century is to ensure that globalization works for people
What are two criticisms
everywhere, not only for those who are already well placed to benefit from it. of free trade?

How Does Globalization Affect Your Life? 563

 |
CHAPTER16 Learning Objectives

The
How Does
Globalization Affect Recognize that a number of factors influence
Social Change? social change, including the physical

Big Picture environment, political organization, culture,

economics, and technology.

Globalization ina
Changing World
Why Does Terrorism
Seem to Be on the Rise
in the World Today? Understand the relationship between
globalization
and terrorism.

Thinking Sociologically

1. Discuss the many influences on social

change: environmental, political, and What Are Social
cultural factors. Summarize how each Movements? Understand what social movements are,
element can contribute to social change. why they occur, and how they affect society.

2. According to this chapter, we now

live in a society where we are
increasingly confronted by various
types of manufactured risks. Briefly
explain what these risks consist What Factors
of. Do you think the last decade has Contribute
Recognize the importance of information
brought us any closer to or farther to Globalization?
flows, political changes,and transnational
away from confronting the challenges
corporations
of manufactured risks? Explain.

3. Provide an evaluation of how well

the classical theories of social
movements explain the Arab Spring
uprisings. Which theory is most
effective? Why?
 Terms to Know Concept Checks

1. Name three examples of cultural factors that may influence social change.
2. What are the most important political factors that influence social change?
3. How does technology affect social change?
social change ® postindustrial society
4. What is a postindustrial society?

1. How do we define terrorism?

2. What are some of the causes of religious terrorism in the world today?
terrorism

1. Compare and contrast the three classical frameworks for studying social
movements.
2. Provide an example of a new social movement.
social movement ¢ structural strain ¢ civil society
3. What distinguishes new social movements from their precursors?

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absolute poverty A state of poverty in which one lacks biological determinism The belief that differences we observe
the minimal requirements necessary to sustain a healthy between groups of people, such as men and women, are
existence. explained wholly by biological causes.
activity theory A functionalist theory of aging that maintains biological essentialism The view that differences between men
that busy, engaged people are more likely to lead fulfilling and and women are natural and inevitable consequences of the
productive lives. intrinsic biological natures of men and women.
ageism Discrimination or prejudice against a person on the biomedical model of health The set of principles underpinning
basis of age. Western medical systems and practices that defines
agency The ability to think, act, and make choices independently. diseases objectively and holds that the healthy body can be
agents of socialization Groups or social contexts within which restored through scientifically based medical treatment.
processes of socialization take place. Black feminism A strand of feminist theory that highlights the
age-specific birthrate Statistical measures representing the multiple disadvantages of gender, class, and race that
number of births within a given population per year in shape the experiences of non-White women. Black
relation to age distribution. feminists reject the idea of a single, unified gender
aging The combination of biological, psychological, and social oppression that is experienced evenly by all women.
processes that affect people as they grow older. blue- and pink-collar jobs Jobs that typically pay low wages and
agrarian societies Societies whose means of subsistence are based often involve manual or low-skill labor. Blue-collar jobs typically
on agricultural production (crop growing). are held by men (e.g., factory worker), whereas pink-collar jobs are
alienation The sense that our own abilities as human beings typically held by women (e.g., clerical assistant).
are taken over by other entities. The term was originally bourgeoisie People who own the means of production, including
used by Karl Marx to refer to the projection of human companies, land, or stocks (shares), and use these to generate
powers onto gods. Subsequently, he used the term to refer economic returns, according to Marx.
to the loss of workers’ control over the nature and products of broken windows theory A theory proposing that even small acts
their labor. of crime, disorder, and vandalism can threaten a neighborhood
anomie A concept first brought into wide usage in sociology by and render it unsafe.
Emile Durkheim, referring to a situation in which social bureaucracy A type of organization marked by a clear hierarchy of
norms lose their hold over individual behavior. Anomie is authority and the existence of written rules of procedure and
characterized by a feeling of aimlessness or despair. staffed by full-time, salaried officials.
Anthropocene A term used to denote the current geological
epoch, in which many geologically significant conditions
and processes are profoundly altered by human activities.
assimilation The acceptance of a minority group by a majority capitalism An economic system based on the private ownership of
population, in which the new group takes on the values wealth, which is invested and reinvested to produce profit.
and norms of the dominant culture. caste system A social system in which one’s social status is
determined at birth and set for life.
authoritarianism A political system in which the governing
bodies or leaders use force to maintain control. church A large, established religious body, normally having a
formal, bureaucratic structure and a hierarchy of religious
authority A government’ legitimate use of power.
officials. The term is also used to refer to the place in which
automation Production processes monitored and controlled by
religious ceremonies are carried out.
machines with only minimal supervision from people.

Glossary Gl
cisgender A person whose gender identity matches their biological continuity theory Theoretical perspective on aging that specifies
sex. Statistically, this is the most common gender, including that older adults fare best when they participate in activities
persons who are born female who identify as female and persons consistent with their personality, preferences, and activities from
born male who identify as male. earlier in life.
citizens Members of a political community, having both rights and contradictory class locations Positions in the class structure,
duties associated with that membership. particularly routine white-collar and lower managerial
civil inattention The process whereby individuals in the same jobs, that share characteristics with the class positions
physical setting demonstrate to each other that they are both above and below them.
aware of the other's presence. conurbation A cluster of towns or cities forming an unbroken
civil liberties Legal rights held by all citizens in a given national urban environment.
community. core countries According to world-systems theory, the most
civil society The sphere of activity that lies between the state and advanced industrial countries, which take the lion’s share
the marketplace, including the family, schools, community of profits in the world economic system.
associations, and other noneconomic institutions. Civil society, corporate crime Offenses committed by large corporations
or civic culture, is essential to vibrant democratic societies. in society, including pollution, false advertising, and violations
class Although it is one of the most frequently used concepts in of health and safety regulations.
sociology, there is no clear agreement about how the term should corporate culture An organizational culture involving rituals,
be defined. Most sociologists use the term to refer to events, or traditions that are unique to a specific company.
socioeconomic variations among groups of individuals that corporations Business firms or companies.
create variations in their material prosperity and power. correlation coefficient A measure of the degree of correlation
clock time Time as measured by the clock, in terms of hours, between variables.
minutes, and seconds. Before the invention of clocks, time countercultures Cultural groups within a wider society that
reckoning was based on events in the natural world, such largely reject the values and norms of the majority.
as the rising and setting of the sun. created environment Infrastructure established by human beings
cognition Human thought processes involving perception, to serve their own needs, including roads, railways, factories,
reasoning, and remembering. offices, homes, and other buildings.
cohabitation Two people living together in a sexual relationship of crimes Any actions that contravene the laws established by a
some permanence without being married to each other. political authority.
collective bargaining The rights of employees and workers to crude birthrate A statistical measure representing the number of
negotiate with their employers for basic rights and births within a given population per year, normally calculated as
benefits. the number of births per 1000 members. Although the crude
colonialism The process whereby powerful nations established birthrate is a useful index, it is only a general measure, because it
their rule in parts of the world away from their home does not specify numbers of births in relation to age distribution.
territories. crude death rate A statistical measure representing the number of
communism A social system based on everyone owning the means deaths that occur annually in a given population per year,
of production and sharing in the wealth it produces. normally calculated as the number of deaths per 1000 members.
community policing A renewed emphasis on crime prevention Crude death rates give a general indication of the mortality levels
rather than law enforcement to reintegrate policing of a community or society but are limited in their usefulness
within the community. because they do not take into account the age distribution.
comparative questions Questions that sociologists pose that are cult A fragmentary religious grouping to which individuals are
concerned with drawing comparisons among different loosely affiliated but that lacks any permanent structure.
human societies. cultural appropriation When members of one cultural group
comparative research Research that compares one set of borrow elements of another group's culture.
findings on one society with the same types of findings on cultural capital Noneconomic or cultural resources that parents
other societies. pass down to their children, such as language or knowledge.
complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) A diverse set These resources contribute to the process of social reproduction,
of approaches and therapies for treating illness and promoting according to Bourdieu.
well-being that generally fall outside of standard medical cultural imperialism When the values, styles, and outlooks of the
practices. world are being spread so aggressively that they smother
compulsion of proximity People's need to interact with others in individual national cultures.
their presence. cultural relativism The practice of judging a society by its own
concrete operational stage The stage of human cognitive standards,
development, as formulated by Jean Piaget, in which the cultural universals Values or modes of behavior shared by all
child's thinking is based primarily on physical perception human cultures.
of the world. In this phase, the child is not yet capable of culture The values, norms, and material goods characteristic of a
dealing with abstract concepts or hypothetical situations. given group. The notion of culture is widely used in sociology
conflict theories Sociological perspectives that emphasize the role and the other social sciences (particularly anthropology). Culture
of political and economic power and oppression as contributing is one of the most distinctive properties of human social
to the existing social order. association.
conflict theories of aging Arguments that emphasize the ways in culture of poverty The thesis, popularized by Oscar Lewis, that
which the larger social structure helps to shape the poverty is not a result of individual inadequacies but is
opportunities available to older adults. Unequal instead the outcome of a larger social and cultural
opportunities are seen as creating the potential for atmosphere into which successive generations of children
conflict. are socialized. The culture of poverty refers to the values,
constitutional monarchs Kings or queens who are largely beliefs, lifestyles, habits, and traditions that are common
figureheads. Real power rests in the hands of other among people living under conditions of material
political leaders. deprivation.

G2 Glossary
D prejudice: Individuals who are prejudiced against others may not
engage in discriminatory practices; conversely, people may act in
data Factual information used as a basis for reasoning, discussion,
a discriminatory fashion toward a group even though they are
or calculation. Social science data often refer to individuals’
not prejudiced against that group.
responses to survey questions.
disengagement theory A functionalist theory of aging that holds
debriefing Following a study, the process whereby an investigator
that it is functional for society to remove people from their
informs participants about the true purpose of the study and
traditional roles when they become elderly, thereby freeing
reveals any deception that happened during the study. up those roles for others.
degree of dispersal The range or distribution of a set of figures.
displacement ‘The transferring of ideas or emotions from their true
democracy A political system that allows the citizens to participate
source to another object.
in political decision making or to elect representatives to division of labor The specialization of work tasks, by means of
government bodies. which different occupations are combined within a
democratic elitism A theory of the limits of democracy, which production system. All societies have at least some
holds that in large-seale societies democratic participation is rudimentary form of division of labor, especially between
necessarily limited to the regular election of political leaders. the tasks allocated to men and those performed by women,
demographic transition A three- or four-stage process in which dominant group The group that possesses the most wealth, power,
one type of population stability (high death rates offset high and prestige in a society.
birth rates, resulting in low rates of population growth) is doubling time The time it takes for a particular population to
eventually replaced by another type of population stability (birth double.
and death rates both decline sharply due to industrialization, downward mobility Social mobility in which individuals’ wealth,
again resulting in low rates of population growth). income, or status is lower than what they or their parents once had.
demography The study of the size, distribution, and composition of dyad A group consisting of two persons.
populations.
denomination A religious sect that has lost its revivalist dynamism
and become an institutionalized body, commanding the
E
adherence of significant numbers of people. ecological approach A perspective on urban analysis emphasizing
dependency culture A term popularized by Charles Murray to the “natural” distribution of city neighborhoods into areas having
describe individuals who rely on state welfare provision contrasting characteristics.
rather than entering the labor market. The dependency economic interdependence The fact that with a division of labor,
culture is seen as the outcome of the “paternalistic” individuals depend on others to produce many or most of
welfare state that undermines individual ambition and the goods they need to sustain their lives.
people's capacity for self-help. economy The system of production and exchange that provides for
dependency ratio ‘the ratio of economically dependent members the material needs of individuals living in a given society.
(older adults) to economically productive members Economic institutions are of key importance in all social orders.
(younger working members) of the population. egocentric According to Jean Piaget, the characteristic quality of a
dependency theories Marxist theories of economic development child during the early years of life. Egocentric thinking involves
that maintain that the poverty of low-income countries stems understanding objects and events in the environment solely in
directly from their exploitation by wealthy countries and the terms of the child’s own position.
multinational corporations that are based in wealthy countries. emerging economies Developing countries that, over the past two
dependent development The theory that poor countries can still or three decades, have begun to develop a strong industrial base,
develop economically, but only in ways shaped by their reliance such as Singapore and Hong Kong.
on the wealthier countries. emigration The movement of people out of one country to settle in
desocialization The process whereby people unlearn rules and another.
norms upon exiting a particular social world. empirical investigation Factual inquiry carried out in any area of
developing world The less-developed societies, in which industrial sociological study.
production is either virtually nonexistent or only developed to a encounter A meeting between two or more people in a situation of
limited degree. The majority of the world’s population lives in face-to-face interaction. Our daily lives can be seen in a series of
less-developed countries. different encounters strung out across the course of the day. In
developmental questions Questions that sociologists pose when modern societies, many of these encounters are with strangers
looking at the origins and path of development of social rather than people we know.
institutions. endogamy The forbidding of marriage or sexual relations outside
deviance Modes of action that do not conform to the norms or one's social group.
values held and enforced by members of a group or society. entrepreneur The owner or founder of a business firm.
What is regarded as deviant is as variable as the norms ethnicity A type of social identity related to cultural values and
and values that distinguish different cultures and norms that distinguish the members of a given group from
subcultures from one another. others. An ethnic group is one whose members share a
deviant subculture A subculture whose members hold values that distinct awareness of a common cultural identity,
differ substantially from those of the majority. separating them from other groups.
differential association An interpretation of the development of ethnocentrism The tendency to look at other cultures through the
criminal behavior proposed by Edwin H. Sutherland, eyes of one's own culture and thereby misrepresent them.
according to whom criminal behavior is learned through ethnography The firsthand study of people using observation,
association with others who regularly engage in crime. in-depth interviewing, or both. Also called “fieldwork.”
direct democracy A form of participatory democracy that allows ethnomethodology The study of how people make sense of what
citizens to vote directly on laws and policies. others say and do in the course of day-to-day social
discrimination Behavior that denies to the members of a interaction. Ethnomethodology is concerned with the
particular group resources or rewards that can be obtained “ethnomethods” by which people sustain meaningful
by others. Discrimination must be distinguished from exchanges with one another.

Glossary G3
experiment A research method in which variables can be analyzed gender binary ‘The classification of sex and gender into two
in a controlled and systematic way, either in an artificial situation discrete, opposite, and nonoverlapping forms of masculine and
constructed by the researcher or in naturally occurring settings. feminine.
exponential growth A geometric, rather than linear, rate of gender inequality The differences in status, power, and
increase. Populations tend to grow exponentially. prestige that women and men have in groups, collectives,
extended family A family group consisting of relatives outside of and societies.
the nuclear family. gender socialization The learning of gender roles through social
external risk Dangers that spring from the natural world and are factors such as schooling, peers, the media, and family.
unrelated to the actions of humans. Examples include droughts, gender typing Designation of occupations as male or female,
earthquakes, famines, and storms. with “women’s” occupations, such as secretarial and retail
positions, having lower status and pay and “men's” occupations,
F such as managerial and professional positions, having higher
status and pay.
factual questions Questions that raise issues concerning matters generalized other A concept in the theory of George Herbert
of fact (rather than theoretical or moral issues). Mead, according to which the individual takes over the general
family A group of individuals related to one another by blood ties, values and moral rules of a given group or society during the
marriage, or adoption, who form an economic unit, the adult socialization process.
members of which are often responsible for the upbringing of genocide The systematic, planned destruction of a racial, ethnic,
children. religious, political, or cultural group.
family capitalism Capitalistic enterprises owned and administered gentrification A process of urban renewal in which older,
by entrepreneurial families. deteriorated housing is refurbished by affluent people
family of orientation The family into which an individual is born moving into the area.
or adopted. glass ceiling A promotion barrier that prevents women's upward
family of procreation The family an individual initiates through mobility within an organization.
marriage or cohabitation or by having or adopting children. global capitalism The current transnational phase of capitalism,
feminism Advocacy of the rights of women to be equal with men characterized by global markets, production, and finance; a
in all spheres of life. Feminism dates from the late eighteenth transnational capitalist class whose business concerns are global
century in Europe, and feminist movements exist in most rather than national; and transnational systems of governance
countries today. (such as the World Trade Organization) that promote global
feminist theory A sociological perspective that emphasizes the business interests.
centrality of gender in analyzing the social world and particularly global city A city—such as London, New York, or Tokyo—that has
the experiences of women. There are many strands of feminist become an organizing center of the new global economy.
theory, but they all seek to explain gender inequalities in society global commodity chains Worldwide networks of labor and
and to work to overcome them. production processes that extend from raw materials to
feminization of poverty An increase in the proportion of the poor the final consumer.
who are female. global inequality The systematic differences in wealth and power
fertility The average number of live-born children produced by among countries that have resulted from globalization.
women of childbearing age in a particular society. globalization The development of social, cultural, political, and
focused interaction Interaction between individuals engaged in a economic relationships stretching worldwide. In current
common activity or in direct conversation with each other. times, we are all influenced by organizations and social
folkways Norms that guide casual or everyday interactions. networks located thousands of miles away. A key part of
Violations are sanctioned subtly or not at all. the study of globalization is the emergence of a world
food deserts Geographic areas in which residents do not have easy system—for some purposes, we need to regard the world as
access to high-quality affordable food. These regions are forming a single social order.
concentrated in rural areas and poor urban neighborhoods. groupthink A process by which the members of a group ignore
formal operational stage According to Jean Piaget, the stage of ways of thinking and plans of action that go against the
human cognitive development at which the growing child group consensus.
becomes capable of handling abstract concepts and
hypothetical situations. H
formal organization Means by which a group is rationally
designed to achieve its objectives, often using explicit rules, hate crime A criminal act by an offender who is motivated by some
regulations, and procedures. bias, such as racism, sexism, or homophobia.
formal relations Relations that exist in groups and organizations hegemonic masculinity Social norms dictating that men should be
as stipulated by the norms, or rules, of the official system of strong, self-reliant, competitive, and unemotional.
authority. heteronormativity The pervasive cultural belief that
functional literacy Reading and writing skills that are beyond a heterosexuality is the only normal and natural expression of
basic level and are sufficient to manage one's everyday human sexuality.
activities and employment tasks. heterosexism An ideological system that denies, denigrates, and
functionalism A theoretical perspective based on the notion that social stigmatizes any nonheterosexual form of behavior, identity,
events can best be explained in terms of the functions they perform, relationship, or community.
that is, the contributions they make to the continuity of a society. hidden curriculum Traits of behavior or attitudes that are learned
at school but not included within the formal curriculum; for
G example, gender differences.
homeless People who have no place to sleep and either stay in free
gender Social expectations about behavior regarded as appropriate shelters or sleep in public places not meant for habitation.
for the members of each sex. Gender refers not to the physical homeschooling The practice of parents, guardians, or teams of
attributes distinguishing men and women but to socially formed adults educating their children at home, for religious,
traits of masculinity and femininity. philosophical, or safety reasons.

G4 Glossary
 homophobia An irrational fear or disdain of homosexuality.
housework Unpaid work carried out in the home, usually by intergenerational mobility Movement up or down a social
women, such as cooking, cleaning, and shopping. Also called stratification hierarchy from one generation to another.
interlocking directorates Linkages among corporations created
“domestic labor.”
human resource management A style of management by individuals who sit on two or more corporate boards.
that intersectionality A sociological perspective that holds that our
regards a company's workforce as vital to its economic
multiple group memberships affect our lives in ways that
competitiveness.
are distinct from the effects of any single group
hybridization The process by which new forms of hybrid identity
membership. For example, the experience of a Black female
are created out of elements from contrasting cultural sources,
may be distinct from that of a White female or a Black
hypothesis An idea or a guess about a given state of affairs, put
male.
forward as a basis for empirical testing.
intersex An individual possessing both male and female genitalia.
Although statistically rare, this subpopulation is of great interest
to gender scholars.
ideal type A “pure type,” constructed by emphasizing certain traits intragenerational mobility Movement up or down a social
of a social item that do not necessarily exist in reality. An stratification hierarchy within the course of a personal
career,
example is Max Weber's ideal type of bureaucratic organization.
ideology Shared ideas or beliefs that serve to justify the interests of IQ (intelligence quotient) A score attained on tests of symbolic or
reasoning abilities.
dominant groups. Ideologies are found in all societies in which
iron law of oligarchy A term coined by Weber's student Robert
there are systematic and ingrained inequalities among groups.
Michels meaning that large organizations tend toward
The concept of ideology connects closely with that of power.
centralization of power, making democracy difficult.
immigration The movement of people into one country from
another for the purpose of settlement.
impression management Preparing for the presentation of one's J
social role. This occurs through the concealment and joint adoption A family in which both partners adopt a child
revelation of information, including information that we together.
might “give off” unintentionally if we are not careful.
in-groups Groups toward which one feels particular loyalty and
respect—the groups to which “we” belong. K
income Payment, usually derived from wages, salaries, or kinship A relation that links individuals through blood ties,
investments. marriage, or adoption.
industrialization The emergence of machine production, based on knowledge economy A society no longer based primarily on the
the use of inanimate power resources (such as steam or production of material goods but based instead on the
electricity). production of knowledge. Its emergence has been linked to
industrialized societies Highly developed nation-states in which the development of a broad base of consumers who are
the majority of the population works in factories or offices rather technologically literate and have made new advances in
than in agriculture and in which most people live in urban areas. computing, entertainment, and telecommunications part
infant mortality rate The number of infants who die during the of their lives.
first year of life, per 1,000 live births.
infanticide The intentional killing of a newborn. Female babies are
more likely than male babies to be murdered in cultures that
L
devalue women. labeling theory An approach to the study of deviance that suggests
informal economy Economic transactions carried on outside the that people become “deviant” because certain labels are attached
sphere of formal paid employment. to their behavior by political authorities and others.
informal relations Relations that exist in groups and organizations language A system of symbols that represent objects and abstract
developed on the basis of personal connections; ways of thoughts; the primary vehicle of meaning and communication in
doing things that depart from formally recognized modes a society.
of procedure. latent functions The functions of a particular social activity that
information technology Forms of technology based on are unintended or of which individuals involved in the activity
information processing and requiring microelectronic circuitry. are unaware.
informed consent The process whereby the investigator informs laws Rules of behavior established by a political authority and
potential participants about the risks and benefits involved backed by state power.
in the study. Informed consent must be obtained before an leader A person who is able to influence the behavior of other
individual participates in a study. members of a group.
instincts Fixed patterns of behavior that have genetic origins and liberal democracies Countries in which voters can choose
that appear in all normal animals within a given species. between two or more political parties and in which the majority
institutional capitalism Consolidated networks of business of the adult population has the right to vote.
leadership in which corporations hold stock shares in one liberal feminism Form of feminist theory that believes that
another, resulting in increased concentration of corporate power. gender inequality is produced by unequal access to civil rights
institutional racism Patterns of discrimination based on race that and certain social resources, such as education and employment,
have become structured into social institutions. based on sex. Liberal feminists tend to seek solutions through
intelligence Level of intellectual ability, particularly as measured by changes in legislation that ensure that the rights of individuals
IQ (intelligence quotient) tests. are protected.
interactional vandalism The deliberate subversion of the tacit liberation theology An activist Catholic religious movement that
rules of conversation. combines Catholic beliefs with a passion for social justice for
interest group A group organized to pursue specific interests in the poor.
the political arena, operating primarily by lobbying the members life chances A term introduced by Max Weber to signify the
of legislative bodies. opportunities a person has for achieving economic prosperity.

Glossary G5
life course The various transitions and stages people experience minority group A group of people who, because of their distinct
during their lives. physical or cultural characteristics, find themselves in a
life expectancy The number of years the average person can expect disadvantaged position within that society.
to live. mode The number that appears most often in a dataset.
life span The maximum length of life that is biologically possible modernization theory A version of neoliberal development theory
for a member of a given species. that argues that low-income societies develop economically only
linguistic relativity hypothesis A hypothesis, based on the if they give up their traditional ways and adopt modern
theories of Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf, that economic institutions, technologies, and cultural values that
perceptions are relative to language; also referred to as the emphasize savings and productive investment.
Sapir-Whorf hypothesis. monogamy A form of marriage in which each married partner is
literacy The ability to read and write. allowed only one spouse at any given time.
local nationalisms The belief that communities that share a monopoly A situation in which a single firm dominates in a given
cultural identity should have political autonomy, even within industry.
smaller units of a nation-state. mores Norms that are widely adhered to and have social and moral
looking-glass self A theory developed by Charles Horton Cooley significance. Violations are generally sanctioned strongly.
that proposes that the reactions we elicit in social situations mortality The number of deaths in a population.
create a mirror in which we see ourselves. multiculturalism The viewpoint according to which ethnic
lower class A social class composed of those who work groups can exist separately and share equally in economic and
part-time or not at all and whose household income is political life.
typically low.
N
M nation-states Particular types of states, characteristic of the
macrosociology The study of large-scale groups, organizations, or modern world, in which governments have sovereign power
social systems. within a defined territorial area and the populations are
Malthusianism A doctrine about population dynamics developed composed of citizens who believe themselves to be part of a
by Thomas Malthus, according to which population increase single nation.
comes up against “natural limits,” represented by famine and nationalism A set of beliefs and symbols expressing identification
wat. with a national community.
managerial capitalism Capitalistic enterprises administered by neoliberalism The economic belief that free-market forces,
managerial executives rather than by owners. achieved by minimizing or, ideally, eliminating government
manifest functions The functions of a particular social activity restrictions on business, provide the only route to economic
that are known to and intended by the individuals involved in growth.
the activity. network A set of direct or indirect social ties that links people to
manufactured risk Dangers that are created by the impact of one another.
human knowledge and technology on the natural world. nonbinary A gender identity that does not fit squarely into the
Examples include global warming and genetically modified male/female gender binary classification.
foods. nonverbal communication Communication between individuals
marriage A socially approved sexual relationship between two based on facial expression or bodily gestures rather than
individuals. Marriage normally forms the basis of a family on language.
of procreation; that is, it is expected that the married norms Rules of conduct that specify appropriate behavior in a given
couple will produce and raise children. range of social situations. A norm either prescribes a given type
Marxism A body of thought deriving its main elements from Karl of behavior or forbids it. All human groups follow definite norms,
Marx's ideas. which are always backed by sanctions of one kind or another—
material culture The physical objects that society creates that varying from informal disapproval to physical punishment.
influence the ways in which people live. : nuclear family A family group consisting of an adult couple and
materialist conception of history The view developed by Karl their dependent children.
Marx according to which material, or economic, factors have a
prime role in determining social and historical change.
0
mean A statistical measure of central tendency, or average, based on
dividing a total by the number of individual cases. obesity Excessive body weight indicated by a body mass index
means of production The means whereby the production of (BMI) over 30.
material goods is carried on in a society, including not just occupation Any form of paid employment in which an individual
technology but the social relations among producers. regularly works.
measures of central tendency Ways of calculating averages. old old Sociological term for persons between the ages of 75 and 84.
median The number that falls halfway in a range of numbers. oldest old Sociological term for persons ages 85 and older.
Medicare A program under the U.S. Social Security Administration oligarchy Rule by a small minority within an organization or
that reimburses hospitals and physicians for medical care society.
provided to qualifying people over 65 years old. oligopoly A situation in which a small number of firms dominates a
megalopolis The “city of all cities” in ancient Greece—ised in given industry.
modern times to refer to very large conurbations. oral history Interviews with people about events they witnessed
melting pot The idea that ethnic differences can be combined to earlier in their lives.
create new patterns of behavior drawing on diverse organic solidarity According to Emile Durkheim, the social
cultural sources. cohesion that results from the various institutions of a
microsociology The study of human behavior in contexts of society functioning as an integrated whole.
small-scale face-to-face interaction. organization A group with an identifiable membership that
middle class A social class composed broadly of those working in engages in concerted collective action to achieve a common
white-collar and highly skilled blue-collar jobs. purpose. Many types of organizations exist in industrialized

G6 Glossary
 societies, influencing most aspects of our lives. While not all
poverty line An official government measure to define those living
organizations are bureaucratic, there are close links between the
in poverty in the United States.
development of organizations and bureaucratic tendencies,
power ‘The ability of individuals or the members of a group to
organized crime Criminal activities carried out by organizations
achieve aims or further the interests they hold. Power is a
established as businesses. pervasive element in all human relationships. Many
out-groups Groups toward which one feels antagonism and
conflicts in society are struggles over power, because how
contempt— those people.” much power an individual or group is able to obtain
governs how far they are able to put their wishes into
P practice.
power elite Small networks of individuals who, according to C.
pariah groups Groups that suffer from negative status Wright Mills, hold concentrated power in modern
discrimination; they are looked down on by most other societies.
members of society. prejudice The holding of preconceived ideas about an individual or
participant observation A method of research widely used in
group, ideas that are resistant to change even in the face of new
sociology and anthropology in which the researcher takes information. Prejudice may be either positive or negative.
part in the activities of the group or community being preoperational stage According to Jean Piaget, the second stage of
studied. human cognitive development, in which a child has advanced
participatory democracy A system of democracy in which all sufficiently to master basic modes of logical thought.
members of a group or community participate collectively primary deviance According to Edwin Lemert, the actions that
in making major decisions. cause others to label one as a deviant.
pastoral societies Societies whose subsistence derives from the primary group A group characterized by intense emotional ties,
rearing of domesticated animals. face-to-face interaction, intimacy, and a strong, enduring sense of
patriarchy The dominance of and privilege afforded to men over commitment.
women. All known societies are patriarchal, although there are primary socialization The process by which young children learn
variations in the degree and nature of the power men exercise the cultural norms of the society into which they are born.
and are bestowed relative to women. Primary socialization occurs largely in one's family.
peer group A group composed of individuals of similar age and profane That which belongs to the mundane, everyday world.
social status. proletariat People who sell their labor for wages, according to
peripheral countries Countries that have a marginal role in the Marx.
world economy and are thus dependent on the core producing psychopath A specific personality type; such individuals lack the
societies for their trading relationships. moral sense and concern for others held by most normal people.
personal space The physical space individuals maintain between public issues Difficulties or problems that are linked to the
themselves and others. institutional and historical possibilities of social structure.
personal troubles Difficulties that are located in individual
biographies and their immediate milieu; seemingly private
Q
experiences.
personality stabilization According to the theory of qualitative methods Approaches to sociological research that
functionalism, the role families play in assisting adult family often rely on personal and/or collective interviews, accounts, or
members emotionally. Marriage between adults is the observations of a person or situation.
arrangement through which adult personalities are supported quantitative methods Approaches to sociological research that draw
and kept healthy. on objective and statistical data and often focus on documenting
pilot study A trial run in survey research. trends, comparing subgroups, or exploring correlations.
pluralism A model of ethnic relations in which all ethnic groups in
a society retain their separate identities yet share equally in the R
rights and powers of citizenship.
pluralist theories of modern democracy Theories that emphasize race Differences in human physical characteristics used to
the role of diverse and potentially competing interest groups, categorize large numbers of individuals.
none of which dominate the political process. race socialization The specific verbal and nonverbal messages that
political rights Rights of political participation, such as the right to older generations transmit to younger generations regarding the
vote in elections and the right to run for office, held by citizens meaning and significance of race.
of a national community. racial microaggressions Small slights, indignities, or acts of
polyandry A form of marriage in which a woman may have two or disrespect that are hurtful to people of color even though
more husbands simultaneously. they are often perpetuated by well-meaning White people.
polygamy A form of marriage in which a person may have two or racialization The process by which understandings of race are used
more spouses simultaneously. to classify individuals or groups of people.
polygyny A form of marriage in which a man may have two or racism The attribution of characteristics of superiority or inferiority
more wives simultaneously. to a population sharing certain physically inherited
populism The belief that politics should reflect the needs and characteristics.
interests of ordinary people rather than those of elite individuals radical feminism Form of feminist theory that believes that gender
or groups. inequality is the result of male domination in all aspects of social
postindustrial society A society based on the production of and economic life.
knowledge and information rather than material goods, random sampling Sampling method in which a sample is chosen
so that every member of the population has the same probability
resulting in the rise of an economic service sector and the
decline of the manufacturing sector. of being included.
rape The forcing of nonconsensual vaginal, oral, or anal intercourse.
postmodernism he belief that society is no longer governed by
rape culture Social context in which attitudes and norms
history or progress. Postmodern society is highly
pluralistic and diverse, with no “grand narrative” guiding perpetuate the treatment of women as sexual objects and instill
its development. in men a sense of sexual entitlement.

Glossary G7
rates of population growth or decline A measure of population secondary group A group characterized by its large size and by
change calculated by subtracting the yearly number of impersonal, fleeting relationships.
deaths per 1,000 from the number of births per 1,000. sect A religious movement that breaks away from the larger
rationalization A concept used by Max Weber to refer to the organization and follows its own unique set of rules and
process by which modes of precise calculation and principles.
organization, involving abstract rules and procedures, secular thinking Worldly thinking, particularly as seen in the rise
increasingly come to dominate the social world. of science, technology, and rational thought in general.
reference group A group thai provides a standard for judging one's secularization A process of decline in the influence of religion.
attitudes or behaviors. Secularization can refer to levels of involvement with
refugees People who have fled their homes due to a political, religious organizations, the social and material influence
economic, or natural crisis. wielded by religious organizations, and the degree to
regionalization The division of social life into different regional which people hold religious beliefs.
settings or zones. segregation The practice of keeping racial and ethnic groups
relative deprivation The recognition that one has less than their physically separate.
peers. self-consciousness Awareness of one's distinct social identity as a
relative poverty Poverty defined according to the living standards person separate from others. Human beings are not born with
of the majority in any given society. self-consciousness but acquire an awareness of self as a result of
religion A set of beliefs adhered to by the members of a community, early socialization.
incorporating symbols regarded with a sense of awe or wonder self-identity The ongoing process of self-development and
together with ritual practices. Religions do not universally definition of our personal identity through which we formulate a
involve a belief in supernatural entities. unique sense of ourselves and our relationship to the world
religious economy A theoretical framework within the sociology around us.
of religion that argues that religions can be fruitfully understood semiperipheral countries Countries that supply sources of labor
as organizations in competition with one another for followers. and raw materials to the core industrial countries and the world
religious nationalism The linking of strongly held religious economy while at the same time profiting by extracting labor
convictions with beliefs about a people's social and and raw materials from peripheral countries, but are not
political destiny. themselves fully industrialized societies.
representative sample A sample from a larger population that is sensorimotor stage According to Jean Piaget, the first stage of
statistically typical of that population. human cognitive development, in which a child’s awareness of
resocialization The process of learning new norms, values, and their environment is dominated by perception and touch.
behaviors when one joins a new group or takes on a new sex The biological and anatomical differences distinguishing females
social role or when one's life circumstances change from males.
dramatically. sex segregation The concentration of men and women in different
response cries Seemingly involuntary exclamations individuals occupations. These differences are believed to contribute to the
make when, for example, being taken by surprise, dropping gender pay gap.
something inadvertently, or expressing pleasure. sexual harassment Unwanted or repeated sexual advances,
remarks, or behaviors that are offensive to the recipient and
s cause discomfort or interfere with job performance.
short-range downward mobility Social mobility that occurs
sacred That which inspires awe or reverence among those who when an individual moves from one position in the class
believe in a given set of religious ideas. structure to another of nearly equal status.
sample A small proportion of a larger population. sick role A term Talcott Parsons used to describe the patterns of
sampling Studying a proportion of individuals or cases from a larger behavior that a sick person adopts to minimize the disruptive
population as representative of that population as a whole. impact of their illness on others.
sanction A mode of reward or punishment that reinforces socially signifier Any vehicle of meaning and communication.
expected forms of behavior. slavery A form of social stratification in which some people are
scapegoats Individuals or groups blamed for wrongs that are not of owned as property by others.
their doing. social aggregate A collection of people who happen to be together
science The disciplined marshaling of empirical data, combined in a particular place but do not significantly interact or identify
with theoretical approaches and theories that illuminate or with one another.
explain those data. Scientific activity combines the creation of social capital The social knowledge and connections that enable
new modes of thought with the careful testing of hypotheses and people to accomplish their goals and extend their influence.
ideas. One major feature that helps distinguish science from social category People who share a common characteristic (such as
other idea systems (such as religion) is the assumption that all gender or occupation) but do not necessarily interact or identify
scientific ideas are open to criticism and revision. with one another.
scientific racism The use of scientific research or data to justify or social change Transformation in the institutions and culture of a
reify beliefs about the superiority or inferiority of particular society. Social change is an ever-present phenomenon in social
racial groups. Much of the “data” used to justify such claims are life but has become especially intense in the modern era. The
flawed or biased. origins of modern sociology can be traced to attempts to
second parent adoption A family in which one partner adopts a understand the dramatic changes shattering the traditional world
child and the other partner applies to be a second parent or and promoting new forms of social order.
co-parent. social class gradient in health The strong inverse association
second shift The excessive work hours borne by women relative to between socioeconomic resources and risk of illness
men; these hours are typically spent on domestic chores before or death.
and after a day of work outside the home. social constraint The conditioning influence on our behavior by
secondary deviance According to Edwin Lemert, following the act the groups and societies of which we are members. Social
of primary deviance, secondary deviation occurs when an constraint was regarded by Emile Durkheim as one of the
individual accepts the label of “deviant” and acts accordingly. distinctive properties of social facts.

G8 Glossary
social construction of gender A perspective holding that gender
sociology The study of human groups and societies, giving
differences are a product of social and cultural norms and
particular emphasis to analysis of the industrialized world.
expectations rather than biology. Sociology is one of a group of social sciences that includes
social exclusion The outcome of multiple deprivations that
anthropology, economics, political science, and human geography.
prevent individuals or groups from participating fully in the The divisions among the various social sciences are not clear-cut,
economic, social, and political life of the society in which and all share a certain range of common interests, concepts, and
they live. methods.
social facts According to Emile Durkheim, the aspects of social life sociology of the body Field that focuses on how our bodies are
that shape our actions as individuals. Durkheim believed that affected by our social experiences. Health and illness, for
social facts could be studied scientifically. instance, are shaped by social, cultural, and economic
social gerontologists Social scientists who study older adults and influences.
life course influences on aging processes. sovereignty The undisputed political rule of a state over a given
social group A collection of people who regularly interact with one territory.
another on the basis of shared expectations concerning behavior standard deviation A way of calculating the spread of a group of
and who share a sense of common identity. figures.
social identity The characteristics that other people attribute to an standardized testing A procedure whereby all students in a state
individual. take the same test under the same conditions.
social interaction The process by which we act with and react to state A political apparatus ruling over a given territory whose
those around us. authority is backed by law and the ability to use force.
social mobility Upward or downward movement of individuals or status The social honor or prestige that a particular group is
groups among different class positions. accorded by other members of a society. Status groups
social movement Large groups of people who seek to accomplish, normally display distinct styles of life—patterns of
or to block, a process of social change. Social movements behavior that the members of a group follow. Status
normally exist in conflict with organizations whose objectives privilege may be positive or negative.
and outlook they oppose. However, movements that successfully stepfamily A family in which at least one partner has children
challenge power can develop into organizations. from a previous marriage.
social position The social identity an individual has in a given stereotype A fixed and inflexible category.
group or society. Social positions may be general in nature (those stigma Any physical or social characteristic that is labeled by
associated with gender roles) or may be more specific society as undesirable.
(occupational positions). strike A temporary stoppage of work by a group of employees in
social reproduction The process whereby societies have structural order to express a grievance or enforce a demand.
continuity over time. Social reproduction is an important structural strain Tensions that produce conflicting interests
pathway through which parents transmit or produce values, within societies.
norms, and social practices among their children. structuration The two-way process by which we shape our social
social rights Rights of social and welfare provision held by all world through our individual actions and by which we are
citizens in a national community. reshaped by society.
social roles Socially defined expectations of an individual in a structure The recurrent patterned arrangements and hierarchies
given status or occupying a particular social position. In every that influence or limit the choices and opportunities available
society, individuals play a number of social roles, such as to us.
teenager, parent, worker, or political leader. subcultures Cultural groups within a wider society that hold
Social Security A government program that provides economic values and norms distinct from those of the majority.
assistance to persons faced with unemployment, disability, suffragettes Members of early women's movements who pressed
or old age. for equal voting rights for women and men.
social self According to the theory of George Herbert Mead, the surplus value In Marxist theory, the value of a worker's labor left
identity conferred upon an individual by the reactions of over when an employer has repaid the cost of hiring the worker.
others. A person achieves self-consciousness by becoming survey A method of sociological research in which questionnaires
aware of this social identity. are administered to the population being studied.
social stratification The existence of structured inequalities sustainable development Development that meets the needs of
among groups in society in terms of their access to material or the present without compromising the ability of future
symbolic rewards. generations to meet their own needs.
socialization The social process through which we develop an symbol One item used to stand for or represent another—as in the
awareness of social norms and values and achieve a case of a flag, which symbolizes a nation.
distinct sense of self. symbolic interactionism A theoretical approach in sociology
society A system of interrelationships that connects individuals developed by George Herbert Mead that emphasizes the
together. These individuals are subject to a common system of role of symbols and language as core elements of all human
political authority, and are aware of having a distinct identity interaction.
from other groups. Some societies, like hunting-and-gathering
societies, are small, numbering no more than a few dozen people.
T
Others are large, numbering millions—modern Chinese society,
for instance, has a population of more than a billion people. technology The application of knowledge of the material world to
sociobiology An approach that attempts to explain the behavior production, including the creation of material instruments (such
of both animals and human beings in terms of biological as machines) used in human interaction with nature.
principles. terrorism A public act of violence meant to be intimidating.
sociological imagination The application of imaginative thought theism A belief in one or more supernatural deities.
to the asking and answering of sociological questions. The theoretical questions Questions posed by sociologists when
seeking to explain a particular range of observed events. The
sociological imagination requires us to “think ourselves
asking of theoretical questions is crucial to allowing us to
away” from the familiar routines of daily life, in order to
understand the larger meaning behind our experiences. generalize about the nature of social life.

Glossary G9
theory of global capitalism Argues that a transnational capitalist upper class A social class broadly composed of the more affluent
class is increasingly the major player in the global economy members of society, especially those who have inherited wealth,
today, rather than the nationally oriented capitalists of major own businesses, or hold large numbers of stocks (shares).
countries. urban ecology An approach to the study of urban life based on an
theory of racial formation The process by which social, economic, analogy with the adjustment of plants and organisms to the
and political forces determine the content and importance of physical environment. According to ecological theorists, the
racial categories, and by which they are in turn shaped by racial various neighborhoods and zones within cities are formed as a
meanings. result of natural processes of adjustment on the part of
time-space When and where events occur. populations as they compete for resources.
toxic masculinity A cluster of potentially destructive values or urban renewal The process of renovating deteriorating
behaviors that historically have been part of boys’ neighborhoods by using public funds to renew old
socialization, such as devaluation of and aggression buildings and construct new ones, often through
toward women. large-scale demolition of slum housing.
tracking Dividing students into groups that receive different urbanism A term used by Louis Wirth to denote distinctive
instruction on the basis of perceived similarities in ability. characteristics of urban social life, such as its impersonal
transactional leaders Leaders who are concerned with or alienating nature.
accomplishing the group's tasks, getting group members to do urbanization The movement of the population into towns and
their jobs, and ensuring that the group achieves its goals. cities and away from the land.
transformational leaders Leaders who are able to instill in the
members of a group a sense of mission or higher purpose, V
thereby changing the nature of the group itself.
transgender A person who identifies as or expresses a gender values Abstract ideals held by individuals or groups about what is
identity that differs from their sex at birth. Transgender desirable, proper, good, and bad. What individuals value is
persons differ from nonbinary persons, who may have a strongly influenced by the specific culture in which they happen
fluid identity that shifts between male and female or who to live.
may identify as neither male nor female.
transnational capitalist class A social class whose economic Ww
interests are global rather than national, who share a globalizing
perspective and similar lifestyles, and who see themselves as wealth Money and material possessions held by an individual or
cosmopolitan citizens of the world. group.
transnational corporations Companies that produce goods or welfare capitalism Practice in which large corporations protect
market services in two or more countries. their employees from the fluctuations of the economy.
transnational feminism A branch of feminist theory that welfare state A political system that provides a wide range of
highlights the ways in which global processes—including welfare benefits for its citizens.
colonialism, racism, and imperialism—shape gender relations white-collar crime Criminal activities carried out by those in
and hierarchies. white-collar, or professional, jobs.
transphobia Negative attitudes, feelings, or actions toward White privilege The unacknowledged and unearned assets that
transgender and gender-nonconforming people, their benefit White people in their everyday lives.
lifestyles, and their practices. work The activity by which people produce from the natural
triad A group consisting of three persons. world and so ensure their survival. Work should not be
triangulation The use of multiple research methods as a way of thought of exclusively as paid employment. In traditional
producing more reliable empirical data than would be cultures, there was only a rudimentary monetary system,
available from any single method. and few people worked for money. In modern societies, there
remain types of work that do not involve direct payment (e.g.,
housework).
U
working class A social class broadly composed of people working
unemployment rate The proportion of the population 16 and older in blue- or pink-collar, or manual, occupations.
that is actively seeking work but is unable to find employment. working poor People who work but whose earnings are not
unfocused interaction Interaction occurring among people present enough to lift them above the poverty line.
in a particular setting but not engaged in direct face-to-face world-systems theory Pioneered by Immanuel Wallerstein, a
communication. theory that emphasizes the interconnections among countries
Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) Documents that contain official based on the expansion of a capitalist world economy. This
data on crime that is reported to law enforcement agencies that economy is made up of core countries, semiperipheral countries,
then provide the data to the FBI. and peripheral countries.
unions Organizations that advance and protect the interests of
workers with respect to working conditions, wages, and benefits. Y
universal health coverage Public health care programs motivated
by the goal of providing affordable health services to all young old Sociological term for persons between the ages of
members of a population. 65 and 74.

G10 Glossary
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Times/Redux; p. 6: AF archive/Alamy Stock Photo; p. 107: Oli Scarff/Getty Images; p. 108: Ammentorp p. 211: Richard Levine/Alamy Stock Photo; p. 217:
p. 11: Bettmann/Corbis via Getty Images; p. 12: Photography/Alamy Stock Photo; p. 109: Paul Xinhua/Eyevine/Redux; p. 221: Richard B. Levine/
Bettmann/Corbis via Getty Images; p. 13: Bettmann/ Ekman, Ph.D./Paul Ekman Group, LLC.; p. 110 Newscom; p. 224: Ruth Fremson/The New York
Getty Images; p. 14 (top): GRANGER; p. 14 (bottom): (left): Lucas Uebel/Getty Images; p. 110 (right): Times/Redux; p. 227: Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty
Bettmann/Getty Images; p. 15: Library of Congress; Delil Souleiman/AFP via Getty Images; p. 111: Dpa Images.
p. 19: Derek Davis/Portland Press Herald via Getty Picture Alliance/Alamy Stock Photo; p. 116: Robert
Images; p. 25: Bpk Bildagentur/Staatliche Museen/ Nickelsberg/Getty Images; p. 118: Eric Nathan/ Chapter 8 p. 233: China OUT/AFP via Getty
Photo: Jorg P. Anders/Art Resource, NY; p. 27 (top): Alamy Stock Photo; p. 123: Jesco Denzel/AP/ Images; p. 238: Hector Retmal/AFP via Getty
© Sally Ryan/ZUMA Press; p. 27 (bottom): Dana Shutterstock; p. 125: In Pictures Ltd./Corbis via Images; p. 241: Noor Khamis/REUTERS/Newscom;
Fradon/The New Yorker Collection/The Cartoon Getty Images; p. 128: Mira/Alamy Stock Photo. p. 243: Gethin Chamberlain/Eyevine/Redux; p. 245:
Bank; p. 29: Steve Dietls/Coup D’Etat/Sandbar/ Leungchopan/Shutterstock; p. 249: Dave Bagnall
Abandon/Ifc/Kobal/Shutterstock; p. 37: White Chapter 5 p. 133: Robert K. Chin/Alamy Stock Collection/Alamy Stock Photo; p. 250: REUTERS/
House Photo/Alamy Stock Photo. Photo; p. 135: Daniel Leal-Olivas/AFP via Getty Alamy Stock Photo; p. 251: STR/AFP via Getty
Images; p. 139: Ronald Martinez/Getty Images; Images; p. 255: Pacific Press Agency/Alamy Stock
Chapter 2 p. 41: Shannon Stapleton/REUTERS/ p. 141: Dong Jinlin/Color China Photo/AP Images; Photo.
Newscom; p. 45 (left): M&N/Almay Stock Photo; p. 142: Trinity Mirror/Mirrorpix/Alamy Stock
p. 45 (right): CDC/U.S. Department of Health and Photo; p. 144 (all): From the film Obedience ©1965 Chapter 9 p. 263: AP Photo/Jae C. Hong; p. 267:
Human Services; p. 48 (left): José Fuste Raga/age by Stanley Milgram. ORenewed 1993 by Alexandra Yamaguchi Haruyoshi/Corbis via Getty Images;
fotostock/SuperStock; p. 48 (right): Kathy deWitt/ Milgram. Distributed by Alexander Street Press.; p. 270: Adam Ferguson; p. 271: AP Photo/Steve
Alamy Stock Photo; p. 50 (left): Ton Koene/VWPics/ p. 146: © Wiley Ink, inc./Distributed by Universal Helber; p. 274: Mary F. Calvert/MCT via Getty
Newscom; p. 50 (right): National Geographic Image Uclick via CartoonStock; p. 148: Myung J. Chun/ Images; p. 278: Mark Boster/Los Angeles Times via
Collection/Alamy Stock Photo; p. 52: William West/ Los Angeles Times via Getty Images; p. 149: Bert Getty Images; p. 282: Qilai Shen/Panos Pictures;
AFP via Getty Images; p. 53: Pascal Rossignol/ Bostelmann/Laif/Redux; p. 152: Peter Dasilva/The p. 284: Aaron P. Bernstein/Getty Images; p. 286:
REUTERS/Newscom; p. 55: ZUMA Press, Inc./ New York Times/Redux; p. 153: Shawn Baldwin/ Jupiter Images/Getty Images; p. 288: Andrew
The New York Times/Redux; p. 157: Matt Cardy/ Burton/Getty Images; p. 291: PJF Military
Alamy Stock Photo; p. 57: Jean Paul Guilloteau/
Getty Images. Collection/Alamy Stock Photo.
EXPRESS-REA /Redux; p. 59: Novarc Images/
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Chapter 6 p. 161: Katherine Taylor/EPA-EFE/ Chapter 10 p. 299: Brittainy Newman/The
Images; p. 64: Katarzyna Soszka/Alamy Stock
Shutterstock; p. 170: Adam Hinton/Panos Pictures; New York Times/Redux; p. 302: Alain Nogues/
Photo; p. 67: Tyler Olson/Shutterstock.
p. 171: Randy Tepper/© Showtime/Courtesy: Sygma/Sygma via Getty Images; p. 304 (left):
Everett Collection; p. 178: Fred R. Conrad/Redux; B Christopher/Alamy Stock Photo; p. 304 (right):
Chapter 3 p. 73: Kevin Tachman/Wire Image/
p. 179: Lucas Jackson/REUTERS/Newscom; p. 180: Uli Seit/The New York Times/Redux; p. 305:
Getty Images; p. 75: Kevin Mazur/Wire image/
Abir Abdullah/EPA/Shutterstock; p. 186: Mikael U.S. Census Bureau; p. 308: © Wally McNamee/
Getty Images; p. 78: Kathy Sloane/Science Source;
Karlsson/Alamy Stock Photo; p. 187: New York CORBIS/Corbis via Getty Images; p. 313:
p. 80: Steve Granitz/Wire Image/Getty Images;
Daily News/Getty Images; p. 191: John Moore/ Spencer Platt/Getty Images; p. 314: Mark Peterson/
p. 82: Chris Cooper-Smith/Alamy Stock Photo;
Getty Images. Corbis via Getty Images; p. 315: Edu Bayer/
p. 85: Patrick Allard/REA/Redux; p. 86: © JeongMee
The New York Times/Redux; p. 318: Jessica
Yoon; p. 87: Keith Beaty/Toronto Star via Getty
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Images; p. 88: Scala/Art Resource, NY; p. 94: Ed
Photo; p. 200: Christie Johnston/Sipa Press/ Bourg-Pool/Getty Images; p. 332: David McNew/
Kashi/VII/Redux; p. 101: Christopher Capozziello/
Untouchables; p. 203: Kainaz Amaria/Bloomberg Getty Images.
The New York Times/Redux.

Credits Cl
Chapter 11 p. 339: Alex Wong/Getty Images; Getty Images; p. 430: AP Photo/Charles Krupa; Getty Images; p. 499: Jacob Hannah/The New York
p. 340: Jewel Samad/AFP/Getty Images; p. 341 p. 436: Chris Ratcliffe/Bloomberg via Getty Images; Times/Redux; p. 500 (left): Hulton Archive/Getty
(left): Reinhard: Krause/REUTERS /Newscom: p. 438: Bettmann/Getty Images; p. 443: XPacifica/ Images; p. 500 (right): David McNew/Getty Images;
p. 341 (right): Blend Images/Alamy Stock Photo; Getty Images; p. 446: Lucas Schifres/Getty Images. p. 505: Akintunde Akinleye/REUTERS/Newscom;
p. 344: Fred W. McDarrah/Getty Images; p. 346: p. 506: Pankaj Nangia/Bloomberg via Getty Images;
ClassicStock/Alamy Stock Photo; p. 353: Alvin Text: Table 13.3: p. 448: Figure from “For most U.S. p. 508: Dennis M. Sabangan/Epa/Shutterstock;
Jornada/The Press Democrat; p. 358: Matt Edge workers, real wages have barely budged in decades,” p. 512: Ajay Verma/REUTERS/Newscom,; p. 515: -
The New York Times/Redux; p. 359: Mario Tama/ Pew Fact Tank, Pew Research Center, Washington, John Moore/Getty Images; p. 517: Manjunath Kiran/
Getty Images; p. 363: Ilana Panich-Linsman for The D.C. (August 2018). https://www.pewresearch.arg/ EPA/Shutterstock; p. 518: Federico Ferramola/
Washington Post via Getty Images; p. 367: Tobias fact-tank/2018/08/o07/for-most-us-workers- NurPhoto via Getty Images; p. 520: AP Photo/LM
Gerber/Laif/Redux; p. 370: Cavan Images/Alamy real-wages-have-barely-budged-for-decades /. Otero.
Stock Photo. Reprinted with permission.
Chapter 16 p. 529: Yasin Akgul/AFP/Getty Images;
Chapter 12 p. 377: AP Photo/Christian Lutz; p. 378: Chapter 14 p. 455: Becky Harlan/NPR; p. 458 p- 533: Scott Peterson/Liaison/Getty Images;
Nigel Waldron/Getty Images; p. 380: Bettmann/ (left): C. Steele Perkins/Magnum Photos; p. 458 p. 536: Patrick Baz/AFP via Getty Images; p. 540:
Getty Images; p. 382: Image Source/Alamy Stock (center): Splash News/Burgunder/Newscom; © RMN-Grand Palais/Art Resource, NY; p. 543:
Photo; p. 387: Rachel Epstein/TopFoto; p. 389: Myung p. 458 (right): Mauro Fermariello/Science Source; Bryan Woolston/REUTERS/Newscom; p. 545:
]. Chun/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images; p. 462: Emmanuel Dunand/AFP via Getty Images; Thomas Hartwell/Redux; p. 547: Zach Canepari/
p. 392: © Ted Streshinsky/CORBIS/Corbis via Getty p. 465: Amelie-Benoist/BSIP/Age Fotostock; p. 469: The New York Times/Redux; p. 548: Isabel Infantes/
Images; p. 395 (left): ZUMA Press, Inc./Alamy Stock Hero Images Inc./Alamy Stock Photo; p. 472: David Anadolu Agency/Getty Images; p. 551: AP Photo/
Photo; p. 395 (right): Dai Kurokawa/Epa/REX/ McNew/Getty Images; p. 476: Jack Sullivan/Alamy Str; p. 556: Greg Baker/AFP via Getty Images;
Shutterstock; p: 397: DB Pictures/Alamy Stock Photo; Stock Photo; p. 480: Jaco Marais/Foto24/Gallo p- 559: Jim West/Alamy Stock Photo; p. 562: Yassine
p. 399: Phil Wills/Alamy Stock Photo; p. 401: Kim Images/Getty Images; p. 483: Nancy Stone/Chicago Gaidi/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images.
Jae-Hwan/AFP via Getty Images; p. 407: AP Photo/ Tribune/MCT via Getty Images: p. 485: New York
LM Otero; p. 408: AP Photo/Jessica Kourkounis. Daily News Archive via Getty Images. Text: Table 16.1: p. 552: Table I.1 from Global
Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture
Chapter 33 p. 415: Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call/ Chapter 15 p. 491: Arvind Yadav/Hindustan by David Held, Anthony G. McGrew, and David
Getty Images; p. 419: Pedro Ugarte/AFP via Getty Times via Getty Images; p. 492: Natalie Behring/ Goldblatt. © 1999 by David Held, Anthony G.
Images; p. 420: Jeff Topping/REUTERS/Newscom; Bloomberg via Getty Images; p. 495: London McGrew, David Goldblatt, and Jonathan Perraton.
p. 425: Emma MclIntyre/Getty Images for Families Stereoscopic Company/Hulton Archive/Getty All rights reserved. Used by permission of the
Belong Together LA; p. 429: Karen Bleier/AFP via Images; p. 497: David Paul Morris/Bloomberg via publisher.

GP Credits
Note: Page numbers in it Africa, 254. see also specific countries migration of, from South to North, 320-21
numbers followed by “t crude birthrate in, 508 political power of, 329, 329-30
demographics of population, 507, 515 poverty for, 223, 223-25, 224, 334
economic classification of countries in, 238 segregation of, 308, 308, 335
A HIV/AIDS in, 476-77 slavery and (see slavery and slaves)
AAM( (Association of American Medical
— >
hunger, malnutrition, and famine in, unemployment rates for, 449, 450
C olleges), 452
242-43, 243, 258 voter turnout for, 426, 427
abortion, 539 infectious disease in, 476, 476 wealth gap between Whites and, 208-9,
absolute poverty, 220, 221, 235 Internet use, 137, 422 209, 217-18, 218
abuse pastoralism in, 59 age-crime curve, 178
Cc
hild, 364-65 African Americans, 317. see also race Age Discrimination in Employment Act of
elder, 98-99
childless, 372 1967 (ADEA), 101
AC A (Affordable Care Act), 45, z civil rights for, 419 ageism, 100, 101
ACLU (American Civil COVID-19 pandemic for, 327 agency, 107, 226
187 in criminal justice system, 171, 177, 183, agents of socialization, 78, 78-82
acquaintance rape, 288-89 186, 189 age-specific birthrate, 508, 509
acquired immune deficiency syndrome discrimination against, 335, 354-55 aggressive behavior, 266, 294-95
HIV/AIDS divorce rates for, 360 aging and older adults
actl vism double consciousness for, 15 challenges in United States, 95-96
Cynline, 544-45, 545 economic divide among, 331 elder abuse, 98-99
political, 424-25, 425 health problems, 96-98
pro-life activists, 539 390 prejudice and, 100-101
act vist religion, 403, 405 employment for, 325 social isolation and, 99-100
acti vities director, nursing home, 100-101, 101 false accusations to police about, 299-301 definition of, 91
acti vity theory, 94 family structure, 334, 347, 352, functionalist theories on, 94
add itive manufacturing, 436, 436 3 health insurance for, 456-57 growth of elderly population, 91-92, 92
AD EA (Age Discrimination in Employment homelessness for, 227 immigrants and, 96
Act of 1967), 101 home ownership for, 501 poverty tor, 225
Adi das, 436 incarceration rates for, 163, 182 professions related to, 100-101
adolescents, 52, 88-89 inequality for theories of, 91-95
adoption, 368-70 education, 324, 324, 329, 38. functionalism, 92-94
Adorno, Theodor, 307 employment, 325, 331 life course perspectives, 95
Aet na, 441 health, 327-28, 454-57, 455, 472 social conflict, 94-95
affluence, anxieties of, 213 aging in place, 499
Affordable Care Act (ACA), 456, 471 agrarian societies, 59-60
Afghanistan 328-20, 335, 501 Agro Universe, 241
bacha posh in, 270, 270-71 social inequality, 217-18, 218 Al (artificial intelligence), 436, 445
conflict in, 420 institutional racism against, 312-13 AIDS. see HIV/AIDS
gender differences in, 270, 270-71 IQ differences for, 333 Akha, 46
Taliban rule of, 6, 68-69 life expectancy of, 473 Alaska, 532
US. war in, 433 marriage for, 352, : Alexa (Amazon), 112
womens rights in, 68 middle class, 335 Alexander, Michelle, 18:

Index 11
 hemeikseaess
RE BVP Beverly Hills go2ro (television series), 460
as imamigranes
2S 39, 323 | Bevonee, 556
Beyond Leyt end Right (Giddens),
254
yenteal power ef Wo Bhopal chemical plant, 181
pewerty Rr 22s Bee Biblarz, Timothy, 370-72
sencental Sgregacem of 2S Bible, 409, 534
saeeess ef 33a Big Beng Theory, The (television series), 64
dim Laden, Osama, 69

AAT QVM, SF. ot 4A 4S

Agrestam Aine arRadiamees
ste ae

Serres Oeil Lagesttes Uinr QC UT,

arrest Cammunity Same (end, SP Asouiaden of Aumericam Medical Calleges
(AAMOQ, 482
- ARTE 4a
ScoaSurrerte, we

=
Sememan
Tre Tse Sumey, RD

Send Netw ReewaeinSess, 2

ames Trterrataal, at Drteerret RSS BR 2°
WSS Beesef 2a >
Smee SSP cabbie a
ante, Shak =
i ak Black Lives Matter, 16, 287, 473, 542, 544
Bleck Repert (Townsend and Davidson), 471
deme of 43k Blackstone Group, 157
Milgrams researcit em ededience R243, Blatr, Tomy, 254
Blau, Peter, 219
ewer es, gx Blinder, Alan, 445
blue-collar jobs, 215-26, 502, 536-37
SURNTATM 420, 220 444-45, Bhamer, Herbert, 106
FUATLTTNUS INGLES, BED blushing, 220
Avengers Eindquine (Bim), 382 BMI (body mass index), 462 :
Board of Education, Brown v., 329, 385, 387, 387
Boden, Deirdre, 223
body. see also health and illness; sexuality
social contexts affecting, 457-62, 458 -—_
eating disorders, 459-60
impact of, 487
obesity epidemic, 460-62, 462, 462
sociology of, 457, 466
“weathering” of, 456
bedy mass index (BMI), 462
= body weight, 457-58
Boke Haram, 537
donding social capital, 154-55
Besnia, 320
Boston University, 66
Botswana, 242
Bouazizi, Mohamed, 405, 529
MNRE THETTBES. 5 BAB Bard Bourdieu, Pierre, 219
Sothur Ashe Cou Sars TS bourgeoisie, 202
acti imelhgemnee A, cot act Bowles, Samuel, 383, 389
&sch Sama 242 Bowling Alone (Putnam), 154-55
Asch SSK 245 aS Brayne, Sarah, 192
Brazil, 66
development in, 62, 63
gender inequality and, 294
racial and ethnic populations in, 303
as semiperipheral country, 252
Brenit, 258, 420, 548, 549
bridging social capital, 154-55
broken windows theory, 1721, 188-89
Feetir Wail, til ot 340 Bromx, NY, 472
Qenweerscheul effeers wke-S> Brooklyn, NY, 323

fy UTTER
Brown, Michael, 187 Carmichael, Stokely, 311 Chile, 249, 251, 561
Brown, Tony, 87 Carrington, Christopher, 344 China, 66
Brownmiller, Susan, 288 Carson, Rachel, 525 coal mining in, 492, 492
Brown v. Board of Education, 329, 385, 387, 387 Carver Terrace housing project, 520 COVID-19 pandemic in, 242
Bruegel, Pieter, 25 Castells, Manuel, 181, 498 crude birthrate in, 509
Brundtland, Gro Harlem, 520-21 caste systems, 199-201, 200, 204 crude death rate in, 509
Brunswick, Ga., 300 Castro, Fidel, 145, 322 eating disorders in, 460
Buddhism, 394, 404, 406 “catfishing,” 104-6, 126 economic growth in, 245, 491-93, 506
Budig, Michelle, 282 Catholics and Catholicism energy use in, 517
Bulgaria, 509 global affiliation, 404 European trade forced on, 62
bulimia, 457-59 liberation theology form of, 403 Gender Inequality Index for, 281, 285
bullying, 19, 19, 35-36, 485 literacy and, 383 in global commodity chain, 250-52,
Bumble, 348 participation level, 406 251
Burawoy, Michael, 254 . socioeconomic status of, 409-10 greenhouse gas production in, 492, 493,
bureaucracy, 146-48 trends in, 408 519
as an outdated model, 150-54 U.S. affiliation, 404, 406t immigrants from, 318, 323
definition of, 146 Causes of Delinquency (Hirschi), 172 industrialization in, 491-93
democracy and, 149 CDC, see Centers for Disease Control and inequality in, 235
formal and informal relations within, Prevention “left behind” children in, 232-34, 233
148-49 Census Bureau, U.S. see U.S. Census Bureau manufacturing in, 251, 446, 491
hierarchies in, 151 Center for American Women and Politics, 285 one-child policy in, 347
horizontal, collaborative models, 151 Center for Responsive Politics, 429 pollution in, 491-92, 506
ideal type of, 147-48 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention population of, 491, 492, 512
“McDonaldization of society,” 153, 153-54 (CDC), 454-56 poverty in, 234-35
Weber's views on, 14, 146-49, 1471, 154, 156 on cigarette smoking, 474 social change in, 10
Bureau of Labor Statistics, 515 on complementary and alternative sweatshops in, 446
Burgess, Ernest, 343, 367, 495 medicine use, 468 Tiananmen Square protest, 549
Burke, Tarana, 545 on health disparities, 327 Tibetan Plateau, 59
Burundi, 235 on sexual behavior, 481, 482 transnational corporations in, 443-44,
Youth Risk Behavior Survey of, 271 550, 551
Central African Republic, 235, 510 as upper middle-income country, 236,
c Central America, 238, 309, 476. see also specific 240
Calcutta, India, 506 countries urbanization and, 492-93, 495, 503
Calibuso, Judy, 278 Central Asia, 548 women in the workplace in, 280, 282
California, 184, 186, 188, 321, 323 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 249 China Daily, 492
Calvin, John, 383 Central Park (New York City), 299, 299-301 Chinese Americans, 318, 323, 331, 357
Calvinism, 397 CEOs (chief executive officers), 156-57, 448 Chinese Empire, 60
CAM. see complementary and alternative Challenger disaster, 145 Chinese Exclusion Act, 318
medicine Chambliss, W. J., 173 Chisholm, Shirley, 425
Camargo, Beatriz, 353 Chan, Jenny, 157, 255 Christian Identity movement, 538
Cambodia, 310 Charlottesville rally (2017), 314, 315 Christianity
Canada, 66 Chauvin, Derek, 311-12 alienation and, 396
ethnic composition of, 309 Cherlin, Andrew, 352 assessing classical view of, 398
Gender Inequality Index for, 281, 285 Chicago, IIl., 178, 438 global affiliation, 404
health insurance in, 456 Chicago Ridge School District, 386 literacy and, 383
as a high-income country, 236 Chicago School and urbanism, 495-96 sexual behavior and, 479
nonbinary gender identity in, 272 chief executive officers (CEOs), 156-57, 448 socioeconomic status of Christians, 410
Quebec separatism, 46 child abuse, 364-65 US. affiliation, 404, 406
same-sex marriage in, 339 childbearing Weber on, 397, 397-98
capitalism, 257 age at first child’s birth, 93 churches, 400, 401, 401, 406
corporate, types of, 441-43 changes in patterns of, 351 CIA (Central Intelligence Agency), 249
definition of, 202, 440 nonmarital, 348, 354, 368 Cigna, 441
family, 441 childcare, 272-73, 282-83, 283 cities. see also urbanization and urbanism
global, 252, 253t, 256, 443,535 childhood stage of life course, 88 development and evolution of, 493-98
inequality in, 434 child labor, 244 global, 503
institutional, 442 childlessness, 372-73 inner, 496, 501
managerial, 442 child mortality rate, 242 megacities, 493, 494, 504
Marx on, 13, 14, 15t, 202, 440 children premodern, 493-94
stratification due to, 198 development of, 76-78 suburbs vs., 500
Weber on, 246 divorce and, 360-62 in traditional societies, 493-94
welfare, 4.42 “left behind,” in China, 232, 233, 234, 259 citizens, 418
capital punishment, 184-86 overweight and obese, 37, 462 citizenship, 418
carbon dioxide emissions, 517, 519 in poverty, 221, 224 citizenship rights, 419-20, 420
Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, 249, 254-55, 255 rights of, 349 civic engagement, 155
careers. see sociology, careers using; work and in single-parent households, 363, 363-64 civil inattention, 107
workplaces socialization of, 51-52, 74-84, 87 (see also civilizations, 60
Caribbean, 137, 238 socialization) civil rights, 187, 419

Index is
Civil Rights Act of 1964 Collins, Susan, 284 Corbin, J., 465
activist religions and, 405 colonialism core countries, 248, 251-52
citizenship rights from, 419 definition of, 62 corporate America, women in, 149, 149-50,
and Coleman's study of between-school dependency theory on, 248-49, 249 264
effects, 386, 391 education policy and, 383 corporate capitalism, 441-43
new social movement associated with, 542 ethnic divisions and, 309 corporate crime, 180, 180-81
racial discrimination and, 217 infectious diseases and, 476 corporate cultures, 151, 152, 264
and segregation, 308 nutrition and, 476 corporate fraction, 252
civil rights movement, 334, 485, 485-86, 541 in United States, 317-18 corporations, 64, 152, 441-44, 443
civil society, 543 color, gender learning about, 86 crime perpetrated by, 180, 180-81
Civil War, 217 color-blind racism, 314-16 definition of, 441
clans, 347 Columbia University, 288 power of, 441
class, 200-202 Columbine High School, 179 transnational (see transnational
boundaries of, 201-2 Comcast, 441 corporations)
contradictory class locations, 205-6, 205t commitment, 172 correlation coefficients, 32, 33
definition of, 200 commodity-chain approach, 249-52, 251, 256 Correll, Shelley, 282
family structure and, 359, 359-60 common couple violence, 365 Cosmopolitan Canopy, The (Anderson), 127-29,
health inequalities based on, 457, 471-72 communication 128
Marx's views on, 13, 202 electronic (see electronic communication) Costco, 416
in United States, 207-16 in focused vs. unfocused interaction, 108 countercultures, 54
education and, 209, 209-11 global, 64, 546 COVID-19 pandemic, 457, 467, 476
income and, 207, 208 Internet and, 122-24 differences in experience of, 3-5
lower class, 216 nonverbal, 109, 109-11, 110, 118 Ebola epidemic vs., 242
middle class, 213-15 rules of, 114-19 economic effects of, 491-92, 551
occupation and, 211, 212t technology and, 122 health disparities in, 327, 473
upper class, 212-13 communism, 422 Internet use in, 80
wealth and, 207-9, 209 Communities United Against Police Brutality, life expectancy and, 471
working class, 215-16 187 in New York City, 132-34, 133
Weber's views on, 200, 204 community policing, 189 school closures in, 381
climate, 50, 50 comparative questions, 22, 22t social class and effects of, 472
climate change comparative research, 30 sociological imagination about, 6-7
ecological risk due to, 557 complementary and alternative medicine crack cocaine, 179
environmental social movements around, (CAM), 468, 468, 470 created environment, 497-98
522-23 compulsion of proximity, 122-24, 123 creationism, 535
global inequality and, 258-59 computer hackers, 165 credentialism, 383
in Global South, 506 Comte, Auguste, 11, 11-13, 17 crime, 163, 166. see also deviance and deviant
impact of, 517, 519-21, 520 concrete operational stage of child behavior
social change and, 533 development, 77 biological view of, 166-67
Clinton, Bill, 254 conflict theories, 17-18 community and, 189
Clinton, Hillary Rodham, 284-85, 423, 428, on crime and deviance, 172t, 173 control theory of, 178
429 on education, 383 costs of, 192
clitoridectomies, 56-57 conformists, 168-69 decline in, 163, 175-76, 182-91
clock time, 122 conformity, 164, 165-66 benefits of, 189-91
closure, ethnic-group, 308-9 culture and, 48, 48-49 death penalty and, 184-86
Cloward, Richard A., 169-70, 170 Merton's theory of deviance and, 168, 169 police and policing in, 186, 186-89, 187
clubs, membership in, 155 in social groups, 143, 143-45, 145 prisons and, 182-84, 183, 185 (see also
CNN, 37, 423 Confucianism, 246 prisons)
coalitions, 142 Connor, Christopher, 157 definition of, 166
coal mining, 492, 492 Conrad, Peter, 466-67 deterrence of, 182-83
Coca-Cola, 64, 551 Constitution, U.S., 34.0, 419 deviance and, 165
cocaine, 179 constitutional monarchs, 421 documentation of, 174-76, 175
co-determination, 448 consumerist fraction, 252 drugs and, 179
coffee, 7 containerization, 443 perpetrators of, 177-81
cognition, 76 contingent workforce, 447-48 corporations, 180, 180-81
cognitive development, stages of, 77-78 continuity theory, 94 gender of, 177-78, 178
cohabitation, 348, 350-51, 354, 366-68 contradictory class locations, 205-6, 205t organized crime, 181
Cohen, Albert, 169 control theory, 172-73, 172t, 178 powerful, 179, 179-81
Coleman, James, 386-87, 391 conurbation, 494 young, 178-79
Collapse (Diamond), 532 conversations, 115, 117 psychological view of, 167
collective bargaining, 439 Cool Careers Dress Up app, 85 sociological perspectives on, 168-73
college admissions Cooley, Charles Horton, 76-77, 140 conflict theory, 173
discrimination in, 307 Cooper, Amy, 299, 299-301 functionalist theories, 168-70, 169, 170
fraud scandal (2019), 160-63, 161 Cooper, Christian, 299, 299-300 interactionist theories, 170-72, 171
college education, 210 Cop Block, 187 US. rates of, 174, 175, 178
college majors, gendering of, 274-75, 275t cop-watch groups, 192 victims of, 174, 176
Collins, Jason, 486 Cop Watch Video Recorder app, 187 violent, 174, 189, 192
Collins, Randall, 383 “cop wisdom,” 186, 188 white-collar, 179, 180

14 Index
criminality, definitions of, 171 Davis, Leo, 268, 271 secondary, 171
criminal justice system, 171, 177, 183, 186, 189 Davis, Mike, 503 sociological perspectives on, 168-73, 172
criminal record, employment and, 184, 186 Day, Jess, 85 conflict theory, 173
criminology, 167, 169, 188 Death and Life of Great American Cities, The functionalist theories, 168-70, 169, 170
Crossfire (television series), 37
(Jacobs), 497 interactionist theories, 170~72, 171
crowdfunding, 135, 135 death penalty, 184-86 deviant subcultures, 165, 169-70, 170
crude birthrates, 508-9 death rates, 467-68, 509, 513 DeVos, Betsy, 392-93
crude death rates, 509 deaths of despair, 471 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Crutzen, Paul, 525 debriefing, 32-34. Disorders (DSM), 486
Cuba debureaucratization, 154 Diamond, Jared, 532, 533
Bay of Pigs invasion, 145 “deep state,” 431 differential association, 170
crude death rate in, 509 Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), 34.0, 340, 373 digital divide, 121, 137, 138, 203, 203, 257
economic classification of, 238 DeGeneres, Ellen, 486 Digital Street, The (Lane), 126
infant mortality rate in, 510 de Gournay, Jean-Claude Marie Vincent, 146 direct democracy, 421
Cuban Americans, 321-23, 353-54 degree of dispersal, 32, 33 disabilities, children with, 381
cults, 400, 401 de Jong Gierveld, J., 101 discrimination
cultural appropriation, 42 Delhi, India, 492, 504 definition of, 307
cultural capital, 219 Delinquent Boys (Cohen), 169 gender, 149-50, 294, 330
cultural competency, 482 democracy, 421-34 legal, 217
cultural diversity, 53, 53-57 bureaucracy and, 149 psychological theories on, 306-8
cultural explanations, of racial inequality, 334 definition of, 421 racial and ethnic
cultural identity, 56-57, 69 direct, 421 family and, 354-55, 357
cultural imperialism, 556 Internet and, 422-23 and health disparities, 327
cultural norms. see norms liberal, 421-23 inequality due to, 335
cultural relativism, 56 monarchies and, 421 institutional racism, 311-13
cultural traits, 58 spread of, 422-23 poverty and political impact of, 328-29
cultural universals, 57, 57 participatory, 4.21 in urban areas, 501
cultural values. see values social capital and, 155 sociological theories on, 308-9
culture theories of, 430-33 unequal pay and, 449
conformity and, 48, 48-49 democratic elitism, 430-31 disease. see health and illness
cultural appropriation, 42 military's role and, 432, 433 disengagement theory, 92, 94
defining, 43-48 pluralist theories, 431 displacement, 307
dependency, 226 power elite, 431-32 diversity
development of, 49-58 in trouble, 433-34 biodiversity, 517
cultural diversity and, 53, 53-57 in United States, 423-29 cultural, 53, 53-57
cultural universals and, 57, 57 interest groups and, 428-29, 429 ethnic, 317-23, 318, 319
early, 49-50, 50 political participation of women, 284, of sexuality, 477-79
nature/nurture debate and, 50-53, 52 284-85, 429-30, 430 division of labor, 15¢
and social development, 58 political parties and, 424-26 domestic, 344-45
globalization and, 63-69, 556, 556 politics, voting, and, 426-28, 427 gender and, 273, 290
modern societies and, 60-63 democratic elitism, 430-31, 432t importance of, 437
norms and (see norms) Democratic Party, 284, 416, 424-26 divorce and separation
premodern societies and, 58-60 Democratic Republic of Congo, 235 for arranged vs. autonomous marriage, 349
social change and, 534-35 demographers, 514-15, 515 changing family patterns due to, 348
social development and, 58 demographic transition, 513, 513-15, 524t comparative research on, 30
society and, 40-71 demography, 508, 508-10 and functionalist theories of families, 343
traditional, 68 Denmark, 368 impact on family of, 360, 360-62
culture of poverty, 225-26 denominations, religious, 4.01, 402, 406, 408 rate of, 351
culture shock, 56, 66 Denton, Nancy A., 328 Doctors Without Borders (Medecins Sans
Cuomo, Andrew, 133 dependency culture, 226 Frontieres), 549
Cup Foods, 311 dependency ratio, 516 document literacy, 391
CVS, 441 dependency theories, 248-49, 249, 253t, 256 do-it-yourself activities, 435
cyberbullying, 19, 19, 485 dependent development, 249 DOMA. see Defense of Marriage Act
CyberChurch.com, 407 depression, 473-74 domestic division of labor, 344-45
cyberspace, 66-68 Desmond, Matthew, 27, 501 domestic violence advocates, 290-91, 291
Czech Republic, 548 developing world. see Global South domestic workers, 435, 437
developmental questions, 22, 22¢ dominant groups, 304.
deviance and deviant behavior, 163, 164. see Don't Guess My Race app, 326, 326
D also crime double consciousness, 15
Dakota Access Pipeline, 425 biological view of, 166-67 doubling time, 510
Dalits, 200, 200 definition of, 164-65 Dow Jones, 550
Dalura, Camile, 508 functions of, 192-93 Down, Out, and Under Arrest (Stuart), 188
Darwin, Charles, 109 learned, 170, 183 downward mobility, 219, 220, 228
data, 24 norms and, 165 dress, styles of, 47
date-rape drugs, 288 primary, 171 drug crimes, 178-79, 181
dating, 348-50, 358, 358 psychological view of, 167 DSM (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Davis, Kingsley, 168, 204-5 sanctions and, 165-66 Mental Disorders), 486

Index 15
Du Bois, W. E. B., 15, 15-16 importance of, 379-84, 382 employment. see also occupations;
Duccio da Buoninsegna, 88 industrialization and, 379-81, 380 unemployment; work and workplaces
Duck Dynasty (television series), 20 for Latino/Hispanic Americans, 210, 324, for African Americans, 325, 331
Duke, David, 314 324~25, 329, 332 education and, 209, 210
Duncan, Otis Dudley, 219, 385 race and, 210, 384-87 for Latino/Hispanic Americans, 325
Durkheim, Emile, 12, 12-13, 17, 43 segregation and, 329, 385, 387, 387-88 racial and ethnic inequality in, 325, 327
on anomie, 12-13, 168 social inequality and, 384-93, 387, 392 technology and, 436, 436
on division of labor, 15t between-school effects and, 386-87 encounters, 108
on punishment, 49 intelligence and, 390 : Encyclopedia Africana, 16
on religion, 396, 398-99 Kozol on, 385-87 End of Millennium (Castells), 184
on suicide, 20, 371 reform in United States, 391-93, 392 endogamy, 199
dyads, 141 resegregation of American schools, 387, energy use, 517, 518
387-88 England. see Great Britain
social reproduction of inequality, England, Paula, 481
E 389, 389 Engman, Mathilda, 85
East Asia. see also specific countries within-school effects, 388-89 entrepreneurs, 213, 441
crude birthrates in, 508 socialization and, 79, 378, 410 environment
dependent development in, 249 social mobility and, 218-20 adaptation of early humans to, 49-50, 50
economic classification of, 238 sociological theories of, 381-83 applying sociology to, 524t
emerging economies in, 244-46, 245, 257, voting behavior and, 426 in Global South, 505-6, 506
561 for White Americans, 390 global threats to, 516-17, 517
in global commodity chain, 250 EEOC (Equal Employment Opportunity global warming and climate change, 517,
semiperipheral countries of, 251 Commission), 264 519-21, 520
Easter Island, 532 egocentrism, 77 industrialization and, 490-92, 491
Eastern Europe, 238, 257-58, 548. see also Egypt manufactured risk and, 557
specific countries Arab Spring in, 405, 529-30 new ecological paradigm in sociology,
Eastern religions, 397, 398 early cities of, 493 523-25, 524f
East St. Louis, IIl., 385 Facebook Revolution in, 544, 545 social change and, 532-34, 533
eating disorders, 55, 457-60, 458 social media in, 545 urbanization and, 516-25
Ebola, 242 Ehrlich, Paul, 507-8 environmental injustice, 524t
ECG Check, 469 Eibl-Eibesfeldt, [renaus, 109-10 environmental social movements, 521-23
ecological approach, 495 Eisenhower, Dwight David, 432-33, 499-500 environmental sociology, 523-25
ecological footprint, 518 Ekman, Paul, 109, 109 Episcopalians, 408
ecology, urban, 495-96 elder abuse, 98-99 Epocrates, 469
economic deprivation, 539-40, 540 elections, U.S. Epstein, Jeffrey, 545
economic development, 244-46, 245, 257 2008 presidential, 329, 329 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
economic explanations of racial inequality, 2012 presidential, 424 (EEOC), 264
SBy Ess 2016 presidential Equal Pay Act of 1963, 277, 292
economic factors, in social change, 535 free trade as issue, 562 Essay on the Principle of Population
economic growth fundraising by candidates, 428-29 (Malthus), 512
population growth and, 491, 561 gender gap in politics after, 284-85 essentialism, biological, 266
urbanization and, 495 Internet and social media in, 423 essential jobs, 5, 327
economy political activism in, 424-25 ethical dilemmas, 31-34
corporations as elements of, 440-44, 443 and racial underrepresentation in ethnic conflicts and hostilities
definition of, 417 politics, 329 forms of, 310
economic development, 244-46, 245, 257 undocumented immigration as issue, 420 historical perspective on, 309-10
Sig, 445 voter demographics, 427 psychological theories on, 306-8
global, 64, 156, 258-59, 547, 561 electronic communication. see also Internet; sociological theories on, 308-9
informal, 236, 435-37, 505, 505 smartphones; social media ethnic diversity in United States, 317-23,
knowledge, 447 global culture and, 64 318, 319
religious, 399, 399-400 social movements and, 544, 545 African Americans, 320-21
weightless, 547 electronic economy, 550 Asian Americans, 319, 323
ecstasy, 179 electronic waste, 517, 517 early colonization and, 317-18
educational attainment, 324, 324-25 Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, The immigrants post-World War II, 318-20
education and literacy (Durkheim), 396 Latino/Hispanic Americans, 319, 321-23
for African Americans, 210, 324, 324, 329, Elie Wiesel Foundation, 179 ethnic-group closure, 308-9
384-87, 390 elitism ethnic integration models, 310
for Asian Americans, 210, 324, 324, 386 democratic, 430-31, 432 ethnicity, 302-4. see also race
class and, 209, 209-11 power elite, 431-32, 432t applying sociology to, 316t
definition of, 383 El Salvador, 314 definition of, 302
in developing world, 383-84 Elton John, 486 discrimination based on, 306-7, 327,
employment and, 209, 210 e-mails, emotional expression in, 111 354—55, 501
gender inequality in, 272-75, 274, 275t, 294, emerging economies, 63, 244-46, 245, 257, 561 educational attainment and, 324, 324-25
376, 378 emigration, 309 family structure and, 352-57, 353, 355
global inequality and, 240, 243-44 emotion, expressing, 109, 109-11 inequality related to, 323-25, 327-29
health inequalities and, 471 emotional contagion, theory of, 32 educational attainment, 324, 324-25
homeschooling, 380-81 empirical investigation, 20, 21 employment, 325

16 Index
 health, 327-28 multiracial, 357 food security, 524t
income, 325, 327 Native American, 352-53 Fooducate, 469
political power, 329, 329-30 new forms of, 366-72 Forbes (magazine), 300
residential segregation, 328-29 child-free families, 372-73 forces of production, 539
social inequality, 217-18, 218 cohabitation, 350-51, 354, 366-68 Ford, Clellan, 479
obesity and, 460-62, 461 same-sex parents, 368-71, 370 Ford, Henry, 438
poverty and, 223, 223-25, 224, 328-29 staying single, 371-72 Ford Motor Company
ethnocentrism, 56, 308-9 nuclear, 78, 341, 348 gender-based discrimination at, 264
ethnography, 26, 27, 28t of orientation, 341-42 global production at, 446
ethnomethodology, 115-17 in poverty, 224, 224 industrialization at, 438, 438
Europe. see also specific countries of procreation, 341-42 sexual harassment at, 279, 294
demographic transition in, 513 single-parent, 363, 363-64 formal operational stage, of child
Internet access in, 137 as socializing agent, 78, 78-79 development, 78
period of expansion, 309 sociological theories on, 342-45 formal organizations, 130, 145-46
European Union (EU), 258, 510, 548-49 traditional, myths of, 346 formal relations, within bureaucracies, 148
Evangelical Protestants, 406, 406t, 408 in United States, 348-64 fossil fuels, 517, 518, 521
everyday work, 465 violence within, 364-65 Fosters, The (television series), 370
evidence, reviewing, 23-24 White American, 352, 355, 355-56, 359, 360 Fourteenth Amendment, 419
excited delirium, 312 family capitalism, 441 Fourth Amendment, 186
experiments, 28t, 29, 29-30 famine, 243, 243, 458, 549 Fowler, Sarah, 264
expertise, of middle class, 206 Fantastic Woman, A (film), 486 Foxconn, 245, 250, 251, 255
explanatory comments or notes, in tables, 34 fast-food workers, 221 Fox News, 423
exponential population growth, 510 Federal-Aid Highway Act, 499-500 France
Express Scripts, 441 Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), 162, anorexia in, 459
extended families, 341, 341, 346 165, 174 ban on full-face veils in, 53, 54
external risk, 557 female infanticide, 287 cohabitation rate in, 368
extramarital sex, 480, 482 Feminine Mystique, The (Friedan), 344 government spending in, 433
extreme poverty, 242-43 feminism and feminist theory, 18, 291 North African immigrants in, 56-57
exurbs, 500 on crime, 177 overtime in, 450
eye contact, 44, 119 on family, 344-45, 345t strikes in, 439
feminist movement, 546 Franklin Templeton, 300
on gender inequality, 291-94, 293t Frazier, E. Franklin, 354-55
-
Black feminism, 293-94 French Revolution, 11
Facebook, 537 liberal feminism, 292 Friedan, Betty, 344, 344
as agent of socialization, 80 radical feminism, 292-93 “friends with benefits” relationships, 481
in Arab Spring, 544-45, 545 transnational feminism, 294, 295 Friesen, W. V., 109
and compulsion of proximity, 123 organizational studies of gender, 149-50 “front region,” 113
cyberbullying on, 19 feminization of poverty, 223-24 functionalism, 17
ethical dilemmas in research via, 32 Ferguson, Mo., 187 on aging, 92-94
“friendship” on, 21 fertility (fertility rates), 237, 239, 509 on crime and deviance, 168-70, 169, 170, 172t
gender differences in use of, 286 Fertility Friend, 469 on education, 382
interacting with romantic partners on, 105 fieldwork, 26 on families, 342-43, 345t
minimum wage at, 416 Filipino Americans, 323, 357 on gender inequality, 289-91, 293
as news source, 423 financial security, marriage and, 350-51 on religion, 396
social capital on, 156 findings, reporting, 25 on sick role, 463-64, 466t
unfocused interaction on, 108 Finland, 368, 433, 510 on social stratification, 204-5, 205t
Facebook Revolution, 544, 545 firearms, 176 functional literacy, 391
FaceTime, 68, 111, 349 Fire in the Ashes (Kozol), 385-86 fundamentalists, 411
face-to-face interaction, 21, 111, 116, 116, Fischer, C., 390
122-24 fitness trackers, 469, 469
Facial Action Coding System (FACS), 109 Five-O, 187 G
facial expressions, 109, 109-11 Five Star Party, 258 G7 summit, 123
factual questions, 22, 22¢ Fleet and Family Support Center, 291 al-Gaddafi, Muammar, 530
Fair Labor Association, 157 Flint water crisis, 425 Galleria Mall, 127, 129
families, 338-73 Florida, 184, 322 Gallup survey, 152, 485, 523
African American, 334, 347, 352, 354-59, 355 Floyd, George, 300, 311-13, 313, 544 Gandhi, Mahatma, 534
applying sociology to, 345¢ Flurry Analytics, 286 gangs, 169-70, 170, 176
Asian American, 352, 356-57 focused interaction, 108, 108 Garbuz, Lawrence, 133-34
changes over time in, 346, 346-48 Focus on the Family, 74. Gardner, Carol Brooks, 125
class and, 359, 359-60 folkways, 163 Garfinkel, Harold, 106, 115, 117
definition of, 340, 341 food Garner, Eric, 187
divorce/separation and, 360, 360-62 in early human culture, 50 gathering societies, 58-59, 534
extended, 341, 341, 346 manufactured risk with, 557 gay men, 478. see also LGBTQ persons
gender issues in, 282-83, 283 production of, 242-43 gender. see also women
global patterns of, 347-48 shortages, 533 applying sociology to, 293t
homeless, 227 Food and Agriculture Organization, 243 apps, 85, 85, 286
Latino/Hispanic American, 352-54, 353 food deserts, 462 biology and, 265-67

Index 17
 blurring boundaries between, 271, 271-72 Geronimus, Arline, 456 Gender Inequality Index for, 281
crime and, 177-78, 178 gestures, 109-11, 110 impact of, 554-63
cross-cultural and historical findings on, Ghana, 509 individualism, 554-55
269-72, 270, 271 ghettos, 312, 328, 335 on popular culture, 556, 556
definition of, 265 Giannulli, Mossimo, 162 risk, 556-58, 559
“doing,” 268-69, 344 Giddens, Anthony, 254 on work patterns, 555-56
eating disorders and, 458, 459-60 gig economy, 445 inequality and, 214, 558-63
family issues and, 282-84, 283 GII (Gender Inequality Index), 281, 285 campaign for global justice, 562-63
health and, 474-75 Gillibrand, Kristen, 430 global inequality, 257-59
income and, 274, 330, 330 Ginsburg, Ruth Bader, 284, 542 wealth distribution, 559, 559-62, 560,
inequality related to (see gender inequality) Gintis, Herbert, 383, 389 562
nature/nurture and, 265-72 glaciers, melting of, 520 local cultures and, 68-69
nonbinary, 85, 265, 268, 269, 271-72, 477 glass ceiling, 278 religion and, 402-5, 404, 534-35
organizational studies of, 149, 149-50, 150 Glassdoor, 274 social change and, 531-37
politics and, 284, 284-85 glass escalator, 278 culture and, 534-35
race and, 18, 330, 330 global capitalism, 252, 253t, 256, 443, 535 economic factors in, 535
Sex vs., 265 global cities, 503 physical environment and, 532-34, 533
social construction of, 268-69, 293t “global citizens,” 64 political organization and, 534
social interaction and, 124-26, 125 Global City, The (Sassen), 503 technology and, 536-37
social media use and, 286 global commodity chains, 249-52, 251, 256 social movements and, 542-43, 543
gender binary, 85, 85, 265, 271, 272, 477 global communications, 64, 546 urbanization and, 504
“gender contract,” 177 global culture, 63-68, 64, 65 global justice, campaign for, 562-63
gender gap, 178, 273, 277, 277, 294, 474-75 global development, 62-63 global migration, 309
gender identity, 74, 79, 265 global divisions, inequality and, 559-62, 562 global perspective
gender inequality, 51-52, 262-97 global economy, 64, 156, 258-59, 547, 561 on aging of population, 97
corporate culture and, 264 global environmental threats, 516-17, 517 developing, 8-10
definition of, 273 Global Footprint Network, 518 on economic inequality, 280-82
in earnings, 274-75, 277, 277-78, 282, 283, 294 global inequality, 214, 232-61, 237, 239 on gender and politics, 285
in education, 272-75, 274, 275t, 294 applying sociology to, 253t on gender inequality, 280-82, 281, 282
global perspective on, 280-82, 281, 282 apps to heal, 241, 241 on incarceration rates, 185
in health, 474-75 in child labor, 244 on income inequality, 214
in politics, 284, 284-85 daily life and, 240-44 on Internet connectivity, 137
race and, 272 definition of, 235 on life course transitions, 93
theories of, 289-94, 293t differences among countries, 235-40, 237, 239 on maternity leave, 369
feminist, 291-94 high-income countries, 236-39, 237, 239 on national identity, 65
functionalist, 289-91 low-income countries, 237-39, 238-40 racial and ethnic populations from, 303
violence against women, 285-89, 288, 294-95 middle-income countries, 237, 238, 239 religious affiliation from, 404
in workplace, 275-82, 277, 278, 281, 282, in education and literacy, 240, 243-44 on smartphone ownership, 121
204 in emerging economies, 244-46, 245 on unemployment rate, 451
Gender Inequality Index (GII), 281, 285 future of, 257-59 on United States, 9
gender learning, 84-86, 85, 86 globalization and, 257-59 on urbanization, 504
gender norms, 45, 55, 74-75, 79 growth of, 239 on wealth, 560
gender relations, 129, 273 in health, 240-43 global production, 446
gender roles, 79, 83, 84, 86, 268-69, 344 in hunger, malnutrition, and famine, global “risk society,” 558
gender socialization 242-43, 243 Global South
and aggressive behavior, 266 in power, 249 absolute poverty in, 235
for children, 83-86, 86 theories on, 246-56, 253t climate change in, 520
in college major selection, 274-75 dependency, 248-49, 249, 256 crude death rates in, 509
gender differences due to, 267, 267-68 evaluating, 253-56 definition of, 62
and gender gap in crime, 178 global capitalism, 252, 256 demographic transition in, 514-15
and gender inequality, 293t neoliberal, 247-48, 253, 256 development in, 62-63
and rape culture, 288 world-systems, 249, 249-52, 251, 256 education and literacy in, 383-84
gender transitions, 75, 83 in wealth, 559-62, 562 environmental challenges for, 505-6, 506
gender typing, 274-75, 275, 277 globalization, 8-10, 201, 213, 528-65 feminists from, 293
generalized other, 76 applying sociology to, 558t global inequality in (see global inequality)
General Motors, 149, 446 commodity-chain approach, 249-52, 251, 256 inequality in, 559-62, 562
General Social Survey, 357 contemporary culture and, 63-69 informal economy in, 505, 505
genetically modified organisms (GMOs), 559 Internet as culture promoter, 64-68 population growth in, 510
genital cutting or mutilation, 56-57 local cultures, 68-69 social challenges for, 506-7
Genoa, city-state, 251-52 debate, 551-54, 552t urbanization in, 503-7, 505, 506
genocide, 310, 532-34, 533 hyperglobalizers in, 552-53, 552t global trade, 561
gentrification, 502, 503 skeptics in, 551-52, 552t global warming
geography, 50, 50 transformationalists in, 552t, 553-54 ecological risk due to, 557
Germany definition of, 8, 235, 530 and in Global South, 506
birth registries in, 272 factors contributing to, 546-54 impact of, 517, 519-21, 520
crude birthrate in, 508 economic changes, 550-51, 551 social change and, 533
ethnic conflict in, 310 information flows, 546-48, 547 global wealth, 559-62, 562
worker representation in, 448 political changes, 548, 548-50 “Global Week for the Future,” 522

Index
Glooko, 469 Harajuku girls, 48 high mass consumption, 248
Glucose Buddy, 469 haredim, 535 Hillsborough, Calif., 4
GMOs (genetically modified organisms), 559 Harman, Elizabeth, 125 Hinduism and Hindus, 200, 397, 403, 404,
GNI (gross national income), 236-38, 237 Harris, Kamala, 284 406t, 410
Goffman, Erving Harris Poll, 366 Hinge, 358
on impression management, 112, 113 Harvey, David, 497-98, 536 Hirschi, Travis, 172
on nonhumans in social interaction, 111, 112 hate crimes, 176 Hispanic Americans. see Latino/Hispanic
on regionalization, 120 hate groups, 538 Americans
on response cries, 118 Hauser, Robert, 219 historical research, 30
on social interaction, 106, 107 Havens, 101 Hite, Cliff, 545
on social rules, 127 Haverford College, 3, 4-5 HIV/AIDS, 346, 465-66, 475-77, 509
on stigma, 465 Hayek, Salma, 263 Hochschild, Arlie, 81, 282
on unfocused interaction, 108 hazing, 138-39 Hodges, Obergefell v., 338, 485
GoFundMe, 135 headings, table, 34 Holden, Tim, 425
Goode, William J., 347 health and illness Holland, Jaquarrius, 485
Google, 36, 151, 152, 416, 537 aging and, 96-98 Holocaust, 310
government complementary and.alternative medicine, Holocene, 525
applying sociology to, 432t 468, 468, 470 home, working from, 81
confidence in, 155 eating disorders, 55, 457-60, 458 home health care workers, 435, 437
in neoliberalism, 247 global inequality and, 240-43 homelessness, 226, 227, 227, 485
role of, 433-34 obesity and overweight home ownership, 501
in world-systems theory, 251 definition of, 460 homeschooling, 380-81
Graham, Anie, 19, 19 “Let's Move” program and, 37 homicide, mortality due to, 473
Grainy Bunch, 241 obesity epidemic, 460, 462, 462 homogamy, 358
grandparents raising grandchildren, 346, 356 rates of, 461 homophobia, 176, 484, 485
Granovetter, Mark, 136 social context for, 457-58, 458 homosexuality, 477-78, 486. see also LGBTQ
Great Britain social influences on, 52 persons
Brexit referendum in, 258, 420, 548, 549 pollution and, 490 Hong Kong
economic power of, 252 poverty and, 240-43 dependent development in, 249
gender inequality in, 285 pregnancy-related complications, 454-56, eating disorders in, 460
health inequalities in, 471 455 emerging economy of, 63, 244-45, 245
industrialization in, 494, 495 sexuality and (see sexuality) in global economy, 257
monarchy in, 421 social class gradient in, 457 as high-income country, 236
Great Depression, 247, 501 social factors in, 470-77 honor killings, 287
Great Recession, 325 gender-based inequalities, 474-75 “hookup” culture, 349, 481
Greece, 368, 478, 494, 508, 540 infectious disease disparities, 475-77, Hopi tribe, 17
Green Dot Bystander Intervention program, 476 horticulture, 60
295 race-based inequalities, 327-28, 454-57, Horwitz, Allan, 467
greenhouse gases, 243, 492, 493, 517, 519 455) 472, 472-74 hostile work environment, 279
Greenland, 44, 520 social class-based inequalities, 471-72 House of Representatives, U.S., 284, 430
green movements, global, 517, 523 sociological perspectives on, 463-70, 466t housework, 283, 283-84, 343, 435, 437
Green Party, 424 changing conceptions of, 466-68, 468, housing
Greenpeace, 156, 549 470° affordable, 227, 503
gross national income (GNI), 236-38, 237 illness as “lived experience,” 464-66, 465 in COVID pandemic, 327
group affiliation, 157 sick role, 463-64 Global South and, 506
groups, 147¢. see also social groups health care providers, 482-83, 483 residential segregation, 177, 308, 320-21,
dyads, 141 health insurance, 98, 456-57. see also 328-29, 335, 501
larger, 142 Medicaid; Medicare Housing Act of 1949, 501
pariah, 204 health-related apps, 469, 469 How to Be and Anticapitalist in the Twenty-First
size of, 141, 141-42, 147t Heaven's Gate, 165, 169 Century (Wright), 206
triads, 142 hedge funds, job recruiters at, 210-11, 211 human development, measure of, 236
variety and characteristics of, 139, 139-41 hegemonic masculinity, 268, 295 human exceptionalism paradigm (HEP), 523
groupthink, 144-45 Held, David, 551, 553 human immunodeficiency virus. see HIV/AIDS
Guangdong, China, 280, 446 Hennepin County Medical Center, 312 human resource management, 151
Guatemala, 249 HEP (human exceptionalism paradigm), 523 Human Rights Watch, 156
guidance counselors, school, 275 Herdt, Gilbert, 478 human trafficking, 287
Guinea, 242 Herrnstein, Richard J., 390 Humphreys, Laud, 30, 31-32
Gutierrez, Raul, 85 heteronormativity, 477, 479 Hungary, 548
Guyland (Kimmel), 289 heterosexism, 484-86 hunger, 242-43, 243, 258
heterosexuality, 477 hunting-and-gathering cultures, 58-59, 534
hidden curriculum, 79, 389 Hurricane Harvey, 135
H high-income countries, 236-38 Hurricane Katrina, 557
hackers, computer, 165 in commodity-chain approach, 250 Hurricane Maria, 314
Haiti, 238, 238, 314, 532, 550 education and literacy in, 243-44 Hurricane Sandy, 557
Haley, Nikki, 284, 430 with emerging economies, 244-45 Hutus, 310, 532-33, 533
Hall, Edward T., 118 health in, 237, 240, 242 hybridization, 556
Hamilton, Charles, 311 location of, 239 hygiene, health and, 468
Handelman, Michael, 326 women in the workplace in, 280 hypergamy, 358

Index 19
hyperglobalizers, 552-54, 552 in United States, 214, 217-18, 218, 228, health effects of, 327
hypertension, 474 448, 448-49 impact of, 228-29
of Latino/Hispanic Americans, 217, 218, and social mobility, 218-20
hypotheses, 24
social reproduction of, 389, 389
330, 330
race and, 222, 330, 330 social stratification and (see social
| real, 207 stratification)
I Am Jazz (television series), 80, 271 of White Americans, 217-18, 218, 325, 330, Inequality by Design (Fischer et al.), 390
ICAN (International Campaign to Abolish 330 infanticide, 287
Nuclear Weapons), 546 India, 66, 241 infant mortality rates, 237, 327, 509
ideal type of bureaucracy, 147-48 call centers in, 547 infectious diseases, 467, 475-77, 476
identical twin studies, 267, 482-84 caste system in, 200, 200, 204, 390 informal economy, 236, 435-37; 505, 505
identity crude death rate in, 509 informal networks, 148
cultural, 56-57, 69 eating disorders in, 460 informal relations, within bureaucracies,
gender, 74, 79, 85, 265, 268, 269, 271-72, economic growth in, 491 148-49
477 energy use in, 517 information flows, 546-48, 547
multiracial/multiethnic, 305, 305-6, 326, gender in, 272 information revolution, 213
Gender Inequality Index for, 281 information technology, 135, 152-53, 156
357
national, 65 impact of climate change on, 506 informed consent, 32, 34
self-identity, 83 inequality in, 235 INGOs (international nongovernmental
social, 82, 82-83 as lower-middle-income country, 236, 240 organizations), 549
ideology, 18 pollution in, 490-92, 491 in-groupS, 139, 139-40
IGOs (international governmental population of, 491, 507, 512 inner cities, 496, 501
organizations), 549 poverty in, 236 innovators, 169, 169
illiteracy, 240, 383. see also education and religion in, 403 Instagram, 19, 80, 537
literacy self-rule for, 62 instincts, 51
illness. see health and illness urbanization in, 503 institutional capitalism, 442
illness work, 465, 465-66 violence against women in, 287 institutionalization, aging and, 98
imagination, sociological. see sociological Indian Americans, 323 institutional racism, 311-13, 316, 328
imagination IndieGogo, 135 institutional review boards (IRBs), 32
IMF. see International Monetary Fund individualism, 44, 46, 351, 554-55 institutions, 107
immigrants and immigration Individualized Education Programs, 381 intelligence, 390
aging of, 96 Indonesia, 244 intelligence quotient (IQ), 333, 382, 390
anti-immigrant sentiment and, 313, 420 Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, interaction. see also social interaction
Asian, 317, 319, 323 441 face-to-face, 21, 111, 116, 116, 122-24
definition of, 309 industrial conflict, 438-39, 439 focused and unfocused, 108, 108-9
European, 317-18 industrialization, 60-63 micro-level, 125
homelessness for, 227 in China, 491-93 teacher-student, 273-74, 274
Latino/Hispanic, 317, 319, 321-23 definition of, 60 interactional vandalism, 117-18
Mexican, 313, 321-22, 332 education and, 379-81, 380 interactionist theories, on crime and deviance,
North African, 56-57 modern society and, 11, 60-63 yO
=72, Lit, SPH:
roles in immigrant families, 344 urbanization and, 494-95, 495 interest groups, 428-29, 429
undocumented, 321 industrialized societies, 10, 11, 60-62, 61, 517 intergenerational mobility, 218
in United States, 317-20, 318 Industrial Revolution, 11, 13, 60, 157, 492 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
Immigration and Nationality Act industrial work, 437-40, 438, 439 (IPCC), 517, 519-20
Amendments, 319-20 inequality, 202. see also specific kinds of interlocking directorates, 442
Immigration Reform and Control Act, 320, inequality International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear
Baa in education, 384-93, 387, 392 Weapons (ICAN), 546
impression management, 112-14 between-school effects, 386-87 International Day Against Homophobia, 485
impressions, 108 intelligence and, 390 International governmental organizations
incarceration, 182-84, 183 Kozol on, 385-87 (IGOs), 549
costs of, 182, 192 and resegregation of schools, 387, International Labour Organization, 244, 280
of men, 177 387-88 International Monetary Fund (IMF), 248, 531,
rates of, 163, 182, 185 social reproduction of, 389, 389 549, 561, 563
of women, 177, 178 U.S. education reform, 391-93, 392 international nongovernmental organizations
incest, 57 within-school effects, 388-89 (INGOs), 549
income, 207, 208 in global cities, 503 international organizations, 64
of African Americans, 325, 327, 330, 330 global divisions and, 559-62, 562 International Renewable Energy Agency, 492
of Asian Americans, 330, 330 globalization and, 559-63, 560, 562 international student advisors, 66-67, 67
concentration of, 559 in health and illness, 470-77 International Telegraph Union, 549
definition of, 207 gender-based, 474-75 International Union of Geological Sciences,
education and, 209, 209-11, 393 race-based, 327-28, 454-57, 455, 472, 525
gender and, 274, 330, 330 472-74 Internet, 80, 101, 156
inequality social class-based, 471-72 access, 136-38, 137
gender inequality, 274-75, 277, 277-78, income, 214, 217-18, 218, 228, 448, me 49 apps challenging gender binary, 85, 85
282, 283, 294 intelligence and, 390 apps healing global inequalities, 241, 241
global (see global inequality) social, 216-20, 217 assessments of race on, 326
health and, 471-72 for ethnic minorities vs. White communication via, 122-24
racial and ethnic inequality, 325, 327, 448- 49 Americans, 217-18, 218 crowdfunding with, 135, 135

110 Index
 cyberbullying and, 19, 19, 485 Japanese Americans, 323, 331, 357 domestic, 344-45
democratization of, 422-23 Jay Z, 556 gender and, 273, 290
digital divide and, 137, 138, 203, 203 Jencks, Christopher, 387 importance of, 437
employment and, 436, 436 Jenner, Caitlyn (formerly Bruce) labor unions, 251, 439, 439-40
face-to-face interaction and, 116, 116 Arthur Ashe Courage Award for, 73, 74 Ladies’ Home Journal, 47
global culture and, 64-68, 65 gender identity of, 271 Lane, Jeffrey, 126
health monitoring with, 469, 469 peers as agents of socialization for, 80 Lane, Thomas, 311, 312
impression management and, 114 resocialization for, 75, 75 language, 45-46, 57, 58, 267
interactional vandalism and, 117-18 self-identity of, 83 Lareau, Annette, 79
monitoring police with, 187, 187 Jennings, Jazz, 80, 80, 271 large groups, 142
nonverbal communication and, 110-11 Jews and Judaism, 404, 406t, 409, 410 latent functions, 17
online activism, 544-45, 545 jihadist groups, 528 later life, go-91
online dating, 358, 358 Jim Crow segregation, 312-13 Lathion, Tatiana, 3, 4
protests using, 530 job recruiters, hedge fund, 210-11, 211 Latin America. see also specific countries
religious activities over, 407, 407 jobs. see work and workplaces health insurance in, 456
secret power of norms and values on, 55, 55 Johnson, Lyndon B., 224 Internet access in, 137
social interaction on (see social interaction) Johnson, Michael, 365 Latino/Hispanic Americans, 321-23
social movements using, 544-45, 545 Johnston, Jeff, 74 COVID-19 pandemic for, 327
social networks on, 136-38 joint adoption, 370 in criminal justice system, 186
space, time, and, 122 Jolie, Angelina, 263 Cuban Americans, 322-23
for telecommuting, 135, 152-53 Jones, Nikki, 269 educational attainment for, 324
interpersonal aggression, 266 Jordan, 405, 421, 529 education for, 210, 324, 324-25, 329, 332,
interracial dating, 350 Judaism. see Jews and Judaism 386
interracial marriage, 305, 308, 352 Juergensmeyer, Mark, 403, 535 employment for, 325
intersectionality, 264, 269, 272, 294-95 family structure, 352-54, 353, 372
intersex people, 272, 273 health inequalities for, 472
interstate highway system, 499-500 K HIV/AIDS death rate for, 476-77
intimate partner violence (IPV), 285, 345, 365 Kagan, Elena, 284 homelessness for, 227
intragenerational mobility, 218 Kanter, Rosabeth Moss, 149 as immigrants, 317, 319
Inuit, 44 “Karens,” 301 income inequality for, 217, 218, 330, 330
involvement, 172 Kazaks, 341 Internet use by, 137
IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate KEI (Knowledge Economy Index), 447 life expectancy for, 473
Change), 517, 519-20 Kekua, Lennay, 104, 106 Mexican Americans, 321-22
iPhones, 47, 157, 250, 255 Kelly, Joan, 361 overt racism against, 314
IPV. see intimate partner violence Kennedy, John F., 145, 247 political power of, 329
IQ. see intelligence quotient Kentucky, 393 poverty for, 223, 223-25, 224
IQ-based explanations, for racial inequality, 333 Key, The (company), 161 Puerto Ricans, 322
Iran, 402-3 Keynes, John Maynard, 449 residential segregation of, 328, 501
Keynesianism, 449 social inequality for, 217, 218
Iraq, 420, 493
Iraq War, 313, 433 Khan, Ghazala, 313-14 unemployment rates for, 449, 450
IRBs (institutional review boards), 32 Khan, Khizr, 313-14 voter turnout for, 426, 427
Ireland, 318, 368 Khmer Rouge, 310 wealth of, 208-9, 209, 217, 218
iron law of oligarchy, 149 Kiara, 269 Latvia, 509
Irving, Shalon, 454-56, 455, 487 Kickstarter, 135 Lauer, Matt, 263
Islamic State (ISIS), 68, 403, 417, 528, 537 Kimmel, Michael, 289 Laumann, Edward, 482
isolation and aging, social, 99-100 King, Billie Jean, 73 law enforcement, sociology careers in,
Israel, 303, 456 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 36, 334, 403-5, 534 190-91
Italy, 258, 310, 368, 511 kin marriages, 347 laws, 166, 176
“It Gets Better” project, 19 Kinsey, Alfred, 480-81 LDCs (least developed countries), 515
kinship, 340, 341, 352 leaders, 142, 142
KKK (Ku Klux Klan), 314, 314 leadership, 142-43, 541
Klinenberg, Eric, 371-72 Leaphart, Carol, 291
J
knowledge economy, 447 learning, gender, 84-86, 85, 86
Jacobs, Jane, 497
Knowledge Economy Index (KET), 4.47 least developed countries (LDCs), 515
Jamaica, 68
Janis, Irving L., 144-45 Koran, 490 Lee, Jennifer, 332
Korean Americans, 323, 331 Lee, Lia, 483
Japan
Kosovar Muslims, 310 Lee, Robert E., 314
birthrates in, 508
Kozol, Jonathan, 385-86 Lehman Brothers, 550
conformity in, 48, 48
Ku Klux Klan (KKK), 314, 314 Lemert, Edwin, 171
earthquake relief in, 550
'Kung of the Kalahari Desert, 270 Lenses of Gender, The (Bem), 266
economy of, 61
Lesane-Brown, Chase, 87
Gender Inequality Index for, 285
lesbians, 478. see also LGBTQ persons
health insurance in, 456
industrialization in, 244-46 L Let's Move program, 37, 37
labeling theory, 170~71, 171 Let Toys Be Toys, 85
population decline in, 511
labor. see also unemployment; work and Lewis, Alina, 134
samurai warriors in, 478
workplaces Lewis, Kevin, 358
transnational corporations in, 550
child, 244 Lewis, Oscar, 225
women in the workforce in, 280-82
division of, 15t Lewiston Middle School, 19, 19
World War II and, 323

Index 11
 LGBTQ persons, 54, 485 location of, 239 and current Marxist thought, 18
children raised by, 283, 368-71, 370 population growth in, 511 and dependency theory, 248
civil rights for, 485, 485-86 sociological theories on, 247-49 grand theory of social change of, 532
cyberbullying of, 19 Luther, Jessica, 295 and modern development, 15¢
in Humphreys’ study of “tearoom trade,” Luther, Martin, 383 on religion, 396, 398-99
31-39 Lutherans, 408 on social movements, 539-40
impact of revealing sexual orientation for, Lyft, 445 social stratification and, 197-98, 202, 205¢
485-86 Marxism, 18, 20
same-sex marriage masculinity. see also gender; gender
and changing family patterns, 348 M socialization
and rates of same-sex-parent families, 368 macro analysis, 21, 156 hegemonic, 268, 295
U.S. Supreme Court ruling on, 338-40, macrosociology, 20, 21, 125 toxic, 288
339, 373, 485 Madoff, Bernie, 179, 179 Massachusetts, 221, 233
in San Francisco, 497, 498 Madonna and Child (Duccio da Buoninsegna), Massey, Douglas, 328
teenage, 19, 485 88 mass media, 80-81, 179, 544
LGBTQ studies, 18 Maidan movements, 544 mass murders, at schools, 179
liberal democracies, 421-23 malaria, 476 masturbation, 479, 480
liberal feminism, 292 Malaysia, 62, 244 material culture, 43, 47-48
liberation theology, 403 Mali, 507 material goods, 44
Liberia, 242 malnutrition, 242-43, 258, 458 materialist conception of history, 13
Libya,
405, 529, 530 Malthus, Thomas, 512 maternal mortality, 241, 454-56, 455
life chances, 200 Malthusianism, 512, 512 maternity leave, 369
life course, five stages of, 88-91, 93 management, transformation of, 151, 152 Mathis, Coy, 72-74, 73, 80, 83, 88
life course theory, 95 managerial capitalism, 442 Mathis, Jeffrey, 88
life expectancy Mandela, Nelson, 73, 142, 142 Mathis, Jeremy, 74
defined, 510 manifest functions, 17 Mathis, Kathryn, 74, 88
gender
gap in, 474-75 manufactured risk, 557, 5581, 559 Mattis, James, 258-59
global inequality in, 237, 240, 242 manufacturing, 228 Mayer, Marissa, 150
global trends in, 93 additive, 436, 436 McAdam, Doug, 523
racial inequality in, 473 decline of ULS., 334, 440, 501 MCAT (Medical College Admissions Test),
socioeconomic disparities in, 456 globalization of, 251, 446, 491 482
in United States, 470-71 Maori, 390 “McDonaldization of society,” 153, 153-54
life span, 510 marijuana, 171, 171, 179 McIntosh, Peggy, 315
linguistic relativity hypothesis, 46 marital rape, 345 McLanahan, Sara, 364
LinkedIn, 156 Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School, 179 McVeigh, Timothy, 538
Linnaeus, Carolus, 309 matriage, 342 “McWorld” corruptions, 535
literacy. see education and literacy for African Americans, 352, 355-56 Mead, George Herbert, 16, 76, 106
Little Farmers app, 85 age of first, 93, 276, 350-51 Mead, Margaret, 269-70
lived experience of illness, 464-66, 465 alternatives to traditional forms of, 366-72 mean, 32, 33
lobbying, 428-29, 429 cohabitation, 350-51, 354, 366-68 Means, Gardiner, 441
local cultures, 68-69 same-sex couples, 368-71, 370 means of production, 202
local nationalism, 418-19 staying single, 371-72 measures of central tendency, 32, 33
Lombroso, Cesare, 166 arranged, 5, 6, 10, 349 Medecins Sans Frontieres (Doctors Without
London, England, 494, 495, 503 autonomous, 349 Borders), 549
loneliness, 99-101 caste system and, 200, 201 media. see mass media
long-term care facilities, 98 class and, 359, 359-60 median, 32, 33
looking-glass self, 76-77, 140 as cultural universal, 57, 57 Medicaid, 221
Lopez-Mullins, Michelle, 305-6 definition of, 57, 340, 341 Medical College Admissions Test (MCAT),
Los Angeles, Calif. interracial, 305, 308, 352 482
inequality in, 503 kin, 347 medicalization, 466-67
residential segregation in, 332 norms of behavior in, 44 Medicare, 98, 221, 225
Skid Row, 186, 188 race, ethnicity, and, 352 medicine. see health and illness
Women's March in (2018), 262, 263 remarriage, 360, 362-63 MedicineNet, 470
Loughlin, Lori, 160, 161, 162 romantic love and, 5-6 medieval illnesses, 467
Louis C.K., 545 same-sex megacities, 493, 494, 504
Louisiana, 221, 317 and changing family patterns, 348 megalopolis, 494
love, romantic, 5-6, 6, 10, 347, 349 gender roles in, 344 Melanesia, 478
Loving v. Virginia, 310, 357 and same-sex-parent families, 368 melting pot, 54, 310
lower class, 216 U.S. Supreme Court ruling on, 338-40, men
lower middle class, 215 339, 373, 485 crime and, 177-78
lower-middle-income countries, 236, 237, 239, in United States, 350-52 eating disorders and, 459
239 marriage and family therapists (MFTs), social interaction and, 124-26, 125
low-income countries, 238, 238-40 366-67, 367 Men and Women of the Corporation (Kanter)
child labor in, 244 Martineau, Harriet, 14, 14,
149
in commodity-chain, 250 Marx, Karl, 13, 13 Mengistu, Elsa, 255
education and literacy in, 243-44 on alienation of workers, 396, 438 mental health, 471-74
with emerging economies, 244-45 on capitalism, 13, 14, 15f, 202, 440 mental illness, 227, 465, 467
health in, 237, 240-43 on class, 202, 205-6 Meredith, Rudy, 162

112 Index
Merkel, Angela, 284 Mobile Justice app, 187 music, 80
Merrill Lynch, 278, 443 mobility, social, 218-20, 228, 257 Muslims, 404, 406t, 409
Merton, Robert K. mode, 32, 33 Myanmar, 62, 403, 509
functionalism of, 17 Model T Ford, 438, 438
functionalist theories of deviance, 168-70, Modern Corporation and Private Property, The
169 (Berle and Means), 441 N
and functionalist theory of education, 382 Modern Family (television series), 370 NAACP (National Association for the
on middle-range theories, 20 modernization theory, 247 Advancement of Colored People), 16
on reference groups, 140, 147 modern organizations, technology and, 135, NAFTA (North American Free Trade
Methodists, 408 Agreement), 562
154,157
#MeToo movement modern societies narcotics, 181
gender inequality and, 262-64, 263 alternative medicine in, 470 Nassar, Larry, 545
as new social movement, 542 bureaucracy in, 146 National Association for the Advancement of
online activism in, 545 capitalism in, 440, 442 Colored People (NAACP), 16
and sexual harassment in workplace, 278, citizenship in, 418 National Association of Realtors, 429
280 civil inattention in, 107 National Bureau of Economic Research, 209
theory of organization, 150 democracy in, 421 National Center for Education Statistics, 391
metropolitan areas, 500 deviance in, 166, 168, 173 National Center for Health Statistics, 363
Mexican Americans, 313, 321-22, 332, 353, 353 education in, 379, 381 National Collegiate Athletic Association
Mexican American War, 321 families in, 78-79, 342 (NCAA), 295
Mexico industrialization in, 11, 60-63 National Crime Victimization Survey, 174
border wall with, 420 life course in, 88-90 national identity, 65
childhood poverty in, 221 physical attractiveness in, 459 National Institute of Justice Campus Sexual
economic classification of, 238 religion in, 396, 399 Assault study, 288
as emerging economy, 63 social movements in, 538, 543 National Institutes of Health, 32
inequality in, 235 stratification in, 202-6 National Intimate Partner and Sexual
as semiperipheral country, 251 time and space in, 122 Violence Survey (NISVS), 287, 365
war of conquest against, 321 transformationalists on, 553 nationalism, 69, 418-19, 419
Meyer, John, 148 urbanism in, 496 definitions of, 73, 418
MFTs (marriage and family therapists), work in, 434-35, 437 local, 418-19
366-67 modern theoretical approaches, 16-20 religious, 402-3
Michels, Robert, 149 Molotch, Harvey, 123 National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), 440
microaggressions, racial, 316, 316t monarchies, 421 National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent
micro-level interactions, 125 Money, John, 267 and Adult Health, 350
microsociology, 20, 21, 106, 125, 125. see also Mongolia, 341 National Organization for Women (NOW),
social interaction Monk, Ellis P., Jr., 328 155, 428, 429
micro studies, 21 monogamy, 44, 342 National Rifle Association (NRA), 428, 429
middle age, 89-90 monopolies, 441 National Science Foundation, 32
middle class, 205-6, 213-15, 228, 335 Monsanto, 559 National Social Life, Health and Aging Project
Middle East. see also specific countries Montreal Protocol, 557 (NSHAP), 98
Arab Spring and, 529 mood, 32 National Survey of Drug Use and Health, 179
economic classification of, 238 Moon, Sun Myung, 401, 401 National System of Interstate and Defense
Internet and, 137 Moore, Wilbert E., 204-5 Highways, 499-500
personal space in, 118 mores, 163 nation-states, 61, 418, 546
world-systems theory on changes in, 256 Morris, Miyoshi, 264, 279, 294, 295 Native Americans. see also specific tribes
middle-income countries, 237, 238, 244-45 mortality, 509-10 family structure for, 352-53, 354
middle-range theories, 20 child, 242 gender roles of, 271
midlife, 89-90 due to homicide, 473 immigrants and, 318
migration, 54. see also immigrants and infant, 237, 327, 509 population of, 317
immigration maternal, 241, 454-56, 455 wars of conquest with, 321
ethnic divisions and, 309 Moscow, Russia, 4. nature/nurture debate, 50-53, 52, 265-72
ethnic groups and, 317-21 motherhood penalty, 282 Navajo tribe, 44, 271
global, 309 Motorola, 165 NBC News, 423
internal, in Global South, 505 Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, 334, 355, 425 NCAA (National Collegiate Athletic
internal, in United States, 320-21 Moynihan Report, 334 Association), 295
Mikulski, Barbara, 425 Mozambique, flooding in, 550 NCLB (No Child Left Behind) Act, 391-92
Milano, Alyssa, 545 MPI (Multidimensional Poverty Index), 236 Negro Family in the United States, The (Frazier),
Milgram, Stanley, 143, 143-44 MS-13, 170 354-55
military, role of, 432-33 MTV, 64 neoliberal theories, 247-48, 251, 253, 253t, 256
Mills, C. Wright, 5, 6, 19, 431-32 Mubarak, Hosni, 530 Nepal, 238, 272
minimum wage, 222, 414-17, 415 “mulatto,” 306 Netherlandish Proverbs (Brueghel), 25
Minneapolis, Minn., 300, 311-13 multiculturalism, 54, 310 Netherlands, 252
Minnesota, 221 Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), 236 Network for the Elimination of Police
minority groups, 304-5. see also individual multigeneration families, 341, 341, 346-48, Violence, 187
groups 353 networks
Mississippi, 221 multiracial identity, 305, 305-6, 326, 357 applying sociology to, 147t
Mitnick, Kevin, 164-65 Mundugumor, 269 informal, 148
mixed-race persons, 306 Murray, Charles, 225-26, 390 Internet as, 136-38

Index 113
 social networking, 124, 129, 136-38 North Carolina, 233, 392 oral history, 30
spread of COVID-19 in, 133-34 North Korea, 238 Oregon, 272
Neville-Manning, Craig, 151 Norway, 236, 314, 510 organic solidarity, 12, 15t
New Delhi, India, 490, 503, 506 NOW. see National Organization for Women organizational consultants, 156-57
new ecological paradigm, 523-25, 524t NRA (National Rifle Association), 428, 429 organizational sociology, 156-57
New Guinea, 109, 109, 269-70, 478 NSHAP (National Social Life, Health and Organization for Economic Cooperation and
New Hampshire, 221 Aging Project), 98 Development (OECD), 426, 433
New Jersey, 233 nuclear family, 78, 341, 348 organizations
New Jim Crow, The (Alexander), 183 nuclear power plants, 521 applying sociology to, 147t
New Mexico, 221 nuclear weapons, 535 bureaucracy in (see bureaucracy)
new religious movements, 400 nursing homes, 98, 100-101, 101 definition of, 145
New Rochelle, N-Y., 133-34 nurture. see nature/nurture debate formal, 130, 145-46
new social movements, 542-43, 543 nutrition, colonialism and, 476 functioning of, 145-50
NEWS SOUrFCeS, 423 Nyong’o, Lupita, 263 gender and, 149, 149-50, 150
New York, N-Y, 525 information technology and, 135, 152-53
COVID-19 pandemic in, 132-34, 133 social capital in, 154-57
Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, 0 theories of, 146-50
328 Oakes, Jeannie, 388 organized crime, 181
as global city, 503 Oakland, Calif., 186 other, generalized, 76
population growth in, 495 Obama, Barack Ottoman Turks, 310
Stonewall riots in, 485, 485 in 2012 presidential election, 424 out-groups, 139, 139-40
stop-and-frisk policy of, 186, 186 Affordable Care Act and, 456 overt racism, 313-16, 314, 315, 316t
subcultures in, 53 education.and, 392 overweight. see obesity and overweight
surveillance technologies in, 191 election of, 329, 329 ozone layer, depletion of, 557
New York State, 233, 340 nuclear deterrent and, 535
New York Times, 234, 264, 279 view of government after election of, 434
voter turnout in 2008 election, 428 P
New York University, 66, 544
New Zealand Obama, Michelle, 36, 37, 37, 425 PACs (political action committees), 429
ethnic composition of, 309 Obama for America, 424 Pager, Devah, 183, 184
Gender Inequality Index for, 285 obedience, to authority, 143, 143-44 paid work, 435-37
health insurance in, 456 Obergefell v. Hodges, 338, 485 Pakistan, 66, 377, 378
third gender category in, 272 obesity and overweight creation of, 62
Nicaragua, 249 definition of, 460 crude birthrate in, 508
Niebuhr, Richard, 400 “Let's Move” program and, 37 early cities of, 493
Niger, 508 obesity epidemic, 460-62, 462 eating disorders in, 460
Nigeria, 66, 235, 249, 258, 503 rates of, 461 effects of global warming in, 506
Nike, 436 social context for, 457-58, 458 Palmer, Jeanette, 210-11
Nineteenth Amendment, 419 social influences on, 52 Paltrow, Gwyneth, 263
nigah, 53. 54 stigma of, 465 parental leave policy, 150
NISVS (National Intimate Partner and Sexual Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria (AOC), 197-98, parents, gender socialization by, 83-84
Violence Survey), 287, 365 229, 425 pariah groups, 204
Nixon, Richard, 523 occupations, 211. see also work and Paris, France, terrorist attacks, 549
NLRB (National Labor Relations Board), 440 workplaces Paris climate agreement, 519-21
Noah, Trevor, 300 definition of, 434 Park, Robert, 495, 496
Nobel Peace Prize,376, 378, 378, or gender typing/sex segregation in, 276-78, Parsons, Talcott, 17, 92, 289-90, 343, 463
No Child Left aa (NCLB)) Act, 391-92 278 participant observation, 26, 27
nonbinary gender identity, 85, “ 268,269, social prestige of, 212t participatory democracy, 421
271-72, 477 trends in occupational structure, 446-48 pastoral societies, 59, 59-60
nonconformity, 164 Occupy Wall Street, 173, 217, 423, 424,544 patriarchal terrorism, 365
nonhuman participants, in social interaction, Oceania, 137. see also specific countries patriarchy, 273
111, 111-12 OECD (Organization for Economic Peaceful Streets Project, 187
nonmarital childbearing, 348, 354, 368 Cooperation and Development), 426, 433 Pearl Harbor, 323
nonmarital cohabitation, 348 Ofer, Udi, 187 Peek (Portable Eye Examination Kit) app, 241,
nonmarital culture, 43-47 offshoring, 445 241
nonverbal communication, 109, 109-11, 110, Ohlin, Lloyd E., 169-70, 170 peer groups and relationships, 79-80
118 Oklahoma, 393 Pegatron, 245
norms Oklahoma City bombing, 538 Pelosi, Nancy, 430
conformity with, 48, 48-49 old age, go-91 Pentecostalism, 408
in culture, 44-45, 45 older adults. see aging and older adults Pereira, Maria do Mar, 268
definition of, 163 oldest old, 96 peripheral countries, 248
deviance from, 163-65 old old, 96 personal assistants, virtual, 111, 112
gender, 45, 55. 74-75. 79 oligarchy, 149 personality stabilization, 343
of personal Tes 118, 118-19 oligopolies, 441 personal space, 118, 118-19
secret power Of, 55, 5 mil Oliver, Melvin, 209, 217 personal troubles, 5
North Africa, 54, ma 280, 405. see also specific online communication. see electronic Pew Research Center
couniries communication; Internet on apps, 286
North American Free Trade Agreement open-ended questions, 27-28 on climate change, 522
(NAFTA), 562 Operation Varsity Blues, 162 on cyberbullying, 19

114 Index
 on Internet use, 422 Portable Eye Examination Kit (Peek) app, 241, prostitution, 287, 479
on poverty, 222 241 Protestantism
on religious affiliation, 406, 408, 409 Port Arthur, Tex., 520 capitalism and, 246
Philippines, 323, 460, 507, 508 Portugal, 62, 368, 508, 511 global affiliation, 404
physical environment postindustrial societies, 536, 558t participation level, 405
adaptation to, 49-50, 50 postmodernism, 18, 20 and political affiliation, 410
social change and, 532-34, 533 PostSecret, 55, 55 and socioeconomic status, 409
Piaget, Jean, 76-78 posture, 108-9 trends in, 406, 408, 408
Pierce, Chester M., 316 poverty U.S. affiliation, 404, 406t
pilot studies, 28 absolute, 220, 221, 235 Weber on, 397
Pineapple (student), 385-86 culture of, 225-26 Protestant Reformation, 383
“Pink & Blue” project (Yoon), 86 disease and, 240-43 protests. see also Black Lives Matter
pink-collar jobs, 215-16 extreme, 242-43 after George Floyd's death, 313, 323
play, 76 : global, 234, 240 Arab Spring, 529-30
PlayStation, 80 global inequality and, 559-62, 562 environmental social movement, 522-23
Pledge of Allegiance, 382, 382 Marx on, 202 Internet to organize, 530
pluralism, 310, 311 relative, 220, 221, 235 Occupy Wall Street, 173, 217, 423, 424,544
pluralist theories of modern democracy, 431, socialization and, 225-26 Yale University, 42
4321 in United States, 220-27 proximity, compulsion of, 122-24, 123
Poland, 548, 561 children and, 221, 224 PsychDrugs, 469
police and policing feminization of, 223-24 psychopaths, 167
broken windows theory of, 188-89 homelessness and, 227, 227 public issues, 5
careers using sociology in, 190-91 measuring, 221-22, 223 Public Religion Research Institute, 406
community, 189 older adults and, 225 public sociologists, 254-55, 255
data analysis by, 190-91, 191 race, ethnicity, and, 223, 223-25, 224, Public Works Administration, 501
and decline in crime, 186, 186-89 328-29, 331 Puerto Ricans, 314, 322, 353-54
false accusations made to, 299, 299-301 rural, 498-99 Punished (Rios), 186
formal sanctions delivered by, 166 social exclusion and, 226-27 punishment, 49, 163
and gender gap in crime, 177 sociological debate on, 225-26 Puritanism, 397
institutional racism in, 311-13, 313 poverty line, 221 Putnam, Robert, 154-55
using cameras to police, 187, 187 power, 18, 204, 294-95
police brutality, 187, 187 authority vs., 417-18
political action committees (PACs), 429 centralizing of, 149 Q
political activists, 424-25, 425 corporate, 441-44 qualitative methods, 25, 26
political parties, 424-26 crimes of the powerful, 179, 179-81 quantitative literacy, 391
political power, 329, 329-30, 432t definition of, 204, 417 quantitative methods, 25, 26
political rights, 419 global inequality and, 249 Quebec separatism, 46
politics. see also democracy political, 329, 329-30, 432 queer, 478. see also LGBTQ persons
gender inequality in, 284, 284-85 wealth and, 294-95, 434-35 questions
globalization and changes in, 548, 548-50 power elite, 431-32, 432t comparative, 22, 22t
organization and social change, 534 Power Elite, The (Mills), 431 developmental, 22, 22t
socialist political candidates, 196-98, 197, preexisting medical conditions, 327 factual/empirical, 22, 22t
229 pregnancy-related complications, 454-56, 455 open-ended, 27-28
voting and, 426-28 prejudice. see also discrimination; racism standardized, 27-28
women in, 284, 284-85, 429-30, 430 aging and, 100-101 that sociologists can answer, 21-23, 22t
Pollak, Otto, 177 definition of, 306 theoretical, 22, 22t
pollution, 490-92, 491 psychological interpretations of, 306-7 Qur'an, 534
polyandry, 342 premarital sex, 34.9, 350, 479
polygamy, 342 premodern cities, 493-94
polygyny, 342 premodern societies, 58-60, 467, 512 R
poor countries, 240, 242-44, 243. see also preoperational stage, of child development, 77 Rabin, Yitzhak, 4.03
Global South; low-income countries Presbyterians, 408 race, 298-335
poor people, 222-25, 223, 224 preterm birthrates, 327 aging and, 96
popular culture, globalization and, 556, 556 primary deviance, 171 applying sociology to, 316t
population analysis, 508-10 primary groups, 140, 155 assessments of, 326
population growth, 492, 507-16 primary socialization, 343 categorization of, 301-4, 302, 303
applying sociology to, 524t prisons. see also incarceration criminal justice system and, 171, 177, 183,
demographic transition and, 513, 513-15 behavior in, Zimbardo's study of, 29, 29-30 186, 189
doubling time, 510 cost of, 182, 192 definition of, 301
dynamics of change in, 510-11, 511 death penalty, 184, 186 discrimination based on, 306-7, 311-13, 327,
economic and, 491-92, 561 and decline in crime, 182-83 329; 354-55: 501
exponential, 510 inmate population, 183 eating disorders and, 459
Malthusianism and, 512, 512 profane objects, 396 educational attainment and, 324, 324-25
prospects for change in, 515-16 proletariat, 202 education and inequality based on, 210,
rate of, 507-8, 510-11, 511 pro-life activists, 539 384-87
urbanization and, 494-95 property rights, 57 family system and, 352-57, 353, 355
populism, 423 proportional representation, 424 intersection of gender and, 18, 272, 330, 330
populist authoritarianism, 423 prose literacy, 391 obesity and, 461

Index 115
 poverty and, 223, 223-25, 224, 328-29, 331, rebels, 169, 169 countries
499 recession Rios, Victor, 186
in public sphere, 126-29, 128 of 2008, 176, 215, 224, 228 Ripton, Vermont, 499
residential segregation by, 177, 308, 501 during COVID-19 pandemic, 242 “risk society,” 558
social inequality based on, 217-18, 218 recycling, 517, 517 Rittenhouse Square Park, 127-28
social mobility and, 218-20 Red Cross, 549 ritualists, 169, 169
U.S. Census classifications of, 301, 305, 305 Reddit, 286, 537 ritualized violence, 287
wealth and, 208-9, 209, 217-18, 218 reference groups, 140-41, 141, 147¢ Ritzer, George, 153-54
Race Awareness Project, 326 refugees, 322-23 Roberts, Shoshana, 124
race relations, 129 reggae music, 68 Robinson, William, 252, 534, 553
race socialization, 87, 87 regionalization, 120 Robot Factory, 85
Race to the Top program, 392 Reich, Robert, 417 robots, 436, 436
racial formation, theory of, 302 Reich, Wilhelm, 480 Rockefeller family, 213
racial inequality, 323-25, 327-32 Reimer, Brenda (formerly Brian), 267 Roem, Danica, 271, 271
education, 324, 324-25, 384-87 Reimer, Bruce, 267 Roe v. Wade, 430
employment, 325, 327, 515 relative deprivation, 169, 539, 540 Rohypnol, 288
gender, 330, 330 relative deprivation theory, 20 roles
health, 327-28, 454-57, 455, 472, 472-74 relative poverty, 220, 221, 235 gender, 79, 83, 84, 86, 268-69, 344
income, 325, 327, 448-49 religion, 377-78. see also religious affiliation sick, 463-64
political power, 329, 329-30 activist, 403, 405 social, 82, 94, 95, 112-13, 126-27
residential segregation, 328-29 definition of, 394 Roman Catholic Church, 383, 401. see also
theories on, 333-35 globalization and, 402-5, 404, 534-35 Catholics and Catholicism
racialization, 332, 333 new religious movements, 400 Romania, 221, 303
racial microaggressions, 316, 316t social change and, 403, 405, 534-35 romantic love, 5-6, 6, 10, 347, 349
racial segregation socialization and, 378 romantic partnerships, in United States,
and Civil Rights Act, 308 sociological study of, 393-95 348-64
in ethnic conflict, 310 theories of, 395-400 dating, 348-50
and gender gap in crime, 178 religious affiliation divorce and separation, 360-62
as group closure, 308 global, 404 marriage, 350-52
and institutional racism, 312-13 socioeconomic status and, 409-11 repartnering and stepparenting, 362-63
and internal migration in United States, in United States, 404, 405-11 Rome, ancient, 10, 60, 493-94, 540
320-21 religious apps, 407 Roof, Wade Clark, 400
residential, 178, 308, 320-21, 328-29, 335, religious economy approach, 399, 399-400 Rosenthal, Robert, 382
501 religious nationalism, 402-3 Rosin, Hanna, 125
social inequality and, 217 religious organizations, 400-401, 401 Rostow, W. W., 247-48
racism religious practices, 57, 68 Rothstein, Richard, 501
color-blind, 314-16 remarriage, 360, 362-63 Rouhani, Hassan, 402-3
definition of, 306 renewable energy, 521 Rowan, Brian, 148
health effects of, 473 representative sample, 28, 29 Royal Dutch Shell, 249
institutional, 311-13, 316f, 328 Reproductive Health Services, Webster v., 430 Rubin, Lillian, 481
microaggressions and, 316 reproductive strategy, 51 rule breaking, 49, 164, 170
overt, 313-16, 314, 315, 316t Republican Party, 284, 416, 424-26 ruling class, 206
prejudice, discrimination, and, 306-7 research methods, 25-30 rural areas, decline of, 499, 499
psychological theories of, 306-8 comparative research, 30 Russia, 528, 548, 561
rise of, 309-10 ethnography, 26, 27, 28t Rwanda
scientific, 309 experiments, 28t, 29, 29-30 female politicians in, 285
sociological interpretations of, 308-9 historical research, 30 Gender Inequality Index for, 281
in United States, 311-16, 314, 315 surveys, 26-20, 28t genocide in, 310, 532-34, 533
radical feminism, 292-93 research problem, defining the, 23
Rafaat, Mehran, 270 research process, 23-25, 24
Raise the Wage Act, 416 carrying out research, 24 Ss
Rana Plaza, collapse of, 180, 181, 280 defining the problem, 23 SACOM (Students and Scholars Against
random sampling, 29 formulating the hypothesis, 24 Corporate Misbehavior), 157, 255
rape interpreting results, 24 sacred objects, 396
on college campuses, 288, 289 reporting findings, 25 Safe Delivery app, 241
marital, 345 reviewing the evidence, 23-24 Saleh, Ali Abdullah, 530
prevalence of, 287-88 selecting research design, 24 Sam, Michael, 486
reducing prevalence of, 295 residential segregation, 178, 308, 320-21, same-sex dating, 349-50
threats of, made on Internet, 125 328-29,
335, 501 same-sex marriage
in workplace, 263 resocialization, 75 and family patterns, 348, 368
rape culture, 288-89 resource allocation, 308-9 gender roles in, 344
rationalization, 15t, 16 resource mobilization theory, 540-41 U.S. Supreme Court ruling on, 338-40, 339,
reading tables, 34, 35t response cries, 118 373, 485
Reading Terminal Market, 127-28, 128 restrictive covenants, 501 same-sex-parent families, 368-71, 370
Reagan, Ronald, 36, 382, 425 results, interpreting, 24 samples, 28, 29
real income, 207 retreatists, 169, 169 sampling, 28, 29
reality, creative shaping of, 107 revolutions, 540 Samsung, 250
reality television, 20 rich countries, 240. see also high-income sanctions, 165-66

116 Index
 Sandefur, Gary, 364 sexual behavior slavery and slaves
Sanders, Bernie, 197-98, 229, 428, 434, 562 age when sexual activity begins, 481 caste system vs., 201
Sandy Hook Elementary School, 179 extramarital sex, 480, 482 discrimination after abolition of, 217
San Francisco, Calif., 497, 498 “friends with benefits” relationships, 481 human trafficking for forced prostitution, 287
Santa Monica, Calif., 415 “hookup” culture, 349, 481 religious endorsement of, 398
Sao Paulo, Brazil, 506 Kinsey's study of, 480-81 in socially stratified systems, 199
Sapir, Edward, 46 premarital sex, 349, 350, 479 U.S. ethnic diversity and, 317, 320
Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, 46 studies since Kinsey, 481-82 SlutWalk, 480, 480
SAR High School, 134 sexual freedom, 347 smallpox, 476
Sassen, Saskia, 503, 553 sexual harassment, 150, 263-64, 278-80, 287, smartphones
Saudi Arabia, 66-68, 421
294,545 apps for healing global inequality, 241
Savage, Dan, 19 sexuality, 477-87 and digital divide, 203
Savage Inequalities (Kozol), 385 Christianity and, 479 effects of excessive use of, 81
scapegoats, 307 : diversity of, 477-79 global ownership of, 121
Scheindlin, Shira A., 186 studies of and mass media as agent of socialization, 80
schools. see also education and literacy by Kinsey, 480-81 in postindustrialist society, 536
between-school effects, 386-87 post-Kinsey, 481-82 religious participation via, 407
inequality and, 384-87 twin studies, 483-84 reorganization of time and space with, 120
mass murders at, 179 Victorian era, 479 and technology to improve health, 469, 469
as socializing agents, 79 in Western culture, 479-86, 480 Smelser, Neil, 541
within-school effects, 388-89 Sexually Speaking (radio program), 37 smiling, 44
Schumpeter, Joseph, 430 sexual norms, 477-79 Smith, Adam, 437
Schwarzman, Stephen, 157 sexual orientation. see also LGBTQ persons smoking, 44, 45
science, 20, 21 definition of, 478 Snapchat, 19, 101, 213, 537
scientific racism, 309 as inborn vs. learned, 482-84 Snapped (television series), 166
secondary deviance, 171 movement for LGBTQ civil rights, 485, social aggregate, 139
secondary groups, 140 485-86 social capital, 154-57
second demographic transition, 524t sexual violence against women. see also rape; social category, 139,140
second parent adoption, 370 sexual harassment social change
second shift, 283, 283-84 in feminist approaches to family, 345 definition of, 531
secrets, 55,55 forms of, 285 globalization and, 531-37
sects, 401 gender inequality and, 262, 263 culture and, 534-35
secularization, 399 rape, 287-88 economic factors in, 535
security, financial, 350-51 rape culture, 287-89 physical environment and, 532-34, 533
segregation reducing, 294, 295 political organization and, 534
educational, 329, 387, 387-88 Shapiro, Thomas, 209, 217 technology and, 536-37
racial and ethnic, 178 Sharkey, Patrick, 189-91 religion and, 403, 405
and Civil Rights Act, 308 Sharp, Gwen, 125 understanding, 10, 11
in ethnic conflict, 310 shelter, 50 social class. see class
as group closure, 308 Sherman, Rachel, 213 social conflict theories of aging, 94-95
and institutional racism, 312-13 Sherwin-Williams, 157 social constraint, 12, 15t
and internal migration in United States, short-range downward mobility, 219, 220 social constructionist approaches, 268-69, 293f
320-21 sick role, 463-64 social control, 49, 541
racial inequality due to, 335 Sierra Club, 155 social development, culture and, 58
as result of social inequality, 217 Sierra Leone, 242, 510 social distancing, 132-34, 133
residential, 178, 308, 320-21, 328-29, Silent Spring (Carson), 525 social exclusion, 226-27, 227
335, 502 Silicon Valley, California, 263 social facts, 12, 15¢
sex, 276-78, 278 Simmel, Georg, 141, 147t social gerontologists, 91
self-consciousness, 76 Singapore social groups, 138-45
self-control, 165 dependent development in, 249 conformity in, 143, 143-45, 145
self-fulfilling prophecy, 171 eating disorders in, 460 definition of, 139
self-identity, 83 emerging economy of, 63, 244-45, 245 leadership of, 142, 142-43
“selfies,” 269 in global economy, 257 size of, 141, 141-42
semiperipheral countries, 250, 251 as high-income country, 236 variety and characteristics of, 139, 139-41
Senate, U.S., 284, 284, 430 independence for, 62 social identity, 82, 82-83
sensorimotor stage, of child development, Singer, Helen, 157 social inequality. see inequality
77 Singer, William Rick, 161, 162 social interaction, 104-31
separation. see divorce and separation single, staying, 371-72 audience segregation for, 113-14
September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, 155 single-parent families, 343, 354 communication rules for, 114-19
Serbs, 310 single-parent households, 363, 363-64 compulsion of proximity in, 122-24, 123
Sewell, William, 219 Sisterhood Is Global Institute, 546 definition of, 106
sex, gender vs., 265 skeptics, in globalization debate, 551, 552t ethnomethodology, 115, 117
Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies skills focused vs. unfocused, 108, 108-9
(Mead), 269 automation and, 444-45 gender and style of, 124-26, 125
Sex Discrimination Act of 1984, 292 of middle class, 206 impression management in, 112-14
sex-positive movement, 480, 480 “skip-generation” households, 346 nonhuman participants in, 111, 111-12
sex segregation, 276-78, 278 Sklair, Leslie, 252, 553 nonverbal communication in, 109, 109-11,
sexual assault, 285, 287-88, 295, 545 Skype, 21, 111, 349 110, 118

Index 117
 race and style of, 126-29, 128 functions of, 204-5 South Asia, 349. see also specific countries
rules guiding, 124-29 mobility and, 201 Southeast Asia, 238, 285. see also specific
space in, 119-24 systems of, 198-202, 204 countries
study of, 107 caste systems, 199-201, 200 Southern Christian Leadership Conference,
time and, 119-24 characteristics of, 198-99 403-5
time-space, 122 class (see class) South Korea, 66
social isolation, aging and, 99-100 slavery, 199, 201 dependent development in, 249
socialist political candidates, 196-98, 197, 229 theories of, 202-6 economic change in, 550
socialization, 52, 74-87, 165 contradictory class locations, 205-6 emerging economy of, 63, 244-45, 245
agents of, 78, 78-82 functionalist, 204-5 in global economy, 257
definition of, 74 Marxist, 202 material culture in, 47
education and, 79, 378, 410 Weberian, 204 sovereignty, 418
gender, 83-86 social structures, 107 Soviet Union, former, 257, 422, 433,548
and aggressive behavior, 266 social ties, weakening, 155 space
in college major selection, 274-75 society personal, 118, 118-19
and color coding, 86 bonds linking people to law-abiding social interaction and, 119-24
and criminal behavior, 178 behavior and, 172-73 Spacey, Kevin, 263, 545
gender differences due to, 267, 267-68 culture and, 40-71 Spain, 221, 368, 508
and gender inequality, 293f definition of, 48 speech, 46, 447
and rape culture, 288 Society in America (Martineau), 14 Spencer, Christopher, 444
poverty and, 225-26 sociobiology, 51 Spencer, Herbert, 17
primary, 343 Sociobiology (Wilson), 51 Spiegel, Evan, 213
race, 87, 87 socioeconomic status Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down (Fadiman),
sick role and, 463-64 experience of COVID-19 pandemic and, 483
theories of, 76-78 4-5 sports, 140, 295
social media, 67-68. see also specific platforms religious affiliation and, 409-11 Spotify, 286
in 2016 presidential election, 423 sociological imagination, 5-10, 35-37 Sprint, 441
buffering of interactions between teenagers sociology Spyer, Thea, 339-40, 373
on, 126 of the body, 457, 466t (see also health and Sri Lanka, 403
cyberbullying through, 19 illness; sexuality) Stacey, Judith, 370-71
social movements using, 544-45, 545 careers using, 36-37 Stack, Carol, 356
unfocused interactions on, 108 activities director at nursing home, standard deviation, 32, 33
social mobility, 218-20, 228, 257 100-101 standardized questions, 27-28
social movements, 538-46 demographer, 514-15 standardized testing, 391
applying sociology to, 432t domestic violence advocate, 290-91 stand-your-ground laws, 176
classical theories of, 539-42, 540 health care provider, 482-83 Stanford prison experiment, 29, 29-30
definition of, 538 international student advisor, 66-67 Star Citizen (video game), 135
economic deprivation and, 539-40 job recruiter at hedge fund, 210-11 starvation. see famine; malnutrition
feminist theory on (see feminism and in law enforcement, 190-91 Star Wars: The Rise of Skywalker (film), 556, 556
feminist theory) marriage and family therapist, 366-67 state
globalization and, 542-43, 543 in organizational sociology, 156-57 characteristics of, 418-20
Internet and, 544, 545 political activist, 424-25 citizenship rights in, 419-20, 420
NEW, 542-43, 543 public sociologist, 254-55 definition of, 418
resource mobilization in, 540-41 definition of, 3, 4 development of, 418-20, 419, 420
structural strain and, 541-42 ethical dilemmas in, 31-34 nation-states (see nation-states)
technology for, 543, 544-46 founding of, 11, 37 state fraction, 252
social networking, 124, 129 introduction of the term, 11 statistical terms, 33
benefits of, 136-38 new ecological paradigm in, 523-25, 524t status (social position), 112, 127, 204, 264
Internet for, 136-38 organizational, 156-57 Steinfeld, Ally Lee, 485
social norms, 44, 45, 55, 268 questions answered by, 21-23, 22t stepfamilies and stepparenting, 360, 362-63
Social Organization of Sexuality (Laumann), 482 studying, 7-8 stereotypes, 306-7, 331-32
social organizations, membership in, 155 theories and theoretical approaches in (see stigmas, 465-66, 466t, 477
social participation, 155, 157 theories and theoretical approaches in Stocker, David, 84
social physics, 11 sociology) Stocker-Witterick, Jazz, 84
social position. see status (social position) Somalia, 258, 510 Stocker-Witterick, Kio, 84
social reproduction Sorvino, Mira, 279 Stocker-Witterick, Storm, 84
definition of, 74-75 Sotomayor, Sonia, 284 Stonewall riots, 485, 485
in families, 78 South Africa Stony Brook University Foundation, 179
of inequality, 389, 389 apartheid in, 310 stop-and-frisk policy, 186, 186
and social mobility, 219 caste system in, 200, 201 Stop Bullies, 19
social rights, 420, 420 ethnic composition of, 309 STOPit, 19
social roles, 82, 94, 95, 112-13, 126-27 Mandela's leadership in, 142 stratification. see social stratification
Social Security, 98, 225 racial and ethnic populations in, 303 Straus, Murray, 365
social self, 76 racial scale in, 302 Strauss, A., 465
social stratification sex-positive movement in, 480 street harassment, 124-25, 125
applying sociology to, 205¢ South America, 62, 238, 309. see also specific Streetwise (Anderson), 126-27
definition of, 198 countries strikes, 439, 439

118 Index
structural conduciveness, 541 Tchambuli tribe, 269 Time (magazine), 286, 378
structural strain theory, 541-42 teacher-student interactions, gender time, social interaction and, 119-24
structuration, 8 inequality in, 273-74, 274 time-space, 120, 558t
structure, 107 Tearoom Trade (Humphreys), 30, 31 time-space social interaction, 122
Stuart, Forrest, 188 TechDay New York, 211 Time's Up movement, 135, 135, 295
student loan debt, 198, 228 technical fraction, 252 Time Warner, 4.41
Students and Scholars Against Corporate technology Tinder, 348, 358
Misbehavior (SACOM), 157, 255 baby boomers and, 101 Tinybop, 85
subcultures communication and, 122 T-Mobile, 441
cultural diversity in, 53, 53-56 and culture, 50 Tobin, Morrie, 162
deviant, 165, 169-70, 170 definition of, 435 Toca Hair Salon 2 app, 85
nonconformist., 48 economic development and, 257 Tokyo, Japan, 61, 503
in urban communities, 496-97 electronic communication (see electronic Torah, 395
subprime mortgage crisis, 209, 209, 325 communication) Touraine, Alain, 541
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services information, 135, 152-53 toxic masculinity, 288
Administration, 266 for modern organizations, 135, 152-53 toys, gender learning and, 84-86, 85
suburbanization, 499-500, 500 older adults use of, 101 tracking, in schools, 388-89
suburban life, 498 in social movements, 543-46 trade, globalization and, 561
Sudan, 243, 258
at work, 436, 436, 444-46, 446 traditional culture, 68
Sue, Derald Wing, 316 teenagers, 52, 88-89 traditional families, 346
suffrage and suffragettes, 429 telecommuting, 135, 152-53 traditional societies, 60
suicide, 12, 20, 485 Telegram app, 67 transactional leaders, 143
Suicide (Durkheim), 371 television transformationalists, 552t, 553-54
Sulkowicz, Emma, 288 as agent of socialization, 80 transformational leaders, 142
Sumner, William Graham, 163 depiction of same-sex parents on, 370 transgender people. see also LGBTQ persons
superrich, 212-13 gender learning from, 86 in mass media, 80, 80
Supreme Court, U.S. reality, 20 and nonbinary gender identity, 271, 271-72
female justices on, 284 spread of global culture via, 64 rights for, 539
on Loving v. Virginia, 310 temporary workers, 321, 447-48 socialization for, 72-74, 73
on Roe v. Wade, 430 Te’o, Manti, 104-6, 105, 123 transnational capitalist class, 252
on same-sex marriage, 338-40, 340, 373, 485 Terror in the Mind of God (Juergensmeyer), 403 transnational corporations
on Webster v. Reproductive Health Services, terrorism, 155, 537-38 definition of, 550
430 testosterone, 266 global culture spread by, 64
Surgeon General, U.S., 44 Texas, 184 globalization and, 550-51, 551
surplus value, 202 Thailand, 46, 244 in modern economy, 443, 443-44
surveillance technologies, 190-91, 191 theism, 394 in theory of global capitalism, 252
surveys, 26-29, 28t theoretical questions, 22, 22¢ transnational feminism, 294, 295, 546
sustainable development, 520-21, 524t theories and theoretical approaches in Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), 562
Sutherland, Edwin H., 170, 180 sociology, 11-21 transphobia, 484, 485
sweatshops, 446 on aging, 91-95 triads, 142
Sweden, 368, 510 on crime and deviance, 168-73 triangulation, 30
Switzerland, 176, 281, 310 early theorists, 11-14, 15¢ Troeltsch, Ernst, 400
symbolic interactionism, 16 on education, 381-83 trolling, 117-18
on education, 382-83 on families, 342-45 Trump, Donald, 4, 434
on families, 343-44, 345¢ on gender inequality, 289-94 in 2016 election, 284-85, 329, 420, 423,
illness as lived experience in, 464-65, 465, on global inequality, 246-56 424, 427, 428, 429, 562
466t microsociology and macrosociology, 20, 21 education and, 392-93
symbols, 16, 45-46 middle-range theories, 20 immigration policies of, 314
Syria, 243, 258, 420, 528 modern approaches, 16-20 Paris climate agreement and, 519
systems, 107 neglected founders, 14-16 racism and, 313-14
on racial inequality, 333-35 Twitter and, 423
on religion, 395-400 TTP (Trans-Pacific Partnership), 562
T
on social movements, 539-42, 540 Tunisia, 405, 529, 561, 562
tables, reading, 34, 35t on stratification, 202, 204 Tunisian Revolution, 529
Taiwan theoretical thinking, 20-21 Turkey, 281, 310, 54.4
dependent development in, 249 theory of emotional contagion, 32 Turkle, Sherry, 118
eating disorders in, 460 theory of global capitalism, 252, 253t, 256, Tutsis, 310, 532-34, 533
emerging economy of, 63, 244-45, 245 443) 535 twin studies, 267, 483-84
in global economy, 257 theory of racial formation, 302 Twitter, 537
as high-income country, 236 Third Way, The (Giddens), 254 ageism on, 100
material culture in, 47 third world. see Global South gender differences in use of, 286
universal health coverage in, 456 Thompson, Warren S., 513 online activism using, 544
Taiwanese Americans, 304 3D printing, 436, 436 in Saudi Arabia, 68
Taliban, 6, 68-69, 376-78, 394 “three strikes” laws, 163 social interactions on, 138
Tanzania, 241 Thunberg, Greta, 522, 523 Trump's use of, 423
Target, 86, 416 Tibetan Plateau, 59 unfocused interaction on, 108
Taylor, Frederick Winslow, 438 Till, Emmett, 300 two-party system, 425

Index 119
U social inequality in, 216-20 V
Uber, 263, 264, 445
Syria and, 528 values, 44-45
UCR (Uniform Crime Reports), 174-75, 175 unemployment rates, 449-50 definition of, 44
women in politics in, 284, 284-85 modernization theory on, 247-48
Uganda, 241
United States Conference of Mayors, national, 53
Ukraine,
509, 530, 544-45, 548
Umberson, Debra, 473 227 secret power of, 55, 55
United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement subgroup, 53
undocumented immigrants, 321
UNDP (United Nations Development (USMCA), 562 Vance, Cyrus R., 300
Programme), 236 United States v. Windsor, 340, 340 Vanderbilt family, 213
unemployment, 227, 449-50, 451, 515. see also University of Kentucky, 295 Vega, Daniela, 486
work and workplaces University of Maryland, 305 Venezuela, 561
University of Southern California, 162 Venice, city-state, 251-52
unequal pay, 150, 448, 448-49
UN FAO (United Nations Food and unpaid work, 435-37 Verizon, 441
Agriculture Organization), 240, 243 UN Population Fund (UNFPA), 287 ViacomCBS, 441
Unsportsmanlike Conduct (Luther), 295 Victorian sexual attitudes and behavior, 479
unfocused interaction, 108-9
UNFPA (UN Population Fund), 287 upper class, 212-13 video games, 80-81
UNICEF, 221 upper middle class, 215 videos, 80
Unification Church (“Moonies”), 401, 401 upper-middle-income countries, 236-39, 237, Vietnam, 403
Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), 174-75, 175 239, 244-45 Vietnamese Americans, 323
unions, 251, 439, 439-40 urban areas, 500 Vietnam War, 540
United Kingdom. see Great Britain urban ecology, 495-96 vigilantes, 176
United Nations urban interaction problem, 496 violence
Climate Action Summit, 522 urbanization and urbanism common couple, 365
on environmental change, 516-17 applying sociology to, 524t crimes involving, 174, 189, 192
Environmental Program, 517 in Britain, 494, 495 within families, 364-65
Gender Inequality Index of, 281, 285 Chicago School, 495-96 intimate partner, 285, 345, 365
Global Initiative to Fight Human in China, 492-93, 495 religious nationalism and, 402
Trafficking, 287 created environment and, 497-98 ritualized, 287
globalization and, 548 definitions of, 494, 496 video games portraying, 80-81
High Commission on Refugees, 258 economic growth and, 495 against women, 285-90, 288, 294-95
Millennium Development Goals of, 531 environmental changes and, 516-25 (see also rape; sexual harassment)
Office on Drugs and Crime, 181 global threats, 516-17, 517 Virginia, Loving v., 319, 357
Population Fund, 507 global warming and climate change, 517, Virginia Tech University, 179
United Nations Development Programme 519-21, 520 virtual personal assistants, 111, 112
(UNDP), 236 gentrification and urban renewal volunteer work, 372
United Nations Food and Agriculture in, 502 voter turnout, 155, 426, 427, 428
Organization (UN FAO), 240, 243 global cities and, 503 voting
United States, 252 globalization and, 504 politics and, 426-28, 427
age of population in, 90 in Global South, 503-7, 505, 506 women's right to vote, 419, 429
class in, 207-16 industrialization and, 494-95, 495 Voting Rights Act, 420
corporate investment by, 247-49 pollution and, 487-88, 490, 491
COVID-19 pandemic in, 242, 492 population growth and (see population
crime rates in, 174, 175 growth) W
crude birthrate in, 509 theories of, 495-98, 497 Wade, Roe v., 430
crude death rate in, 509 urban problems, 501 wages. see income
democracy in, 423-29 as a way Of life, 495-97 Waller, Willard, 343
energy use in, 517 urban renewal, 502, 503 Wallerstein, Immanuel, 251, 254, 367
ethnic diversity in, origins and nature of, U.S. Census Bureau Wallerstein, Judith, 361
definition of household, 355 Wall Street, 263, 278
317-23
greenhouse gas emissions in, 519 definition of rural area, 499 Walmart, 156, 416
human development measure demographers for, 514 Walt Disney Corporation, 441
for, 236 demographic information from, 326 Wang Fuman (“frost boy”), 232-34, 233, 259
income inequality in, 214, 217-18, 218, 228, inequality measures from, 324 war on drugs, 179
on marriage rates, 351 War on Poverty, 224
448, 448-49
individuality in, 48 on multiracial identity, 305, 305 Warren, Elizabeth, 430, 430
inequality in, 235 racial classifications of, 301-2 Washington, D.C., 272
Internet use, 422-23 on residential segregation, 321 Washington Post, 314
life expectancy in, 470-71 U.S. Chamber of Commerce, 429 Washington University, 31, 32
marriage and romantic partnerships in, U.S. Department of Education, 380, 392 waste, 516-17, 517
U.S. Department of Health and Human Waters, Maxine, 425, 425
348-64
other nations’ opinions of, 9, 35t Services, 179 Watsi, 135
population growth in, 511 U.S. Energy Information Administration, wealth
poverty in, 220-27 517 definition of, 207
racial and ethnic populations in, 303 U.S. House of Representatives, 284, 430 global inequality in, 559-62, 562
racism in, 311-16, 314, 315 US. Postal Service, 106 power and, 294-95, 434-35
religious affiliation in, 404, 405-11 USS. Senate, 284, 284, 430 racial disparities in, 208-9, 209, 217-18, 218
rural, decline of, 499, 499 Utah, 321 in the United States, 207-9, 209

120 Index
“wealth gap,” 217 women. see also feminism and feminist working class, 206, 215-16, 228
Wealth of Nations, The (Smith), 437 theory; gender; gender inequality working from home, 445
wearable tech, 469, 469 childless, 372-73 working poor, 221, 222
“weathering” of body, 456 crime perpetrated by, 177-78, 178 World Bank
Weber, Max, 13-14, 14 early civil rights of, 419 demographers for, 515
on bureaucracy, 14, 146-49, 154, 156 eating disorders for, 458, 459-60 economic classification by, 236, 237
on capitalism, 246 health disparities for, 454-56, 455 economic liberalization promoted by, 531
on class, status, and power, 200, 204, 206 housework performed by, 283, 283, 343 as international governmental
on democracy, 430-31 marriage for (see marriage) organization, 549
and modern development, 15¢ political participation of, 284, 284-85, Knowledge Economy Index of, 447
on organizations, 145-50, 147t 429-30, 430 protests against, 563
on religion and social change, 397, 397-400, public harassment of, 124-25, 125 on rural population in China, 235
534) 540 social interactions of, 124-26, 125 World Economic Forum, 252, 273
on social stratification, 205t trafficking of, 287 World Health Organization (WHO), 241-43,
WebMD, 470 unequal pay for, 448 474-751 490
Webster v. Reproductive Health Services, 430 violence against, 262, 263, 285-90, 288, 345 World Meteorological Organization, 517, 521
WeChat, 537 rape, 287-88 World Revolution in Family Patterns (Goode), 347
We Copwatch, 187 reducing, 294-95 world-systems theory, 249, 249-54, 251, 253t,
weightless economy, 547 sexual violence and rape culture, 288, 256
Weinstein, Harvey, 263, 279, 294,545 288-89 World Trade Organization (WTO), 248, 534,
welfare, 221, 223-25 voting rights of, 419, 429 549, 553, 561-63
welfare capitalism, 442 in the workplace, 275-83, 276, 294, 351 World War II, 30, 310, 323, 432
welfare state, 420 in corporate America, 149, 149-50, 150, World Wide Web, 136
West Africa, 242, 243 264 Wright, Erik Olin, 205-6, 205¢
Western countries, definition of, 6 in management, 149, 149-50, 150 writing, 46-47, 58, 447
Westheimer, Ruth, 36-37 race and, 330, 330 WTO. see World Trade Organization
westoxification, 69, 535 sexual harassment and, 263-64, 278-80, Wuhan, China, 242
West Virginia, 393 294
WhatsApp, 67 Women's March, 262, 263, 542-43, 543
White Americans Wood, Laura, 306 X
childless, 372 work and workplaces XBox, 80
COVID-19 pandemic for, 327 alienation in, 438 Xi Jinping, 234, 492
education for, 210, 390 automation of, 436, 436, 444-45
family structure, 352, 354-56, 355, contingent workforce, 447-48
¥
359, 360 definition of, 434
Yahoo, 150 .
health disparities for, 327-28 future of, 450
Yale University, 40-42, 44, 47, 162
home ownership for, 501 gender inequalities in, 276-80, 277, 278,
Yang, Jerry, 213
income of, 217-18, 218, 325, 330, 330, 281, 282
Yanukovych, Viktor, 530
449 hostile work environment, 279
Yemen, 258, 273, 405, 529, 530
residential segregation of, 328, 501 impact of globalization on, 555-56
Yeshiva University, 134
unemployment rates for, 449, 450 income for (see income)
Yik Yak, 19
voter turnout for, 426, 427 labor unions, 439-40
Yoon, JeongMee, 86
white-collar crime, 179, 180 sexual harassment in, 263-64, 278-80, 294
YouCaring, 135
white-collar work, 206, 446, 501 as socializing agent, 81-82
young adulthood, 89, go
Whitehurst study, 387 social significance of, 434-40
Young Israel of New Rochelle synagogue, 134
white privilege, 299-301, 315, 316t division of labor, 437
young old, 96
white supremacists, 311 industrial, 437-40, 438, 439
Yousafzai, Malala, 376-78, 377, 378, 395, 411
WHO. see World Health Organization paid and unpaid, 435-37
Youth Development Study, 279
Whole Foods, 441 technology use for, 436, 436, 444-46, 446
Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS), 271
Whorf, Benjamin Lee, 46 unemployment (see unemployment)
youths, crime perpetrated by, 178-79
Wii, 80, 81 unequal pay for, 448, 448-49
YouTube, 68
Williams, Christine, 278 women in
Yugoslavia, former, genocide in, 310
Williams Institute, 368 earnings inequality for, 330, 330
Wilson, Edward O., 51 glass ceiling for, 278
Wilson, William Julius, 334, 356, 501 global perspective on, 280-82 Z
Windsor, Edith, 339-40, 340, 373 housework as second shift for, 283-84. Zero Hour, 255
Windsor, United States v., 34.0, 340 inequalities for, 276-78 Zerubavel, Eviatar, 122
winner take all, 424 and marriage, 351 Zhou, Min, 332
Wirth, Louis, 495, 496, 497 motherhood penalty for, 282 Zhou Shengxian, 492
Wisconsin, 327 reducing gender-based aggression Zimbardo, Philip, 29, 29-30, 188
within-school effects, 388-89 against, 294 Zuckerberg, Mark, 213
Witterick, Kathy, 84 sexual harassment for, 278-80

Index 121
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