Indonesia and the Malay World

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A New Light on the Sufi Network of Mindanao

(Philippines)

Oman Fathurahman

To cite this article: Oman Fathurahman (2019): A New Light on the Sufi Network of Mindanao
(Philippines), Indonesia and the Malay World, DOI: 10.1080/13639811.2019.1568753

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INDONESIA AND THE MALAY WORLD
https://doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2019.1568753

A NEW LIGHT ON THE SUFI NETWORK OF MINDANAO

(PHILIPPINES)
The Sheikh Muhammad Said manuscript collection
Oman Fathurahman

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY

This article attempts to fill the gap in the very limited knowledge of Received 30 November 2017
the history of Islam and Muslim intellectual tradition in Mindanao in Accepted 29 October 2018
the 19th century. It particularly deals with a set of primary sources of
KEYWORDS
Islamic manuscripts recently found in the Lanao area of Mindanao, Islamic manuscripts; Malay
southern Philippines, which formerly belonged to a Maranao network; Mindanao;
ulama, Aleem Ulomuddin Said, who inherited the manuscripts Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah
from his father, Sheikh Muhammad Said bin Imam sa Bayang
(1904-1974). This manuscript collection contains several texts
written in Malay, Arabic, and Maranao languages on various fields.
I will argue that these manuscripts indicate the close contact
Muslim communities of Mindanao developed during the 18th and
19th centuries with their Malay colleagues, especially those in
Aceh and Banten. It also confirms their network with the wider
Islamic world, more specifically with Mecca and Medina through
the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah Sufi order. The manuscript content in this
collection confirms that the 19th century Mindanao Muslim
authors referred to both Arab and Malay sources. This not only
underlines the importance of the Malay scholars but also suggests
that the development of the Islamic intellectual tradition in
Mindanao came rather late in the 19th century.

Introduction
Networks and translation of Islam in Southeast Asia
As far as Islamic studies are concerned, Southeast Asia is a very dynamic area where the
universal norms and values of Islam met cultures and traditions of the local societies. The
translation of Islam into cultures vastly distant and different from those of the Middle East
has produced a diversity of Islamic traditions, which though distinctive should still be
regarded as an integral part of the Islamic world. Some Southeast Asianists (Johns
1975; Reid 1993) have suggested that small numbers of Muslim communities have
existed in this region since the early centuries of the Islamic era, although the institutio-
nalisation of Islam with the formal conversion of the ruler of a state first took place around
the 13th century in North Sumatra (Gallop 2015: 13; Johns 1955: 70). In succeeding
periods, the influence of Islam became hegemonic and can be traced through various his-
torical artifacts, including local languages, scripts, literatures and customs. Anthony Reid

CONTACT Oman Fathurahman [email protected]

© 2019 Editors, Indonesia and the Malay World
2 O. FATHURAHMAN

(1999) argues that the presence and spread of Islam in Southeast Asia was supported by
trade activities and consolidated by political and military power.1
A fascinating study by Azyumardi Azra (2004) on the networks of the Southeast Asian
Muslim (Jawi) scholars, connecting with those in the Middle East, has clearly shown that
the development of Islam in this region is inseparable from the Arab world. Azra (2015:
69) points out that the cosmopolitan international scholarly networks centred in the Har-
amayn (Mecca and Medina) played a very crucial role in continuously sending reformative
impulses to Southeast Asia from the 17th and 18th centuries onwards.
Due to their Islamic education during their stay in the Haramayn, some Jawi Muslims
became prominent scholars and wrote religious works in various Islamic fields such as
Sufism, Islamic jurisprudence, theology, Quranic exegesis, hadith, etc., both in Arabic
and local languages (Riddell 2001). A number of manuscripts found in manuscript collec-
tions today suggest that their works were significant and highly influenced the develop-
ment of Islamic intellectual traditions in Southeast Asia. Michael Feener (2015) suggests
that the scholarly credentials of Jawi Muslims was generally appreciated, as the biographer
of the Arab scholars, ʿAbd al-Rahman b. Sulayman al-Ahdal (d. 1250 H./1835 CE),
includes the Sumatran-born scholar ‘Abd al-Samad al-Palimbani in his tabaqat (biogra-
phical dictionary) Al-Nafas al-Yamani, in recognition of al-Palimbani’s position within
the complex scholarly networks and his prolific output of intellectual Islamic works in
Arabic and Malay.
Ronit Ricci (2011) has also added the idea of literary networks in which she explores
processes of literary transmission, translation, and religious conversion through the
Book of One Thousand Questions from its Arabic into Tamil, Javanese, and Malay versions.
Her argument ‘centered on the ways in which language and literature, often via trans-
lation, participated in creating, forging, and sustaining such networks across both time
and space’ (Ricci 2011: 260). As a result of these scholarly, trade, political and literary net-
works, Muslims in Southeast Asia have become an integral part of the global Muslim
world whilst reflecting at the same time their own distinctive character with regard to
their cultural and literary traditions.
The details of the translation of Islam into local contexts in the regions of Southeast
Asia may vary, but certain general patterns can be found especially in areas where
script, language and tradition were shared. One immensely important impact of the
coming of Islam from the Arab world was the emergence of modified forms of the
Arabic script shared by various Austronesian languages in Southeast Asia including
Malay, Acehnese, Gayo, Minangkabau, Sundanese, Javanese, Bugis/Makassar (Serang),
Gorontalo (Sulawesi), Ternate, Wolio (Buton), Tausug (Sulu), Maranao, Iranun and
Maguindanao.
For the Maranao Muslim in the southern Philippines in particular, this Arabic-based
script has apparently played an important role in their religious, social, cultural, and pol-
itical development, since it related to their efforts to retain their Muslim minority identity.
They used several local terms for this Arabic-based script in writing the Maranao
language, such as batang Iranon, batang Arab, and kirim. According to Kawashima
et al. (2011: 2), ‘the terms batang Iranon and batang Arab may refer to the Arabic-

1
See also Leirissa (2004) where she highlights the significant influence of the traders in the process of Islamisation of South-
east Asia.
 INDONESIA AND THE MALAY WORLD 3

based script used in any type of documents, while the term kirim refers to a written text of
Maranao literature that uses the Arabic-based script’.
In this sense, the process of Islamisation of Mindanao in the southern Philippines is not
an exception; it should be considered in the context of the interaction of Islam with local
cultures in Southeast Asia (see Abubakar 2005: 45). However, as demonstrated by several
sources, the history of Islam and Muslim intellectual tradition in Mindanao has received
less attention than it deserves. In this regard, the assumption by Cesar Adib Majul (1999:
39) is still relevant, that as a field of inquiry, the introduction of Islam in the Philippines
has received scant attention from scholars. Despite its uncontested academic merit, Azra’s
research about 17th- and 18th-century networks of Middle Eastern and Malay-Indonesian
ulama does not include or mention any single work or name of a Muslim scholar from the
Philippines, while he does include those from another ‘peripheral’ and Muslim minority
area, Patani, in south Thailand (Azra 1994, 2004). Nor did the works of the late Wan
Shagir Abdullah (1999) on the biographies and genealogies of Muslim scholars in the
Malay world list a single manuscript from Mindanao.
This article aims to fill this gap by claiming that, as referred to above, existing Islamic
manuscripts indicate that Muslim communities of Mindanao during the 18th and 19th
centuries were in close contact with other Southeast Asian Islamic intellectual networks.
These included in particular those in Aceh, Cirebon and Banten (Fathurrahman 2012),
and also with the wider Islamic world, more specifically with Mecca and Medina
through the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah brotherhood (Fathurahman 2016: 92–104).

Islamic manuscripts in Mindanao

In contrast to other collections in the Malay Muslim manuscript culture of insular
Southeast Asia, there is as yet no satisfactory publication regarding the existence of
Islamic manuscripts found in Mindanao in particular, and southern Philippines in
general, which provide information on the history and dynamics of Islam and
Muslims in this region. However, considering the very strategic position in the
Muslim trade network straddling insular Southeast Asia since at least the 14th century
(Clavé 2018), it may be surmised that Muslim communities in the Philippines were in
close contact with co-religious communities in neighbouring areas and manuscripts
were among the goods being exchanged within these networks as testimony of the
written Islamic tradition.
The dearth of scholarly attention towards such testimony, of course, does not mean that
there has been no study or cataloguing efforts towards the Islamic manuscripts in Mind-
anao. It was Najeeb Saleeby who can be considered the first scholar who paid attention to
the traces of manuscripts from this area. As a surgeon in the US Army during the Philip-
pine-American war, he was sent to Mindanao and developed friendly ties with Muslim
leaders in Mindanao and Sulu, aided by his familiarity with the Arabic language and
Islam. In his Studies in Moro history, law and religion [1905] he included local manuscripts
containing tarsila (genealogy), law codes, and khutba (sermon), as part of his sources
(Kawashima 2011b: 100). However, the category of manuscripts used by Saleeby was
limited to the local types of Islamic manuscripts in Mindanao, while other Islamic
genres such as the Quran, Quranic exegesis, hadith, Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and
Sufism were not included.
4 O. FATHURAHMAN

With regard to Maranao Islamic texts, in 2011, Kawashima and her Filipino colleagues
published A catalogue of the Maisie van Vactor collection of Maranao materials in the
Arabic script at the Gowing Memorial Research Center. It includes 15 manuscripts of
Islamic stories which were translated from either Malay or Arabic into Maranao (Kawa-
shima et al. 2011: 1). This catalogue could be one of the pioneering works about indigen-
ous source materials that shed new light on various aspects of the culture, history, and
society of the Maranao people.
Recently, other scholars have directed their research to Philippine manuscripts, such as
Annabel Teh Gallop who greatly enriched our knowledge about Islamic manuscripts
through her studies of handwritten Quran copies produced in the Philippines. In her
research report, Gallop (2011b) describes a few Islamic manuscripts from the Philippines,
most of which incomplete Quran, preserved in a number of libraries in the US. Among
them is a rare Quran held in the Library of the United States Military Academy at
West Point, New York State, to which she paid particular attention because it contains
interlinear translation in Malay (Gallop 2011c). Furthermore, in cooperation with
Midori Kawashima, she wrote a note on the Qur’an of Bayang with illustrated Islamic
manuscripts from the Philippines (Gallop 2011a).
Kawashima has also been involved in several research projects about Islamic manu-
scripts of the Muslim community in Mindanao, which brought her to the conclusion
that there exists a considerable number of Islamic manuscripts written, copied, or used
by Islamic intellectuals of the southern Philippines, either in private collections or in
libraries and archives. They, however, have neither received adequate attention, nor
have they been used in research projects concerning Islam and Muslims in the Philippines
(Kawashima and Fathurahman 2011: 251–255).
Furthermore, Kawashima points out that the ignorance of scholars concerning the local
sources on the history of Islam and Muslim in Mindanao is partly caused by the fact that,
during their colonial period in the Philippines, American military personnel seized manu-
scripts and transported them to the US without adequate academic attention being paid to
them. Moreover, due to the prolonged armed conflicts in the area, many of the remaining
manuscripts were damaged, destroyed, or neglected by their owners.
Fortunately, in recent years, new information about the existence of Islamic manu-
scripts in the Lanao area of Mindanao has appeared, due to a preservation and digitisation
project of two collections of manuscripts in Marawi City initiated by Kawashima. The col-
lections of this project were the Al-Imam As-Sadiq (AS) Library of Husayniyyah in
Karbala and Sheikh Ahmad Basher Memorial Research Library of Jamiat Muslim Mind-
anao in Matampay. In several academic forums and lectures she presented her thoughts on
the significance of the Mindanao manuscript studies, and wrote on the subject (see for
instance Kawashima 2012).
This article is part of the afore mentioned project with special focus on the manuscripts
in the first collection, that of the Al-Imam As-Sadiq (AS) Library of Husayniyyah, which
formerly belonged to the late Alim Ulomuddin Said. It was inherited by Sheikh Muham-
mad Said bin Imam Bayang or Saiduna, before it was transferred to his son, Sheikh
Muhammad Said II. Recently, Hadja Sinab Said, the wife of the late Alim Ulomuddin,
and their son Baquir Said, became the new custodians of the collection, which I will hen-
ceforth refer to as the Sheikh Muhammad Said (SMS) collection. The discovery of this very
important but hitherto unknown collection of Islamic manuscripts provides a significant
 INDONESIA AND THE MALAY WORLD 5

contribution to our knowledge of the history of Islam and the Muslim intellectual tradition
in the Lanao area of Mindanao.
As far as the preservation of Mindanao manuscripts is concerned, this is the first com-
prehensive project, which aims to survey, preserve, digitise, research, and publish on the
Islamic cultural heritage in the region. One of the results of the project is a catalogue of the
manuscripts preserved in the collection of the Al-Imam As-Sadiq (AS) Library of Husay-
niyyah, due for publication and tentatively entitled ‘The library of an Islamic scholar of
Mindanao: the Shaykh Muhammad Said collection at the Al-Imam As-Sadiq (AS)
Library, Marawi City, Philippines: an annotated catalogue with essays’ (Fathurahman
and Kawashima forthcoming).
What is of special interest is that, in a number of manuscripts kept in the SMS collection
of Mindanao Malay texts, we find indications of the existence of scholarly networks which
connect the Muslim community in Mindanao with similar ones in western parts of the
Malay world and Java. These indications are found in the main body of these texts, and
in the paratexts of these manuscripts. The information about these connections form
an important contribution for the further exploration of Muslim networks straddling
the Malay world and will also provide indications about the use of marginal notes in
such manuscripts.2

The Sheikh Muhammad Said collection of Islamic manuscripts

This collection is located in Karbala,3 that is part of Biaba Damag of Marawi city, and con-
sists of 18 bungkos (Tagalog for ‘bundle’) and 43 volumes of manuscripts, mostly in Malay,
but also in Arabic and Maranao. The word bungkos is used by the owner of this collection
to name a number of manuscripts, and a few printed materials, loosely wrapped in cloth.
Both the materials and various texts of the collection indicate the existence of the intellec-
tual Islamic network and connections of Maranao ulama with their colleagues in the other
parts of the Malay world, including Aceh in North Sumatra in the 18th and 19th centuries.
The exploration of the physical aspects of the manuscripts, on the one hand, will enhance
our knowledge on the nature of the writing culture in this region, especially of the 19th
century, while the analysis of the content of those manuscripts on the other hand, may
contribute to the discourse on the networks of Sufi orders in Southeast Asia carried out
by Azyumardi Azra (2004). As can be seen in a recent study on the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah silsilah
(genealogy) manuscripts in Aceh, Java, and the Lanao area of Mindanao, Muslim scholars
in this region were strongly connected both to other Malay Muslims in Southeast Asia and
their teachers in the Haramayn through the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah Sufi order (Fathurahman 2016).
Compared to Islamic manuscripts collections in other areas in Indonesia, such as Aceh
or Minangkabau for instance, the total number of manuscripts in the Sheikh Muhammad
Said collection is rather small. It ‘only’ consists of 43 volumes of manuscripts, although
each volume may contain between 3 and 14 different texts and short fragments. In
2
Of course, marginal notes and other paratexts are certainly not rare in Islamic manuscripts from other parts of the Malay
world, such as in Acehnese Tanoh Abee collection, which are analysed in the introduction to the catalogue of this collec-
tion (Fathurahman et al. 2010).
3
In the history of early Islam, ‘Karbala’ refers to a very significant place name, especially for Shi’a Muslims. However, we have
to be careful not to associate this manuscript collection with the Shi’a tradition. I will deal with this issue later in the
article.
6 O. FATHURAHMAN

comparison, the Zawiyah Tanoh Abee collection in Aceh is presumed to hold more than
1,000 Islamic manuscripts in Arabic, Malay and Acehnese,4 while in Minangkabau, Surau
Shaykh Abdul Wahhab Calau, a small surau5 in Nagari Muaro Sijunjung, West Sumatra,
holds 99 Islamic manuscripts.6 There are many other collections in Indonesia and Malay-
sia, which have received scholarly attention. Suffice it to say here that compared to the
neighbouring Malay areas in Southeast Asia, our knowledge of the Islamic manuscripts
collection in the Mindanao area is still very limited.
Regardless of their limited number, the Sheikh Muhammad Said collection is very sig-
nificant for their existence as the first Islamic manuscript collection known to the public
from the region. On the one hand, the characteristics of their manuscripts which are
written mostly in Malay, besides Arabic, with some notes in Javanese, may be a clue as
to what kind of Malay was used in the Mindanao area in the 18th and 19th centuries,
and how strong their connection with the traditions in other Malay areas was. On the
other hand, marginal notes in Maranao found in some manuscripts, and the existence
of three manuscripts written mostly in Maranao, also indicate the strong local foundation
of this collection.
The category and composition in this collection can be seen in Figure 1.
Among those manuscripts, Bungkos 1 MS 1 consists of some Malay words combined
with the Maranao sentences stating that universe was created from four elements, namely
water (ig), earth (lupa), fire (apoy), and wind (ndo), all of which were derived from Nur
Muhammad or the light of the Prophet Muḥ ammad by the will of Allah. Sometimes,
the Maranao words are placed as part of the main text, but in another case such as
Bungkos 1 MS 4, a brief note in Maranao is written vertically in the marginalia with
blue ink to indicate that the manuscript was willed to and obtained by Mambuay, the
son of Sheikh Muhammad Said. The note says: Amanaton giyaan miyakowa i
Mambuay ibn Sheikh Muhammad Said (This [manuscript] was willed to and obtained
by Mambuay, the son of Sheikh Muhammad Said).7
Bungkos 10 MS 1 is probably one of the most interesting cases relating to the paratexts
in this manuscript collection. The main text of this Bungkos is al-Mustahal, an Arabic
work of fiqh of the Shāfi‘ī school by an anonymous author, while additional texts and frag-
ments contained in this manuscript are in Arabic, Malay and Magindanao. Most folios of
this manuscript were made of coarse and fibrous paper of a brownish colour that appears
to be Javanese daluang or handmade paper from the saeh tree bark (Broussonetia papy-
fera). These physical characteristics, including the paper type, embossed leather
binding, and numerous marginal notes in Javanese suggest that this manuscript originated
somewhere in Java and was studied by a Javanese Muslim scholar, who made his way to
Mindanao or may have sent the manuscript to colleagues there. The existence of Maguin-
danao letters inside this manuscript also indicates that it was rebound with additional new
folios after it was brought to Mindanao.

4
Among them, only 280 manuscripts containing 367 texts have been catalogued so far (Fathurahman et al. 2010).
5
Surau is a traditional Islamic education institution developed in Minangkabau, West Sumatra (see Azra 2003).
6
A collaborative project between the Indonesian parties and Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (TUFS) have digitised all
the manuscripts in this collection, and its catalogue will be published in the near future.
7
All Maranao and Maguindanao texts quoted in the article have been identified and translated by Kawashima with help and
confirmation of Labi S Riwarung, a Mindanao scholar at the Mindanao State University (MSU). All this information will be
part of a catalogue (Fathurahman and Kawashima, forthcoming).
 INDONESIA AND THE MALAY WORLD 7

Figure 1. Categories and composition (43 volumes of manuscripts) of the Sheikh Muhammad Said
manuscript collection in Marawi city, southern Philippines.

The content of the Islamic manuscripts in this collection also suggests that, as found in
other areas in the Malay world, the esoteric teachings of Sufism (tasawuf), including the
doctrine of the Unity of Being (waḥdat al-wujūd), became one of the significant variables
of early Islam in the Lanao area of Mindanao, and developed alongside the exoteric teach-
ings of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and theology. This is unsurprising, when we know the
studies about the spread of Sufism in Southeast Asia by scholars such as Johns (1995),
Laffan and Feener (2005), and Azra (2004), that all indicate the intellectual depth of the
Islamic tradition of this region in relation with the Islamic world. The academic argument
that Southeast Asian Islam has made substantial, rather than only marginal, contributions
to the Islamic tradition as a whole still needs further research. This article on the manu-
scripts of Mindanao will provide impetus for this argument by disclosing new information
about the intellectual networks in the region.
More than 20 years ago Johns (1995: 183) wrote about the existence of Sufism in South-
east Asia and came to the conclusion that, ‘the role of Sufism in our region is not all that
different from that of Sufism in other parts of the Muslim world’. Thirty years prior to this
Johns (1955: 70) stated:
… thus not only was the most highly developed commercial centre of the Indonesian world at
that time becoming thoroughly Muslim, but even its deviation from ‘orthodox’ Islam was, in
this instance, not a matter of syncretism with primitive cults, but a deviation that was part of
the Islamic tradition itself.

It is important to note that Figure 1 with the chart of subject based only on the number
of main texts found in the 43 volumes of manuscripts, excluding the printed Arabic kitab
(religious books) found alongside the manuscripts. Each of the 18 bungkos in the collec-
tiion contains different numbers of manuscripts and a few printed books. Some manu-
scripts also contain more than one text. The details of the number of volumes of each
bungkos are not listed here, but we have enumerated the manuscripts into categories of
science after scrutinising all texts.8
8 O. FATHURAHMAN

As Figure 1 shows, the greater number of texts deal with prayers and amulets. This can
be regarded as one of the main characteristics of manuscripts in this collection, which
cannot be separated from the local context in the region as a conflict area. Some of
these amulets serve to protect the carrier from harm or inflict harm on the enemy in
wartime. Bungkos 2 MS 1 for instance, consists of a prayer and an amulet to destroy an
opponent, that should be used only against tyrants or offenders; otherwise the conse-
quences would rebound on the user. There is also a fragment that emphasises the emi-
nence of those who are killed in performing jihad. Such texts were probably written in
the context of the war against infidel colonisers. As will be argued in the following sections,
the transmission of this kind of ‘science’ was particularly developed among the Maranao
ulama of Mindanao in contact with those in, most probably, Banten.
This does not mean that the popularity of manuscripts containing prayers and azimat
(talismans) in Mindanao was merely influenced by the Banten tradition. This type of text
was also well known in other Malay-speaking regions of Southeast Asia, including Aceh
whose connections with Mindanao were particularly strong (see for instance Fathurahman
and Holil 2007: 244). In addition, this tradition is also quite common in almost all manu-
script collections in the Malay areas of Southeast Asia; it even became part of knowledge
adopted and learnt by the court elite in the Sultanate of Bima, West Nusa Tenggara
(Fathurahman 2010).9
Another interesting discovery is a folio containing the story of Tuan Muhammad Said’s
pilgrimage from the city of Hudayda in Yemen to Mecca. This folio in Malay is found
twice in Bungkos 4 MS 2 and Bungkos 5 MS 3 of the collection, and called Alkisah
tatkala Tuan Muhammad Said berlayar dari negeri Hudayda (The story of Tuan Muham-
mad Said’s voyage from the country of Hudayda). As Tuan Muhammad Said was the orig-
inal owner the manuscript collection, he therefore can be considered the central figure
who preserved and handed down the collection to his family members.
The text relates how the ship with Tuan Muhammad Said on board was wrecked by a
severe storm (maka datanglah ribut yang amat keras maka lalu peca[h] perahu dawuh
tempatnya menumpang). In this desperate situation he made the following vow (naẓr):
Setelah itu maka lalu bernazar hamba pada ketika itu jikalau selamat serta sampai < akan
maksudnya > haji maka ia kembali ke negrinya jikalau ada lagi hidup saudara bapaknya
< yang telah duduk di negeri Tampasok > maka diciumnya kakinya dan lagi satu perkara
jikalau ada mudah-mudahan kembali ke negeri Malimdanaw maka ia duduk ke dalam
masjid kepada negeri yang bernama Wato barang tiga hari, tamat. Tatkala sampai ke
Jeddah pada empat hari bulan Shaban pada hari Sabtu maka naik pula ke Mekah pada
hari Jumat pada sepuluh hari bulan Shaban sampai ke Mekah pada hari Ahad pada hijrah
al-Nabi sallallah ‘alayhi wasallam seribu dua ratus dualapan belas kepada tahun Dal akhir.

After that, [this] humble servant made a spiritual vow at that moment, that if he would fulfil
his intention to perform the hajj, he would return to his country, and if his uncle < who had
settled in the land of Tampasok > were still alive, he would kiss his feet. In addition, if he
would return to Malimdanao, he would stay in the mosque of Wato for about three days.
He arrived at Jeddah on the fourth day of the month of Sha‘ban, Saturday. Then, he went
up to Mecca on Friday, the tenth day of the month of Sha‘ban. He reached Mecca on

8
All detail description of these manuscripts and printed kitab are provided in the catalogue (see Fathurahman and Kawa-
shima, forthcoming).
9
However, I have not found any explicit clues indicating a clear connection with Banten’s culture and tradition.
 INDONESIA AND THE MALAY WORLD 9

Sunday in the year 1218 of the Hijrah of the Prophet, peace be upon Him [ca. 27 November
1803], end of the year Dal akhir.

In this fragment the story clearly depicts the difficulties Tuan Muhammad Said experi-
enced in reaching Mecca to perform his pilgrimage. But, as the existence of the manuscript
in this collection indicates, he persevered and succeeded in returning to Mindanao safely.
The theme of hardship and difficulties on sea journeys appears frequently in travelogues
kept by pilgrims to the Holy Land, and are part of local historiographical traditions in the
Malay world. Perhaps the best known is the travelogue kept by Abdullah bin Abdulkadir
Munsyi on his way to Mecca, where he died in 1854 (Chambert-Loir 2013). We can surely
consider this a topos about the many challenges and obstructions entailed in becoming a
guest of God. The more challenges one would be able to withstand, the higher the religious
value of the pilgrimage would be, it seems.
The last example discussed here addresses the tragedy in Karbala. Bungkos 2 MS 1 con-
tains a text that specifically urges the reader to commemorate Imam Ḥ usayn and his fol-
lowers who died on the Karbala battlefield. The text reads:
Hai segala Islam dan segala mukmin, jangan kamu lupakan akan arwah mereka itu yang
syahid pada padang Karbala, dan yaitu Amirul mukminin Husayn dan segala mukmin
yang sertanya.

Oh, all Muslims and believers, do not forget those who died as martyrs in the way of God at
the field of Karbala; that is, the Commander of the believers, Ḥ usayn, and all the believers
who accompanied him.

This summoning of the reader obtains full significance if placed in the context of the
history of Muslims living in Karbala, where this collection of manuscripts is located.
This context is discussed by Kawashima (2011a), but can be briefly outlined here. One
of the popular literary traditions among the Maranao Muslims residing around Lake
Lanao in central Mindanao was formed by Islamic stories called kissa (Ar. qiṣsạ ). In
this Maranao tradition the kissa Baraperangan (‘to fight each other’) is popular. The
kissa contains the Maranao version of the famous Malay story of Hikayat Muhammad
Hanafiyah, dealing with the battle in Karbala, Iraq, where Husain, the son of the fourth
caliph Ali and the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad, bravely fought against Yazid’s
army and was martyred (Kawashima 2011a: 66). The Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyah
was widespread in many parts of the Malay Islamic areas of Southeast Asia and shows
a number of regional variants (Brakel 1975).
The popularity of Baraperangan among the Muslims around Lake Lanao was suppo-
sedly related to their fight against the American expeditionary forces, where as many as
300 to 400 Maranao people lost their lives in battle. Apparently, as a consequence of
this tragic event the Maranao people designated the battle-ground as Padang Karbala,
as a reference to the place of martyrdom of Ḥ usayn and his followers (Kawashima
2011a: 66). Based on this historical background, the text included in Bungkos 2 MS 1
may be regarded as providing an important indication of how the Maranao Muslims
people named certain distinctive places.
Whilst there are the obvious hints of an early Shia influence in the region, we should be
cautious in referring to this as such. At the present stage of our research, it is not possible
to conclude that there were Shia networks in the area, although we found a text indicating
10 O. FATHURAHMAN

the influence of an ulama whose genealogy has been traced back to the family of the
Prophet (ahl al-bayt).
One of the texts in which we find such a genealogy of scholars is found in Bungkos 7 MS
1 which bears the title al-Salsilah [vocalised] al-ashrāf al-‘alawī (The chain of the spiritual
lineage of the Alawi family). This genealogy includes the name Amīr al-Qāḍ ī Muḥ ammad
Jalāl al-Dīn al-Bansāyanī Ilānūnī al-Marnowīyi, a local Maranao scholar from Bansayan, a
town located on the eastern side of Lake Lanao (presently part of Poona Bayabao munici-
pality). The salsilah traces his spiritual connection to Prophet Muḥ ammad, listing more
than 30 scholars’ names. The text states that Prophet Muḥ ammad learnt the truth of
the Creator of the universe through an intermediary of the angel Jabra’īl.

Networks connecting the Maranao Islamic tradition

The Islamic networks between the Lanao area of Mindanao and other Malay areas in
Southeast Asia were developed particularly through the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah brotherhoods.
However, one should be aware that in Southeast Asia, there are four different genealogical
links (silsilah) of Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah from the 17th century, and can be traced back through four
main figures, namely ‘Abd al-Ra’ūf ibn ‘Alī al-Jāwī al-Fanṣūrī, Ibrāhīm al-Kūrānī, Ḥ asan
al-‘Ajamī, and Ṣāliḥ Khaṭīb (Fathurahman 2016: 110). My research currently indicates that
the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah network of Maranao Muslims was connected with members in Indonesia
not via the most popular one of ‘Abd al-Ra’ūf’s silsilah, but through the second line of
Ibrahim al-Kurani, as will be discussed below.
The first indication of the network connecting the Maranao ‘Malay’ ulama of Mindanao
with Banten lies in the fact that several names of the Bantenese ulama are mentioned in
some of the manuscripts in this collection, where they are referred to as murshid of the
Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah Sufi order. A Bantenese scholar of the 18th century, Shaykh Ḥ aji ‘Abd
Allāh ibn ‘Abd al-Qahhār al-Shaṭtạ̄ rī (1750s and 1760s), for instance, is mentioned as
one of ‘our teacher’ (shaykh kita) of the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah Sufi order in a Malay treatise called
Silsilah Jalan Shaṭtạ̄ rī (Genealogy of the path of the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah Sufi order; see Bungkos
1 MS 2a and MS 3c). A double-lined circle drawn in black and red ink at the top of the
first page of the text contains the following words in red ink: ta’līf shaykhinā al-Shaykh
Ḥ aji ‘Abd Allāh ibn ‘Abd al-Qahhār al-Shaṭtạ̄ rī Banten (composed by our teacher,
Shaykh Ḥ aji ‘Abd Allāh ibn ‘Abd al-Qahhār al-Shaṭtạ̄ rī from Banten). This manuscript
was presumably written by a Maranao Shaṭtạ̄ rī member who studied with ‘Abd Allāh ibn
‘Abd al-Qahhār al-Shaṭtạ̄ rī, a mixed Arab and Bantenese scholar who adhered to the
Shāfi‘ī school of Islamic jurisprudence, and was still alive during the reign of the Bantenese
ruler, Mawlānā al-Sulṭān Abū al-Naṣr Zayn al-‘Āshiqīn (r.1753–1773). He is the author or
copyist of a number of Arabic and Javanese works on Sufism, including Mashāhid al-nāsik fī
maqāmat al-sālik and Fatḥ al-mulūk (Bruinessen 1995: 182–185; Kurniawan 2011).
The Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah network linking ‘Abd Allāh ibn ‘Abd al-Qahhār with those ulama in
the Lanao area of Mindanao, as indicated in the manuscripts, might also be a clue as to
the existence of religious connections between Mindanao and Cirebon in West Java.
The Malay silsilah text of ‘Abd Allāh ibn ‘Abd al-Qahhār found in the the Sheikh Muham-
mad Said collection is very similar to a Javanese version found in Ms 211_EPJ005 of the
Elang Panji collection in Cirebon. One of the main differences though is that MS B1-Ms2
names a local student of al-Bantani, namely Khatib Dawud b. Shamsuddin, who initiated
 INDONESIA AND THE MALAY WORLD 11

Encik Sirin Awal b. Sirin Abdul Ghani, while Ms 211_EPJ00510 mentions a female Sufi, the
mother of the Sultan of Cirebon (Kangjeng Ratu Ibu kang Ibu Kangjeng Sultan Cirebon),
whose Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah and Naqshabandīyah silsilah can be traced to ‘Abd Allāh ibn ‘Abd al-
Qahhār. Although there is only scant information about her life, Kangjeng Ratu Ibu is con-
sidered to have lived around the late 18th and early 19th century since she was a student of
the Bantenese scholar ‘Abdullāh b. ‘Abd al-Qahhār, who was alive during the Sultanate of
Mawlānā al-Sulṭān Abū al-Naṣr Muḥ ammad ‘Ārif al-Dīn al-Fatḥ Muḥ ammad Shifā’ Zayn
al-‘Ārifīn (r.1753–1773). Part of the Elang Panji’s Javanese manuscript reads (f.2v):
Anapon sawuse iku maka wus angaturi jangji sarta talkin zikir atas dadalan tariq al-Shaṭtạ̄ rī
kalawan Naqshabandī. Fakir ‘Abdullāh pecile kyai ‘Abd al-Qahhār al-Shāfi‘ī al-Shaṭtạ̄ rī Naq-
shabandī dateng kangjeng Ratu Ibu kang Ibu kangjeng Sultan Carbon.

After that, Fakir ‘Abdullāh son of Kyai ‘Abd al-Qahhār al-Shāfi‘ī al-Shaṭtạ̄ rī Naqshabandī
initiated Kanjeng Ratu Ibu of Kanjeng Sultan Cirebon in the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah and Naqshaban-
dīyah Sufi Order.

Besides ‘Abd Allāh ibn ‘Abd al-Qahhār, another Bantenese scholar mentioned in the
collection of manuscripts was Shaykh ‘Abd al-Shakūr Banten, who was regarded as one
of teachers (murshid) in the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah Sufi order. He is mentioned as guru yang sem-
purna (the perfect teacher) in a manuscript (Bungkos 1 MS 4), whose mystical teachings,
called aurad tarekat,11 was taught from generation to generation. The text on f.3r reads:
Ammā baʻd adapun kemudian dari itu inilah bab pada menyatakan aurad tarekat daripada
sekalian guru yang sempurna yaitu Shaykh ‘Abd al-Shakūr Banten yang karamah auliya besar
di dalam negeri Banten mengambil daripada Shaykh Maulānā Ibrāhīm.

After that, this is the chapter elucidating the formula of Sufi order practices from all the great
and holy Bantenese teachers, Shaykh ‘Abd al-Shakūr Banten, who learned it from Shaykh
Maulānā Ibrāhīm.

The text then names ‘Abd al-Mu’min ibn Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn Banten as ‘Abd al-
Shakūr’s student, who was also initiated into the order. Further research would be
needed to identity these names.
In another case, information relating to the Bantenese scholar was on a marginal note
but without further explanation as to how the relationship developed. One of the pages in
Bungkos 10 MS 1 for instance, has a marginal note in Malay indicating that the given quo-
tation originated from Shaykh ‘Abd al-Jalāl, a kadi from Banten (min shaykh ‘Abd al-Jalāl
raḥ matullāh ‘alayh, qāḍī Banten). This ‘Abd al-Jalāl was probably a very high-ranking
person in the Banten sultanate, as the title of kadi refers to the position of supreme
judge in Banten since the 16th century (Bruinessen 1995: 166–168; Yakin 2016: 366).
The manuscripts in the collection also confirm that the relationship between Muslims
in the Maranao area of Mindanao and those in Banten was also developed through the
transmission of ilmu kebal (knowledge of invulnerability), ilmu tabaruk (knowledge for

10
I am indebted to the team of the Programme of Digitisation of Cirebon Manuscripts of Research Institute of the Indone-
sian Ministry of Religious Affairs (Puslitbang Lektur dan Khazanah Keagamaan, Balitbang dan Diklat), especially Alfan Fir-
manto, and the late Andi Baharuddin, who shared this manuscript with me for research purposes. A special thanks is also
due to Elang Panji in Cirebon, West Java, as the owner of the collection.
11
Aurad tarekat is a formulation of dhikr (utterance) taught for the followers of the Shat t ārīyah Sufi order, including reciting
certain verses of the Quran, prayers (salawat) upon the Prophet, and utterances of lā ilāha illalāh (there is no God but
Allah).
12 O. FATHURAHMAN

seeking blessings), and other powerful esoteric knowledge, which are better known as part
of debus in Banten, and suggest a close relationship with the teachings of the Rifā‘īyah Sufi
order, founded by Aḥ mad al-Rifā‘ī (d.1182). According to van Bruinessen, the close
association of the Rifā‘īyah Sufi order with debus practices in Banten would explain
how it spread from the court of the Banten sultanate to popular circles. The teaching
and practice of these debus techniques are to make people invulnerable to iron, fire and
poison (Bruinessen 1995: 185).
A manuscript of Bungkos 6 MS 3, for instance, consists of prayers, amulets, and talis-
mans with an introduction in Malay:
Ini bab pada menyatakan akan ilmu tabaruk ilmu kepada besi dan kepada bedil dan kepada
manusia turu[n] daripada negeri Karang maka turun kepada Tuan Surabaya maka turun
kepada kyai masih orang Banten di Karang Tanjung nama kampungnya maka mengajar
ia kepada Tuan Haji Basaruddin orang Malimdanaw.

This chapter communicates the ilmu tabaruk, the knowledge [of remaining unharmed]
against iron, guns, and other human beings, which was transmitted from Karang, then trans-
mitted to Tuan Surabaya, then transmitted to a kyai, who also came from Banten in Karang
Tanjung, who in turn taught Tuan Haji Basaruddin from Mindanao.

Regrettably, the current available sources do not give more detail on the biography of
several of the names mentioned in the manuscripts above. We do not have sufficient
data either about the local Maranao ulamas of Mindanao who became members of the
Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah order, made contact, and possibly had close spiritual relationships with
other ulamas from the Malay world, including Aceh and Banten. The most detailed infor-
mation is included in the manuscript of Bungkos 7 MS 1 which contains al-Salsila [sic]
sanad al-sādah al-shaṭtạ̄ rīyah (Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah pedigree) and provides information on three
local ulamas from the Lanao area of Mindanao. On the basis of this manuscript they
can be confidently identified as members of the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah, namely Muḥ ammad Jalāl
al-Dīn al-Bansayānī, ‘Abd al-Raḥ mān al-Qārī al-Tarākaī, and ‘Abd al-Qahhār al-Balāba-
gānī. This manuscript also confirms that Muḥ ammad Jalāl al-Dīn al-Bansayānī received
his Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah ijāzah (licence) from Haji Muḥ ammad Ṭ āhir, who was initiated into the
Sufi order by Muḥ ammad Ṭ āhir b. Ibrāhīm al-Kūrānī. To whom this Muḥ ammad
Ṭ āhir refers is elucidated by the Naqshbandiyah silsilah of al-Bansayānī himself, found
in the same manuscript, which tells us that he received his Naqshbandiyah ijāzah from
al-ḥ ājj Muḥ ammad Ṭ āhir fī balad al-Marantawī, who was in turn inducted by Shaykh
Muḥ ammad Ṭ āhir al-Madanī.12
Accordingly, we may say that the early intellectual connection between the Lanao area
of Mindanao with the Haramayn was established in the first half of the 18th century
through this Muḥ ammad Ṭ āhir al-Marantawī, a Maranao scholar from the Marantao
area, who probably met, studied with, and received his ijāzah from both the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah
and Naqshabandīyah orders from Muḥ ammad Ṭ āhir al-Madanī or Abū Ṭ āhir al-Kūrānī
(1670-1733), the son of Ibrāhīm al-Kūrānī (d. 1690) in Medina. He in turn initiated
Muḥ ammad Jalāl al-Dīn al-Bansayānī, whose name was mentioned in the silsilah as
Amīr al-Qāḍī ilā balad al-Bansayānī.13

12
B7 MS1, f.27v.
13
B7 MS1, f.25v.
 INDONESIA AND THE MALAY WORLD 13

Abū Ṭ āhir was apparently a key figure in the al-Kūrānī family, who became a major
source of transmission of his father’s teachings on Sufism and hadith. This transmission
was not limited to Southeast Asia, for one of his students was Shāh Walī Allāh (1703–
1762), a prominent Muslim scholar from India. According to Azra, Abū Ṭ āhir was pri-
marily known as a muḥ addith (a specialist in hadith), but he was also a faqih and Sufī,
and wrote no fewer than a hundred treatises in these fields (Azra 2004: 29). The Mindanao
manuscripts studied here confirm that he was also one of the central figures in the devel-
opment of the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah in the Lanao area of Mindanao.
The dissemination of the Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah brotherhood was not limited to Bansayan and
Maranao but also other surrounding areas, such as Taraka and Balabagan, since al-
Bansayānī also mentions that he received his Shaṭtạ̄ rīyah ijāzah from Haji ‘Abd al-
Raḥ mān al-Qārī al-Tarakaī, and Haji ‘Abd al-Qahhār al-Balabaganī.14 The titles
attached to their names refer to their respective place of origin Taraka and Balabagan,
which currently are part of the autonomous regions in Muslim Mindanao, Bansayan
and Maranao.
Besides Banten and Cirebon, the Lanao area of Mindanao also was closely connected
through intellectual networks with Aceh in North Sumatra, which was marked as a learn-
ing reference of scholars from the Lanao. As can be seen in some manuscripts of this col-
lection, names of works written by Acehnese scholars such as ‘Abd al-Ra’ūf b. ‘Alī al-Jāwī
al-Fanṣūrī, Nūruddīn al-Rānīrī, and Muḥ ammad Zayn b. Faqīh Jalāl al-Dīn al-‘Āshī, were
frequently referred to. Bungkos 2 MS 1 for instance, mentions a Malay hadith work,
Hidāyat al-ḥabīb fī al-targhīb wa-al-tarhīb by al-Rānīrī, and contains a Malay work,
Waṣīyat ‘Abd al-Ra’ūf, by ‘Abd al-Ra’ūf, while Bungkos 2 MS 2 mentions ‘Umdat al-
muḥ tājīn by ‘Abd al-Ra’ūf, and Durr al-farā’id by al-Rānīrī on several pages. Furthermore,
it contains two copies of a brief explanation on the understanding of the phrase lā ilāha
illallāh by Muḥ ammad Zayn b. Faqīh Jalāl al-Dīn al-‘Āshī.
In this respect, the Hidāyat al-ḥabīb deserves special attention, for it is the first Malay
treatise on hadith written by al-Rānīrī most probably in 1045 AH/1636. The author named
it Haluan akan Nabi SAW pada menyatakan menggemari segala kebajikan dan menjauh
daripada segala amal kejahatan (‘The Prophetic guidance to instill the desire to do good
and to avoid doing evil deeds’). It contains 831 hadith quoted from various validated
sources including the works by Bukhārī, Muslim, and Tirmudhī. This work is also
known as al-Fawā’id al-bahīyah ‘an al-aḥ ādīth al-nabawīyah (‘the Beautiful benefits of
the Prophetic traditions’). The lack of studies on the writing tradition of hadith treatises,
including the Hidāyāt al-ḥ abīb is evidently due to the still limited access to primary manu-
script sources (for more details, see Fathurahman 2012).
Another clue to the intellectual connection between Mindanao and Aceh is indicated by
a Malay manuscript in Ms 361 in the Jakarta National Library collection. This manuscript
consists of a Malay treatise entitled Kifāyat al-mubādī [sic.] ‘alā ‘aqīdat al-mubtadī which
is translated by the author as Memadai permulaannya atas iktikad orang yang pada ber-
lajar (‘the adequacy of principles on theology doctrines for beginners’) written by a Mind-
anao scholar, ‘Abd al-Majīd al-Mindanawī.15 The colophon of this manuscript reads
(p. 97):

14
B7 MS1, f.25v.
15
See Kawashima and Fathurahman (2011: 251–267).
14 O. FATHURAHMAN

Qad faragat hādhihi al-risālah fī balad al-Āshī ba‘da al-ṣalāh al-ṣubḥ yawm al-jum‘ah sittah
yawman min shahr rajab al-mubārakah fī al-ta’rīkh al-Sulṭān al-a‘ẓam wa-al-ikrām
Mawlānā al-Sulṭān al-Maḥ mūd Shāh ibn al-Sulṭān Johan Shāh …

This work was completed in Aceh, after Subuh prayer on Friday, 6th of Rajab, during the
reign of Sultan Mahmud Shah ibn Sultan Johan Shah …

As Sultan Mahmud Shah reigned from 1760 to 1781, the manuscript may be regarded as
having been written during this period.

Epilogue
The manuscripts in the Sheikh Muhammad Said collection in the Al-Imam As-Sadiq
Library of Husayniyyah, Karbala in Biaba Damag, Marawi City, Mindanao, have shed
new light on the significant role of the Mindanao area as an integral part of the intellectual
Islamic tradition in the Malay world. This collection has indicated the existence of strong
intellectual and religious connections between the Lanao area of Mindanao and other
centres of Malay Islamic learning such as Aceh, Banten, and Cirebon. The manuscripts
discussed here firmly indicate the importance of this collection for the mapping and
reconstruction of Islamic intellectual networks that straddled the Malay world. They
also give insights on the various connections between certain regions in Indonesia and
the Malay community in Mindanao.
The content of the manuscripts also shows us that in the intellectual tradition of the
Malays in Mindanao not only works from Middle Eastern scholars are quoted, but also
texts from Southeast Asian scholars that were written in the 17th and 18th centuries.
This not only underlines the importance of these scholars but also suggests that the devel-
opment of an Islamic intellectual tradition and its integration into the Malay world came
rather late in the 19th century.
The texts in this collection also reveals names of so far unknown Malay scholars, such
as Sheikh Muhammad Said, the author of a manual to interpret dreams, Takbir Mimpi,
whose travelogue of his pilgrimage to Mecca was included in the collection. Paratextual
elements in the latter text indicate what intimate knowledge the copyist had of the
works of Malay scholars in Aceh and Palembang. In the same Bungkos we found the
texts Zuhrat al-murīd fī bayān kalimat al-tawḥīd, by ’Abd al-Ṣamad al-Falimbānī
(1704–1789), a copy of the dhikr of lā ilāha illallāh and of Inilah suatu risalah yang
simpan, both of which are ascribed to the 18th-century Acehnese ulama, Muḥ ammad
Zayn ibn Faqīh Jalāl al-Dīn. Indications for this integration into the Islamic networks
can be seen in the titles of works mentioned by other Malay ulamas in a number of
other texts. Although seemingly rather insignificant and easily overlooked, references to
other works such as we find to Furūʻ al-masā’il and Maṭālib al-sālikīn in an addendum
to a text, indicate a rather intimate knowledge of these works by the scribe. The former
is a work on Islamic jurisprudence by the Pattani scholar Dawud b. ‘Abdullāh al-Faṭānī
(d.1847), while the latter was written by the well known Yūsuf al-Makassārī (1627–
1699), who was exiled to Sri Lanka and and then South Africa for his activities that
obstructed Dutch commercial interests. The references to these works are Bungkos 2
MS 1 and Bungkos 2 MS 3, respectively. In this contribution the paratextual elements
(addenda, asides and other marginalia) in the manuscripts have been important as the
greater part of these references indicate the existence of the intellectual networks.
 INDONESIA AND THE MALAY WORLD 15

Further research is needed to address this new information, in order to unveil the history
of the intellectual Islamic tradition in the southern Philippines, and to explore how Malay
this area was during the past few centuries.

Acknowledgement
A draft of this article was first presented at the workshop on ‘The Changing Praxis in the 19th-
century Malay Manuscript Tradition’ organised by the Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures,
University of Hamburg, Germany, 6–8 November 2014. My great thanks to Jan van der Putten who
offered invaluable suggestions for improvements. Research for this article was supported by the
Toyota Foundation Research Grant Programme, the Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research of the
Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (GSR-JSPS), and the Institute of Asian Cultures of
Sophia University, on the basis of proposals submitted by Midori Kawashima in 2008. I am very
grateful for the invitation to join this project. We also owe thanks to the late Alim Usman Imam
Sheikh Al-Aman, the respected local ulama, who was project adviser.

Note on contributor
Oman Fathurahman is Professor of Philology at the Faculty of Adab and Humanities, Syarif
Hidayatullah State Islamic University (UIN) Jakarta, and expert advisor to the Minister of Religious
Affairs, Republic of Indonesia. Email: [email protected]

ORCID
Oman Fathurahman http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6001-4576

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