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DETAILED CONTENTS
PART I Background1
1 Introduction 3
Daniel Kenealy, John Peterson, and Richard Corbett
Themes17
Experimentation and change 17
Power sharing and consensus 18
Scope and capacity 19
Chapter Layout 21
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 21
FURTHER READING 21
WEB LINKS 23
viii Detailed Contents
Conclusion43
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 44
FURTHER READING 44
WEB LINKS 45
Conclusion70
Detailed Contents ix
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 72
FURTHER READING 73
WEB LINKS 73
4 Member States 75
Brigid Laffan
Introduction76
Six Determining Features 77
Entry date 77
Size80
Wealth82
State structure 84
Economic ideology 84
Integration preference 86
Introduction124
How it Works Formally 125
The basic rules 126
The principal actors 127
The key stages 128
Introduction168
Widening versus deepening 168
Enlargement as soft power 169
An institutional paradox 171
Conclusion235
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 236
FURTHER READING 236
WEB LINKS 237
11 Conclusion 238
John Peterson, Daniel Kenealy, and Richard Corbett
Introduction239
Three Themes 239
Experimentation and change 239
Sharing power and seeking consensus 242
Scope and capacity 243
Conclusion251
GLOSSARY 259
REFERENCES 267
INDEX293
PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Previous editions of this book have emphasized change as a constant in the world
of European Union (EU) politics and public policy. That certainly applies to the EU
since the fourth edition was published in 2015. As we concluded writing the fourth
edition the EU had seemingly emerged from the depths of the global financial crisis
that had rocked the Eurozone between 2010 and 2012. As we finalized that edition,
the global refugee crisis was emerging as the EU’s latest crisis, a reality that has crys-
tallized since 2015. Meanwhile Europe’s leaders struggled with a revanchist Russia,
under President Vladimir Putin, which intervened in the Donbass region of Ukraine
in 2014, creating a frozen conflict that persisted despite efforts by the French and
German governments to alleviate the situation.
As we approach the present fifth edition of the book our task remains a daunt-
ing one. The most challenging days of the financial crisis do seem to be behind the
EU. However, significant and complicated public policy challenges persist as the EU—
and particularly the 19 member states who use the euro as their currency—tries to
complete the project of a banking union and looks for new institutional mechanisms
to strengthen the governance of the Eurozone and its ability to absorb the effects of,
and counter, any future economic crisis. Similarly, although the refugee crisis is less
intense in 2018 than it was in 2015, significant challenges remain as EU member
states struggle to absorb those who have arrived over recent years. There remains a
pressing need for the EU to speak with a strong and coherent voice on the global stage
as Russia extends its influence in the EU’s neighbourhood, as multiple crises and con-
flicts continue to unfold in North Africa and the Middle East, and as China seeks to
extend its economic influence and leverage globally via its Belt and Road Initiative.
The policy agenda in Brussels remains a full one.
These significant policy challenges—and there are more not mentioned here—are
made even more difficult by a rising tide of populist political sentiment across the
EU and beyond. The election of Donald Trump as US president in November 2016
added yet another volatile and unpredictable element to the mix given the impor-
tance of the transatlantic relationship both economically and in terms of security. In
several member states—notably Poland and Hungary—a form of illiberal democra-
cy is taking root, which poses a challenge to some of the EU’s founding principles.
Euroscepticism, a phenomenon linked politically to populism, remains an issue for
the EU. Anti-EU parties made significant gains in the 2014 European Parliament elec-
tion. As we completed the fourth edition, we remarked on the prospect of an existing
member state—the United Kingdom (UK)—voting to leave the EU. On 23 June 2016,
citizens of the UK did vote to leave the EU. This event was a seismic one that shook
the Union to its core: the first time in the EU’s 60-year history that its membership will
shrink, from 28 to 27. Brexit—as it has come to be called—poses a major challenge for
xiv Preface and Acknowledgements
the EU as it attempts to minimize the disruption and turbulence caused by the depar-
ture of a member state, and to maintain the integrity of the Union for its remaining
27 members.
As in previous editions, we the editors—and our authors—can offer little more
than educated guesses about what the effects of these institutional, political, and eco-
nomic changes will be. The status quo looked fragile as we went to press, suggesting
that more changes were likely to be in the offing. We (or most of us) are, by now,
battle-hardened as to how much and fast the ground can shift in European integration.
What the Union does, how it does it, and with what consequences, have all altered or
intensified in some (usually significant) ways since the fourth edition of this volume
was published.
We have tried to reflect the most important of these changes in this new edition.
Each individual chapter has been significantly updated (three years is a long time in
EU affairs), especially, but not only, to take account of the UK’s vote to leave the EU.
We have added several new authors to be sure that, even as we offer a basic introduc-
tion to the Union, our book reflects findings from the very latest and most perceptive
research on European integration. The editorial team remains the same as it was for
the fourth edition.
Our core mission remains the same: to produce a clear, concise, truly introductory
text for students and the curious general reader. No experience required. We know
the EU is important; we demonstrate why and how in the following chapters. We also
know that it can be made both comprehensible and interesting; our aim is to show
how. If we succeed, it is in great part due to our team of star contributors, and support
and publishing staff.
First, the contributors. One of the book’s most distinctive and strongest quali-
ties is its blend of academics and practitioners. All chapters were either co-authored
or reviewed by both an academic and practitioner. We thank our team of authors
for making this blend workable and even enjoyable. Special thanks are owed to
the authors or co-authors who contributed to the first four editions: Alexander
Stubb, Laura Cram, Lynn Dobson, Lykke Friis, David Martin, John D. Occhipinti,
Michael E. Smith, Michael Shackleton, Rory Watson, Albert Weale, Andrew Geddes,
Marlene Gottwald, and the late, great Sir Neil MacCormick. We also continue to be
in the debt of Elizabeth Bomberg who was the lead editor of the first three editions.
Elizabeth did more than anyone to establish this book’s credentials as the first one
to assign to inquiring minds trying to make sense of this strange and often baffling
political beast.
A second batch of thanks goes to the editorial and production team. As always,
we are in considerable debt to series editor Helen Wallace, who has offered not only
excellent substantive guidance but also unflagging and essential encouragement in the
production of this and past volumes. Thanks also to the editorial and production team
at OUP, especially Francesca Walker (née Mitchell), who demonstrated patience and
skill in seeing the project through, and Aishwarya Panday for efficiency and precisions
during the production process.
Preface and Acknowledgements xv
Third, our readers. The advantage of doing multiple editions is that we are able
to benefit from the feedback from the last one as we plough ahead with the next one.
We’ve profited enormously from comments offered by reviewers of the first four edi-
tions, by practitioners in Brussels, and by the many EU studies colleagues who have
used this book in their teaching. An extremely useful range of comments, criticisms,
and suggestions came directly from end users themselves—including students using
the earlier editions in their courses at the University of Edinburgh.
Finally, amidst all the tumultuous change, there is always one constant: the support
offered by our partners and families, and presumably those of our authors. Like last
time, only more so: we could not have done it without you.
Daniel Kenealy, John Peterson, and Richard Corbett
Edinburgh and Leeds
LIST OF FIGURES
7.3 Compared to what? The Council and the German Bundesrat 152
9.2 How it really works: The EU and the Middle East and
North African region 201
EC European Community
EP European Parliament
EU European Union
FD Framework Decision
IO international organization
IR international relations
UK United Kingdom
UN United Nations
US United States
About 1843 there was considerable discussion amongst engine builders and locomotive
engineers as to the relative safety of inside and outside cylinder, engines, and also
regarding the superiority of the four-wheel or six-wheel locomotive. Bury and Co. thereupon
issued a circular giving a history of the locomotive practice of their firm, and the various
advantages claimed for their locomotive designs.
From this circular we extract the following remarks, as bearing upon the point now
under discussion:—“It was the good fortune Of the conductor of this foundry to originate
the construction of four-wheel engines, with inside framing, crank axles, and cylinders
placed in the smoke-box.... The first engine on this principle was manufactured in this
foundry in 1829, prior to the opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway.” Such are
Mr. Bury’s statements concerning the original “Liverpool.”
We will now see what his partner, Mr. James Kennedy, the then President of the
Institution of Mechanical Engineers, had to say regarding the “Liverpool.”
At a meeting of the Institute of Civil Engineers, held on November 11th, 1856, a
communication was read from Mr. Kennedy, in which he stated that “the late George
Stephenson had told both Bury and Kennedy, after having seen the ‘Liverpool’ engine on
the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, that his son, the present Robert Stephenson, had
taken a fancy to the plan of the ‘Liverpool,’ and intended to make immediately a small
engine on the same principle.” This he afterwards did, Stephenson’s “Planet” being the
said engine “on the same principle.” Kennedy went on to state that “the letter-book of the
firm (Bury and Co.) for the year 1830 contained the whole of the correspondence on the
subject between the Directors of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway and Bury.”
The reader can readily judge as to which statement is likely to be correct—those of
such well-known men as Bury and Kennedy, which are concise, straightforward statements
of known and accepted facts, or the recently published remarks concerning the “books,
etc.”
Fortunately, students of locomotive history are not even obliged to decide either one
way or the other on the statements pro and con already quoted concerning the original
“Liverpool,” but are able to gain independent and conclusive evidence on this important
point in locomotive history. For the purpose of finally clearing up the point, the writer
communicated with the Secretary of the London and North Western Railway, asking him to
examine the Directors’ Minute Books of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway for the year
1830, to see if these authentic documents contained any reference to Bury’s “Liverpool.”
Mr. Houghton most generously had the search we required made, and the result was as
might have been expected. But let the letter tell its own tale.
“London and North Western Railway,
“Secretary’s Office, Euston Station, N.W.
“June, 3rd, 1896.
“Dear Sir,—With further reference to your request for information relative to Bury’s locomotives, I have had
the Minute Books of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway searched for the years 1829-30.
“Towards the end of 1830 the Board sanctioned the [further] trial of the ‘Liverpool,’ and it was
consequently allowed to work on the railway in competition with one of Mr. Stephenson’s engines. The
engineer was dissatisfied with the size of the wheels, which were 6ft. instead of his maximum 5ft.; and there
was a long controversy as to the respective merits of circular and square fire-boxes, which was ultimately
referred to arbitration, when the square boxes recommended by Mr. Stephenson were given the preference.
—Yours truly,
“(Signed) T. Houghton.”
The above letter conclusively settles the points in dispute—viz., that the “Liverpool” was
tried on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway in 1830, and that the diameter of the wheels
was 6ft.
We have thus pricked the specious bubble that stated the “Liverpool” was duly
commenced to be built in 1831, and that the diameter of the wheels was but 4ft. 6in.!
Readers may wonder why such obviously inaccurate statements should be published.
One can only conjecture. Many lists of early locomotives have during the past few years
been published. These should, however, be accepted with the very greatest caution. The
following table of dimensions of Bury’s early engines appeared as long ago as September
18th, 1857, in the Engineer. As this was nearly forty years before “locomotive lists” had any
marketable value, there can be no reason to call in question its accuracy:—
No. Diam. No. Diam. Length Inside Area Total
No. of Diam. of Length Diam. of
of of of of of Diam. of of Surface.
Engines Cylinder. Stroke Wheels.
Tubes. Tubes. Tubes. Tubes. Tubes. Fire-box. Tubes.
No. Ins. Ins. Ft. Ins. No. Ins. No. Ins. Ft. Ins. Ft. Ins. Inches. Sq. Feet.
2 12 18 6 0 79 1¾ 52 1½ 7 11½ 3 9 19 450.26
3&4 11 16 5 0 73 ¾ 24 1½ 7 1 3 0 16⅜ 303.58
5 8 16 4 6 40 1¾ 13 1½ 6 5 2 7½ (6) 12⅝(7) 150.28
6&7 12 18 5 6 76 2 13 1¾ 8 6 3 7 18½ 18¹/₁₆ 390
8&9 9 16 5 0 40 1¾ 13 1½ 6 11 2 10½ 12⅜ 162
10 9 16 4 4 43 2 9 1¾ 7 1 3 0 14⅛ 189.1
11 8 16 4 6 40 1¾ 13 1½ 6 7½ 2 9½ 12⅝ 155.2
12 & 13 10 16 4 6 51 2 9 1¾ 7 2½ 3 0½ 15¼ 222.74
14 8 16 4 6 43 1¾ 9 1½ 6 8 2 10½ 12⅝ 155
15, 16, & 17 12 18 4 6 58 2½ 2 2 8 2 3 7 19⅛ 19¹/₁₆ 318.40
18 & 19 10 16 4 6 76 2 — 1¾ 7 2½ 3 2 15¼ 251
At the present time there exists a market for early, locomotive details; as with other
marketable commodities, given a demand, a supply (of some kind) will be forthcoming.
We have a copy of the report prepared by the arbitrators, appointed by the Directors of
the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, to inquire into the question of the round or square
fire-box, as mentioned in Mr. Houghton’s letter. The report was made by John Farey and
Joshua Field, two celebrated engineers of that period, and was in favour of the square fire-
box.
It will now be of interest to give a description of Bury’s original “Liverpool,” which was
designed and her construction commenced in 1829. She contained many unusual features.
Instead of a tubular boiler a number of convoluted flues were used. The fire was urged by
bellows fixed under the tender; the driver stood at one end of the engine in front of the
smoke-box, and the fireman at the other end, behind the fire-box; the cylinders were
horizontal, placed inside the frames beneath the smoke-box; their diameter was 12in., the
stroke being 18in.; the four wheels were 6ft. in diameter, and were coupled, and the driving
axle was, of course, cranked.
The “Liverpool,” in this her original state, was used as a ballast engine in the
construction of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway, but not being very successful, was
withdrawn., After some alterations, she was again put to work on July 22nd, 1830. Then
the crank axle appears to have broken, and she was again removed for repairs, and again
put to work on the Liverpool and Manchester Railway on October 26th, 1830. After the
report previously mentioned, the Directors refused to purchase the “Liverpool,” and Bury
removed her to the Bolton and Kenyon Railway. Here she attained a speed of 58 miles an
hour with twelve loaded wagons. On this line one of her wheels broke, and the driver was
killed. As a result of this accident, she was then rebuilt and sold to Hargreaves, the
contractor, for locomotive power on the Bolton and Kenyon Railway, and continued to work
on that line for some years.
The Canterbury and Whitstable Railway was opened on May 3rd, 1830, and was the
first locomotive line in the South of England. The original engine, the “Invicta” (Fig. 18), is
still preserved by the South Eastern Railway at Ashford, but it is a mere chance that this
engine did not disappear nearly sixty years ago. The Canterbury and Whitstable Railway
Company, after a short time, let the working of the line to contractors, and they preferred to
work it by horse-power, and we find that in October, 1839, the contractors were advertising
the “Invicta” for sale, describing her as of “12 horse-power, 18in. stroke, cylinders 24in.
long, 9½pin. diameter, wheels 4ft. in diameter.” Fortunately for students of early
locomotives, there was no demand for the engine anywhere in the neighbourhood of
Whitstable, there then being no other locomotive line nearer than Greenwich, on which she
could have been used; so no buyer was forthcoming, and the “Invicta” was thereupon laid
up. The dimensions of the “Invicta,” as supplied to us by Mr. J. Stirling, are as follows:
Cylinders, 10½in. diameter, fixed in inclined position over leading wheels, and working the
trailing wheels; stroke, 18in.; four-coupled wheels, 4ft. diameter; wheel base, 5ft.; boiler,
10ft. 5in. long, 3ft. 4in. diameter, containing a single flue 20in. diameter; distance from top
of boiler to rails, 6ft.; from top of chimney to rails, 11ft. 1in.; chimney, 15in. diameter; total
length over all, 13ft. 6in. At the bottom of the chimney is a kind of smoke-box, measuring
about 2ft. 4in. high, 1ft. 8in. long, and 2ft. 4in. wide. The South Eastern Railway exhibited
the “Invicta,” at the jubilee of the Stockton and Darlington Railway in 1875, and at the
Newcastle Stephenson Centenary in 1881. The “Invicta,” when originally built, is said to
have had a tubular boiler.
Fig. 18.—THE “INVICTA,” CANTERBURY AND WHITSTABLE RWY., 1830
The Directors of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway in 1829 ordered of Stephenson
and Co. seven engines of somewhat similar design to the “Rocket.” The Directors made
their first trip by railway from Liverpool to Manchester and back on Monday, June 14th,
1830. The train was drawn by the “Arrow,” and consisted of two carriages and seven
wagons; the total weight, including the engine, was 39 tons, the journey to Manchester
being made in two hours one minute, whilst the return trip to Liverpool only took one and a
half hours, a speed of 27 miles being attained for some distance.
The Liverpool and Manchester Railway was formally opened on September 15th, 1830,
when the “Northumbrian” (Fig. 19), driven by George Stephenson, hauled the train
consisting of the Duke of Wellington’s carriage, the band, etc., on one line, whilst the
“Phœnix,” “North Star,” “Rocket,” “Dart,” “Comet,” “Arrow,” and “Meteor,” each hauled a
train upon the other line. Starting from Liverpool, the eight trains proceeded towards
Manchester. At Parkside Mr. Huskisson was run over by the “Rocket,” and he was placed
on the “Northumbrian” and conveyed to Eccles in 25 minutes, or at the rate of 36 miles an
hour.
Fig. 19.—THE “NORTHUMBRIAN,” THE ENGINE THAT OPENED THE LIVERPOOL
AND MANCHESTER RAILWAY
The Duke of Wellington’s carriage was now left without an engine, and a curious sight
was witnessed; a long chain was obtained, and the trains which had been up to this point
hauled by the “Phœnix” and “North Star,” consisting of ten carriages, were joined together.
The chain was then fixed to the Duke of Wellington’s train on the other line, and so the rest
of the journey was performed by the two engines and ten carriages on one line hauling
another train upon a parallel set of rails. It may be of interest to observe that the carriage
built for the Duke of Wellington was provided with eight wheels, so it will be noticed that
eight-wheeled passenger stock is not at all a modern introduction, but, on the contrary, has
been in use ever since the opening of the first railway built for the conveyance of
passengers. The vehicle in question was 32ft. long and 8ft. wide.
The two engines ordered by the Directors of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway of
Braithwaite and Ericsson after the style of the “Novelty,” were named “William the Fourth,”
(by special permission of that monarch) and “Queen Adelaide.” They were delivered to the
Liverpool and Manchester Railway immediately the railway was opened, and on
September 22nd, 1830, the “William the Fourth” ran off the rails on the Sankey Viaduct. A
very considerable number of trials were made with these locomotives on the Liverpool and
Manchester Railway; but, as was the case with Bury’s “Liverpool,” Stephenson strongly
objected to any other maker’s engines being used on the line, and he was, therefore,
always ready to find out some fault in the engines not of his construction tendered to the
company. Braithwaite and Ericsson claimed four great advantages for their class of
engines—viz., (1) the total absence of all smoke; (2) the dispensing with a chimney; (3) a
saving of 120 per cent. in the cost of the fuel, and of 30 per cent. in the space required to
store it; (4) a saving of 400 per cent. in the space occupied by the boilers.
Several improvements were introduced into the “William the Fourth,” and “Queen
Adelaide,” so that they differed somewhat from the “Novelty.” They were provided with four-
wheeled tenders, which were placed in front of the engines. The four wheels of the engines
were 5ft. in diameter, the wheel base being 6ft. 9in. The horizontal portion of the boiler was
8ft. long, the vertical portion, containing the fire, etc., being 6ft. 6in. high and 4ft. diameter.
The cylinders were vertical, but worked downwards; they were located one on each side of
the vertical portion of the boiler, and a little to the rear of the leading wheels, to which the
motion was conveyed by means of bell-cranks and connecting-rods—the latter joined the
axle within the wheels, so that the driving axle was cranked.
The next engine that requires our attention is the celebrated “Globe” (Fig. 20), designed
for the Stockton and Darlington Railway by Timothy Hackworth, and built by R. Stephenson
and Co. The “Globe” was built for passenger traffic; she was provided with a steam dome,
and was the first locomotive built with this advantageous appendage for obtaining dry
steam. The valve motion was reversible by a single lever. The heating surface was
provided for by means of a single fire-tube, whilst behind the fire-bridge, and extending to
the chimney, were seven small radiating tubes crossing the main flue.
This idea of Hackworth’s was afterwards introduced by Galloway in his stationary
engine boilers, and patented by him. The engine “Globe” had a cranked axle and inside
cylinders.
Hackworth explained the construction of the “Globe” to the Directors of the Stockton
and Darlington Railway, and he was instructed to go to Newcastle and arrange for the
building of the “Globe” by Stephenson and Co. He saw the officials at the Forth Street
Works on March 3rd, 1830, and after the examination of the plans there, it is stated that
one of the officials objected to the crank axle, saying “it would certainly involve a loss of
power, as the efficient length of lever could only be calculated from the inside of the journal
to the axle’s centre.” It is well known that Geo. Stephenson had previously seen Bury’s
“Liverpool,” and said of it, “My son has taken a fancy to the plan of the ‘Liverpool’ engine,
and intends to make immediately a small engine on the same principle.” Hackworth’s reply
to the objection to the crank axle was “that he held Stephenson responsible only for
supplying good workmanship, and not for any failure of the design, should such occur.”
The gauge of this line was only 4ft. 6in. The “St. Rollox” cost the G. and G. Railway
about £750; that company sold it to the Paisley and Renfrew Railway for £350, and the
latter, in December, 1848, when the gauge of their line was altered, disposed of the
locomotive by auction for £13. It had wooden wheels. At the same auction the other two
locomotives of the Paisley and Renfrew Railway were also sold, and realised only 20
guineas each, although about ten years previously the Paisley and Renfrew Railway had
paid Murdoch, Aitken, and Co. £1,100 for each of them. They were six-wheel tank engines.
The Scotch engines we have just been describing, all burnt coal in place of coke, and as
they caused a good deal of smoke they were much objected to on that account.
We have previously stated that upon the advice of two engineers the Directors of the
Liverpool and Manchester Railway had refrained from purchasing more locomotives from
E. Bury, but other people soon saw the good points of his engines, and in 1832 the
Liverpool and Manchester Railway considered it policy to purchase another locomotive
from the Clarence Foundry. This engine was called the “Liver.” She had cylinders 11in.
diameter, 16in. stroke, and driving wheels 5ft. diameter. The “Liver” worked very
successfully, and in 1836 her fire-box was altered to burn coal, but this experiment turned
out somewhat of a failure.
Towards the end of 1831, and during 1832, the increasing traffic on the Stockton and
Darlington Railway made a considerable increase in the number of locomotives necessary.
Hackworth designed two new classes of engines to work the trains. One type was known
as the “Majestic” class, and six engines of this description were soon at work.
The “Majestic” locomotives had each six-coupled wheels. The heating surface was
obtained from a tube 9ft. long, 2ft. 6in. diameter, one end of which communicated with the
fire-grate; the other was divided from the boiler by a partition-plate, inserted in which were
104 copper tubes 4ft. long, and reaching to the smoke-box. It should be observed that the
boiler was 13ft. long. The cylinders were fixed in a vertical position in front of the smoke-
box, the connecting-rods working on a straight shaft or axle parallel with the wheel axles:
this driving shaft was coupled by outside rods to the six wheels. The slide-valves had “lap,”
and were worked by two eccentrics, which also worked the force pumps. The engine was
reversed by means of a single lever. This class of engines included:—
All of them were built from Hackworth’s designs, the leading dimensions being:
Cylinders, 14½in. diameter, stroke, 16in.; boiler, 13ft. long, 3ft. 10in. diameter; weight of
engine—empty, 10¼ tons; full, 11¾ tons. The other class of engines designed by
Hackworth at this time included:—