One issue in the historiography of the Philippine revolutions of 1896 and 1898 is demonstrating the relationship between the informed, verbalize world class illustrados who have deserted the greater part of the reports, and the inarticulate "masses" who battled and died in the different wars. John Schumacher, S.J., has demonstrated how the illustrados made the reason for a Filipino history that would undermine and displace a Spanish historiography which ordered Filipino devotion to Spain under good endorses." Such history absolutely gave a “rational and moral legitimation for the new nation,” yet it isn't clear how it given the drive to the breaking of ties of utang na loob (obligation of appreciation) to Spain that era of provincial standard had urged the indios. How this could have occured is the subject of this discussion. On account of the limitations forced by control and different types of scholarly suppression of Spaniards, well known passage, up to the 1880s, appeared as religious tracts and metrical sentiments called awit. As it were, the awit was a successful frontier weapon. Awit and other related structures supplanted the indigenous writing. By the eighteenth century shabby of awit were "imprinted in the urban areas and towns and afterward sold in walkways, and conveyed to the most remote barriors by vagrant sellers." Awit stories were regularly performed, or if nothing else sung in broad daylight. In paticular, we will investigate a Tagalog awit, the Historia Famosa ni Bernardo Carpio, in light of legends of the Spanish Bernardo Carpio, that the uncovers a well known view of the past whereupon Filipino nationalists pivoted their separtist desires. The Historia Famosa has not been regarded as a literary milestone of the Tagalogs. The authorship remains unknown, and it has been dominated by the more cleaned and "urbane" awit, Florante at Laura. So as to land at some comprehension of this unforeseen development, let us look at, first, a few highlights of the Historia Famosa ni Bernardo Carpio and, second, the awit's association with patriot works on the eve of the insurgency. To begin with, the author of the Historia Famosa states at the beginning that he has selected details from the Spanish story of Bernardo Carpio. Like most awit, the Historia Famosa's story line is gotten from legends sorrounding the Spanish eminence and their Moorish enemies. This is the manner by which the account procceds. The king and queen of Spain have died, leaving behind two little children named Alfonso and Jimena. Don Sancho, count of Cerdeňa, rules over Spain until Alfonso comes of age and accept the honored position. The writer remarks that King Alfonso stays unmarried and has no affection for ladies. Meanwhile Don Sancho has been appointed as royal counselor and commanding general of the army. Another major character, Don Rubio, is presented as Don Sancho’s friend and captain of the army. After fourteen stanzas of the awit, a major change happens. The occasion is "activated" by the brilliant magnificence of the ruler's sister, Jimena. Her brilliance, portrayed in such a large number of symbolism filled stanzas, causes disarray in the loob(inner being) of notables, the lords, in Spain and abroad. Don Sancho and Don Rubio are both pulled in to Jimena's magnificence, and their reactions are immeasurably unique. Rubio, having been reproached by Jimena, responds with outrage and disgrace (hiya). On the other hand, Sancho's loob is depicted by the writer as equipped for adoration. Jimena's magnificence has the impact of making Sancho's confounded loob accomplish a completion meant by his readiness to languish and bite the dust over his darling. In a scene normal of most nineteenth-century awit, a Moro emissary shows up with an impolite test to the Spanish lord. King Alfonso immediately instructs General Sancho to lead his military against the villains. As the military assembles in the field, Don Sancho, sneaks into Jimena's room in the pinnacle. His goodbye discourse again offers the writer a chance to soak in the symbolism of adoration and detachment normal for society verse. Overwhelmed, Jimena at that point begins sobbing uncontrollably, and surrenders herself to her lover. Don Sancho’s victory over the Moros is compared to the ravaging of a garden by a cyclone. The general, however, is not fated to profit by it. His rival Don Rubio, aware of the lover’s meeting, vent his ill feeling upon Sancho by recommending to the king that the latter accept the count of Barcelona’s proposal to have a political alliance by marrying Jimena. Hearing this draws an outburst of anger from Sancho. Rubio, whose loob is filled with shame and “confliciting elements,” backs down in fear. Another opportunity for revenge presents itself. However, when Rubio hears the birth scream of Jimena’s child, who is named Bernardo, Rubio rushes to inform the king, who is completely torn apart by the news of Sancho and Jimena’s “crime.” The king suddenly forgets his past relationship with Don Sancho and can think of nothing but schemes to destroy him. As Sancho is about to take the infant Bernardo to Cerdeňa, the poet is given another opportunity to evoke in the reader the experience of anguish and loss, for the separation of the infant from his parents. As the poet himself remarks, after a description of Jimena’s sadness:
What loob however hard
what heart would not be overcome by this and be saddened and struck with pain for the two lovers with a pure loob? As Sancho leaves the pinnacle with the tyke, he is trapped by the lord's troopers. Battling with just a single hand, Sancho stops and asks for leniency from the King. All he asks is to be married to Jimena before he is executed. The lord quickly consents to the marriage yet deceptively sends Sancho to the palace of Luna with a fixed letter sketching out specific disciplines to be distributed to the carrier. Sancho, to his mortification, is bound in chains; his eyes are gouged out and he is tossed inside a dim cell. Is the agony of visual impairment his reward for the hardships he had to safeguard the kingdom? mourns Sancho. Again the writer gives free rein to pictures of agony and divisions: Sancho from Jimena, the guardians from their tyke Bernardo. Sancho's regret closes with an intrigue to God to have feel sorry for his child: And may he eventually recognize his true mother and true father and when, Lord, he comes of age. may he, Lord God, recognize me. Meanwhile Don Rubio becomes the closest confidante of the king. He is entrusted with bringing up the child Bernardo, whose true parents are ordered never to be revealed to him. Jimena, whose treachery brought great shame to her brother King Alfonso, is sent to a cloister. Alfonso scolds her for forgetting all the love and caring he had showered upon her and for failing to show utang na loob for things in the past. As the child Bernardo grows up, it becomes obvious to all that he has extraordinary strength and energy. He is in constant movement, running back and forth, up and doown stairs: He walks and walks, but goes nowhere his loob and heart always perturbed . . . His vitality is discharged in an inefficient and standoffish way: hitting, slaughtering steeds, carabaos, and other creature he meets. Angry townsfolk grumble to Don Rubio. Bernardo clarifies that he can't control his very own body. One day Bernardo asks his "father" Don Rubio to convince the lord to knight him with the goal that he may go far and wide fighting worshipful admiration and quelling wild monsters. Rubio reprimands him: how will he be a knight if his own roots are obscure? Bernardo then understands that Rubio isn't his actual father. Fortunately, the King happens to go along. Indicating pity, he makes Benardo a knight and adopted him. Afterward, having killed the presumptuous Rubio in a fencing match, Bernardo is made general of the military. As the received child of King Alfonso, Bernardo's energies turn into more "framed" and coordinated toward battling the Moors. The most considerable adversary is the Emperor Carpio, whose immense regions can't be infiltrated even by armies of the Twelve Peers of France. One day, Carpio's agent, Verommilla, arrives at the Spanish court requesting vassalage from the King or else confront attack. Bernardo, in his standard energy, rather uncontrolled manner, reacts brutally toward the emissary: He struck the chair upon which the envoy sat causing him to fall over everything was crushed, broken to pieces the king tried to calm Bernardo: My son, he said, just take it easy to attack an envoy as you did is against all the rules so straighten out your loob. As Veromilla comes back to his camp, Bernardo tells the King Alfonso that, he will battle the adversary single-handed. Indeed, he approaches the Moro lines alone and is scorned by Veromilla. Bernardo completely devastates the enemy. Veromilla escapes in incredible frenzy. When Bernardo comes back to the court, he humbly devotes his triumph to the King. He ascribes his victory to God's kindness (awa). Also, he requests to be allowed just a single request: that he be told the characters of his actual parents. The ruler at that point attempts to delude Bernardo by consenting to his demand providing that he defeats Emperor Carpio. Knowing Carpio's notoriety, the King anticipates that his young general should be killed in fight. Bernardo's capacity, has no equivalent on the planet. Battling like a "lion, tiger, and snake" he efficiently overcomes Carpio's nineteen castles until the point that the sovereign surrenders, hands over the entirety of his domain to Bernardo and consents to pay tribute to Spain. Upon his arrival yet again to Spain, Bernardo Carpio, as he is currently called, is stunned to locate a french sovereign, likewise named Bernardo, administering the kingdom. King Alfonso, who had incidentally surrendered the position of royalty while on chasing trip, legitimizes his choice as far as "tradional ties" between the Spanish and French decision families. Bernardo contemptuously rejects this argument. Moreoever, he is disgusted by the King’s refusal to reveal his parents. In an angry confrontation Bernardo announces that he will discover his parents by power. Now Bernardo Carpio's energies appear to wind up more engaged ever. Having rejected another stepfather, his first act is to obliterate all the lord's steeds. While he stops by the wayside to implore God and the Virgin Mother, a letter drifts down from paradise with reality about his folks. Before he can go looking for them, notwithstanding, he is told to initially end Spain's binds of vassalage to France. So he continues to the French court, where Emperor Ludovico discloses to him that his relations with Spain are based on age-old agreements passed on from age to age. Bernardo has only hatred for conventional ties. Neither has he respect for Ludovico, whom he seizes by the neckline and physically scares. The French court, in dread of Bernardo's capacity, yields. The ties are broken. Bernardo then continues to the castle of Luna to search out his dad. The scene movements to Sancho lamething in jail: the lord has demonstrated no pity, keeping him for a considerable length of time in the dimness of a cell: And you my beloved son who, I heard, is now called Don Bernardo Carpio have passed through a multitude of towns and kingdoms and yet have not found your father , Sancho Why my beloved child have you not searched for your lord, your father? Haven’t your heart and loob been moved by my sufferings and laments? "As if he heard this lament," Bernardo arrives, murders the watchmen and frees his father. Unfortunately, Sancho soon died not long after the reunion. However, it does not keep Bernardo from legitimizing his tie to his parents. He brings his father to the King’s palace where the wedding with Jimena happens. Only after father, mother, and son are formally rejoined does Bernardo pretend to find that his dad is dead. Bernardo declined the Spanish throne. He arrives in a churchlike structure with two lion statues by the entrance. Because the doors are shut, he kneels outside and prays. A bolt of lighting strikes and destroys one of the lions. Angered by the lightning’s challenge, Bernardo hurls the other lion away and vows to search for the lightning and destroy it. Not faraway, he sees two mountains hitting each other at regular intervals. Then a handsome youth —an angel—appears and tells Bernardo that the lighting has entered the mountain. God commands that Bernardo shall not see, much less captured it. When the angel himself takes the path of the lighting, Bernardo stubbornly follows, the twin peaks closing in on him. The awit ends with the remark that since Bernardo was such great and powerful hero, God cast a spell on him and thus kept him alive though hidden. The awit is imperative for the investigation of the revolutions in two aspects. First, the appropriation by the Tagalogs of a Spanish hero enabled a people without a history of themselves. Second, the awit reveals a form of meaningfully structuring events, which was used by nationalists to communicate their political ideas to the people. The first point is borne out by proof from nearby accounts of local and southern Tagalogs towns. The Historia Famosa's record of Bernardo's last voyage is gotten from pre-Spanish convictions in journeys to the underworld to wrestle with spirits as a trial of one's inner strength. The writer simply insists that the universe of Bernardo Carpio is the Philippines. Continuously 50% of the nineteenth century, Tagalog laborers, trusted that Bernardo Carpio was their indigenous lord caught inside a mountain, attempting to free himself. Catastrophic events were deciphered as signs of his action.. The uneducated countymen's conceptions of freedom dominated by this legend did not get away from the notice of some ilustrados. In Jose Rizal’s novel, El Filibusterismo, he entertains the possibility of armed revolt against Spain, there is this reflection upon an a cart driver’s firm belief in Benardo Carpio: The pleasants of that day kept alive a legend that their king, imprisoner in chains in the cave of San Mateo, would one day return to free them from oppression. Every hundred years he had broken one of his chains, and now he already had freed his arms and his leg. Only his right leg was still held fast. It was he who caused earthquake as he flailed about and struggled against his chains: he was so strong that one could one could shake hands with him only by stretching out a bone, which crumbled in his grasp. For no apparent reason the natives called him King Bernardo, confusing him perhaps with Bernardo del Carpio, the semimythical Spanish hero of the ninth century who was said to have defeated the French Ronald at Roncesvalles. Then Rizal has the cart driver mutter: “When he gets his right foot free, I shall give him my horse, put my self under his orders, and die for him. He will free us from the constabulary.” Yet, unlike other patriots, as we shall see, Rizal was careful to separate the “mythical” and what he considered the “national” in his writings. He probably would not have appreciated the widespread rumor, at the outbreak of the revolution in 1896, that Rizal had gone to the depths of Mount Makiling, proven his intelligence and sincerity to Bernardo Carpio, and been told that it was time for the people to rise against Spain. Mirinda even states that “the masses were awaiting the liberation of Bernardo Carpio, a caharacter in aTagalog legend, from the two enormous cliffs of Biak-na-Bato so that he might exterminate the Spanish soldiers who defended their outposts.” The second point which concerns the state of the Historia Famosa ni Bernardo Carpio and its association with patriot thoughts of the past, is best manage by comparing different parts of awit and patriot works. In 1888, while Rizal was in London doing research for his explanations to Morga's history of the Philippines, —a sonnet of sixty-six stanzas titled Hibik ng Filipino sa Ynang Espaňa (Filipinas' Lament to mother Spain)— was being appropriated in the nation. Its writer, Hemenegildo Flores, was an educator, artist and "disseminator" who united with understood patriot author Marcelo del Pilar to convey the antifriar issue to the Tagalog perusing open. The way to the Hibik's importance lies in the edge built up by the opening stanza: Oh, beautiful and generous Mother Spain where is your loving concern for your child? It is I, your youngest born, unfortunate Filipinas. Glance at me, you cannot ignore my suffering. What follows is basically a past filled of the Philippines under the domination of the friars. The friars guaranteed quick access to paradise to all who agreed to their requests, yet this was a type of daya (deceit). In the Historia Famosa, the past, as narrated by the awit’s characters, is always shaped by the idiom of personal relationship. Don Sancho’s laments to Jimena, King Alfonso, and his son Bernardo project vivid images of the past, which appear periodically in the text, serving as markers to which the complicated elements of the story adhere. Sancho’s expressions of love to Jimena are constant reminder to his beloved as well as to the audience of the hardships which he has experienced in order to prove that his love is genuine, or “in the loob.” In Jimena, this lament has the effect of transforming an initial confusion into a commitment to her suitor in the face of retribution by the king. To the audience or reader, the laments serve as as a reminder that Bernardo has not experienced a parent’s love. To a person reading or listening to the awit, Sancho’s laments, would have evoked a response conditioned by his or her own experience of personal relationships. He would have experienced, not only Sancho and Jimena’s suffering, but also the loss of parental love that haunts Bernardo and frames his activities. This audience response, the stimulation of which rather than the mere telling of events is the awiit’s function, is called damay (empathy, participation). Flores and Del Pilar used the hibik (lament) form in order to evoke from their audience a similar state of receptivity for nationalist message. The novelty of Flores’s hibik diminishes when the poem is seen in the context of its time. Scholars seem have ignored Apolinario Mabini’s observation that the first sign of a genuine nationalist stirring among the inhabitants of Manila and Cavite was a pervasive feeling of damay in a patriotic context. According to Mabini, the friar-instigated public execution in 1872 of three priest under the false charge of plotting a mutiny in the Cavite arsenal had a deep impact on the masses. As rumors of the event spread through the provinces, ordinary Filipinos developed a hatred of the friars and “deep pity and pain for the victims. This pain wrought up a miracle, . . . feeling pain, [Filipinos] felt themselves living; so they asked themselves how they lived.” These enigmatic statements simply mean that there was damay with the victims; not just a private feeling of pity, but a consciousness of some common fate. The first recorded patriotic song, Sa Iyong ang Dahil (Because of You), makes sense in this connection. Allegedly sung after 1872, it is simply a suitor’s lament to his loved one, describing the pain in his heart caused by his love. It ends: You should remember that my sufferings are caused by you; always remember until death that you are my only love no one but you and only you. The informant states that “the song’s meaning, to put it simply, is the desire for liberty; but since the lives of Fathers Burgos, Gomez, and Zamora were in a quite precarious state, the people expressed their aspirations in this way.” The advancement of Tagalog "devoted" music, in any case, demonstrates that the damay evoked by kundiman is characteristic for recalling the past. The occasion of 1872 was converted into symbolism, therefore ending up some portion of the vocalist's or audience's attention to the past. Flores without a doubt knew the adequacy of the regret shape, which is the reason he used it as an edge in any case. The Hibik isn't unadulterated symbolism. The last ten stanzas of the Hibik summarize the Philippine past regarding a relationship whose genuineness is uncertain: Spain had sent the friars here, and because we had utang na loob to Spain for her protective care, we gave the frairs eveything they wanted. The friars reciprocated with acts of cruelty, executing the individuals who had damay for Filipinas' tears. How is it possible, Filipinas asks, for a mother to mistreat her ownchild? Has Spain, herself seduced by the Friars (as King Alfonso had been by Don Rubio), overlooked the past? In 1889, a year after the presence of Flores' Hibik, Marcelo del Pilar's continuation Sagot ng Espaňa sa Hibik nang Pilipinas (Spain's answer to Filipinas' regret) was distributed in Barcelona and illegally circulated in the Philippines. Once more, it is as a regret: an old and vulnerable mother requests her little girl's compassion and offers counsel. The casing is built up in the initial couple of stanzas: My heart was appalled when I heard your cry and dolorous plaint, my child; you have no sorrow, child, that’s yours alone, for your mother always shares [damay] it with you. You have no suffering, no affliction that I don’t undergo with you: since you’re the creation of my love, your humuliation is also mine. When you were born, dear child, into this world, then when I had not yet become impoverished, as your mother I had no other wish than to give you every comfort and pleasure. Tagalog films and mainstream magazine stories are shot through with scenes like this. Stories made for mass utilization perpetually contain one or a few scenes in which an old mother, seeing her little girl's (or son's) want to cut parental ties, sets out upon a long, sorrowful mourn which endeavors to influence the little girl to recollect her youth and the hardships experienced by her folks (especially the mother) to guarantee that the tyke experiences childhood in state of layaw. . 'Layaw,' which isn't anything but difficult to decipher, implies an agreeable, lighthearted childhood, educated by adoration among parent and tyke. In Sagot ng Espaňa sa Hibik nang Pilipinas, Del Pilar utilized the idea of layaw to outline the portrayal of the Philippines past started by Flores. The subject of a youngster's broken childhood by a surrogate parent shows up likewise in the Historia Famosa, in Don Rubio's inability to treat Bernardo as his very own child. Firmly reminiscent of Don Sancho's regret about his missing child is Mother Spain's very own mourn about the minister's unfeeling treatment of her little girl Filipinas: As your mother, I would like to remedy all these ills but what can I do—I have grown old and poor and helpless The famous Legaspi and Salcedo all the others in whom I put my faith as the ones who would take good care of you have departed and made us feel our loss. It is thus necessary, my child to learn to suffer and accept every affliction if from their slumber your children refuse to stir. Mother Spain proceeds with accounts of her own past, especially the European experience under the friars. Del Pilar used reality to extend his readers’ consciousnes of contemporary political substances and potential outcomes. "Spaniards, Frenchmen, Germans, and individuals of other European countries" are envisioned as having acknowledged the friars in accordance with some basic honesty, and having been sucked dry beacause of their own naivete. The twenty-four-stanza portrayal of the friars’ mistreatment of the European individuals parallels prior aaccounts of the circumstance in the Philippines. The accentuation is one the symbolism that summons feel sorry for the people in question —a basic fixing in awit that keeps up the gathering of people in a condition of damay. The following six stanzas depict the "terrifying" outcome of a people's indignation released. Once more, the awit outline is essential to Del Pilar. His readers understood images of "individuals control" because of their recognition with strikingly similiar depictions, in awit, of Christians battling Moros. In the accompanying stanzas, for instance we are helped to remember the wanton demolition that Bernardo delivered upon the powers of Emperor Carpio. The people’s vengeance was terrifying for nothing could hold back their anger the monasteries were burned as though they were the dens of vicious beasts The friars fought back, but what could shelter them from the people’s wrath! When the quiet sea raises a threat no heroic men can hold back the onrush of waves. Yet, this is the way other peoples took, cautions Mother Spain. All she can do for daughter Filipinas is to relate her story so that it can be passed on to the next generation—Filipinas and her children. Emancipation will have to come from Filipino youth who must first be awakened from the dream-state (a state of forgetfulness) in which the “secret enemy’s deceptive flaterry” has cast them, causing them to ignore their mother’s tearful lament. The worst that can happen is that they will not show utang na loob for the layaw she gave them: Heaven forbid that such a curse should fsll upon your children, my percious child: may they learn to look after you and learn to dry your tears. This is all that can be said in reply to your plaint by your crippled mother, dear; your vessel is fragile: let not your children sleep for a tempest tosses in midsea. The last line of Del Pilar's ballad comprise of the commonplace picture, in Tagalog religious verse, of a watercraft hurled by a tempest in midsea. In contrast to prior artists, be that as it may, Del Pilar does not praise the light or reference point that manages the pontoon to shore. It is neither the lessons of the ministers nor the Virging Mary, Star of the Sea. The ballad is left open-finished. A large portion of 10 years after the fact, a progressive mystery society called Kataastaasan Kagalanggalang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan (The Highest and Most Honorable Society of the Sons of the Country), or Katipunan for short, would broadcast itself as the light. In the compositions of its author, Andres Bonifacio, the Philippine past would again be talked about in the expression of individual relationship and correspondence, yet in a rationale that requested upset. There is maybe no identity in Philippine history as dubious as that of Andres Bonifacio. What is progressively essential is to understand why his compositions drove a large number of Filipinos to join the insurgency and why, long after the discontinuance of hostilities, the pictures and images related with his development kept the soul of autonomy alive among the basic society. Bonifacio experienced childhood in the world of awit verse. As a young fellow, while not at work as a trivial representative in a transportation organization, he was a performing artist in Tagalog shows. He knew about the greater part of the awit type writing and, as a performing artist, would have retains vast sections of them. His most loved work was the Historia Famosa ni Bernardo Carpio. As per the declaration of one of his friends, Bonifacio changed the names of spots, scenes, and mountains in his duplicate of the Historia to Tagalog names. Ruler Alfonso was Spain. The tragic Don Sancho and Jimena were mother and father Katagalugan (later to be called Filipinas). The jealous and deceptive Don Rubio more likely than not represented the friars. Bernardo Carpio was the young of the land. Every one of these characters remained in different terms of relationship to one another, while the Moros implied the outside, unfriendly universe. The mountain in wich Bernardo was detained was Montalban, later to end up an asylum of the Katipunan. There are obvious impediments to deciphering a Spanish-based content written in the primary portion of the nineteenth century. However, Bonifacio would have been quite mindful of the way that his uneducated compatriots' attention to the past was interceded by the awit and corrido frame. Moreover, he probably gained from Rizal's El Filibusterismo, if not from his own involvement, that the Historia Famosa was exceptionally mainstream among the "people" and that Bernardo Carpio had just been appropriated as a Tagalog legend. To Bonifacio and his kindred revolutionists, the Filipinos of his age—i.e., the young who, said Del Pilar, lived in a dreamworld—must be prepared to ascend against Spain when their conceptions of utang na loob to Mother Spain were undermined. For a general public held together exactly by such ties, notwithstanding, the disintegration of a relationship must be occasioned by the formation of another one. The way Bernardo Carpio took appeared to be the ideal model of an answer. In an authentic broadshet, Ang Dapat Mabatid ng mga Tagalog (What the Tagalogs should Know), distributed in 1896, Bonifacio uncovers his obligation to the proselytizers' viewa of a flouring pre-Spanish past. Spain, pulled in by such excellence and riches, came and aligned herself to Filipinas. Their bond, solemnized in the "blood minimized" between King Sikatuna and the agent of Spain, Legazpi, isn't not normal for the connection between Don Sancho and King Alfonso. Utilizing pictures which could have been enlivened by the Historia Famosa, Bonifacio depicts the early Filipinos battling Chinese and Dutch trespassers out of faithfulness to Spain, just to be remunerated with bad form incited by the ministers. Filipinos were "made visually impaired," their character degraded, and when they "set out to ask even the scarcest sympathy, the constant answer was banish, partition from the organization of [their] dearest youngsters, life partners and old guardians." The parallel here with the substance of Sancho's regret in jail is unquestionable. However, Bonifacio require not have been utilizing the Historia Famosa as a model. The symbolism of misery and division, and the damay evoked by such, are components of Tagalog attention to past occasions. The idea of Spanish guideline is, in Bonifacio's piece, brought out not as incongruity or direct maltreatment however in the accompanying portrayal of misery: Our tranquility is presently bothered by the groans and languishments, the moans and distress of endless vagrants, widows and guardians of countrymen wronged (anyaya) by the Spanish usurpers; presently we are deluged by the spilling tears of a mother whose child was killed, by the cries of delicate kids stranded by mercilessness and whose each tear that falls resembles liquid lead that burns the agonizing injury of our enduring hearts. The English interpretation does not satisfactorily catch the conditioning and "softening" of the loob that such a surge of pictures and sounds produces, impacts which are significantly increasingly articulated when tuning in to Bonifacio's ballads. A specific readiness of the loob is affected before Bonifacio then approaches the general population to pursue the way (landas) uncovered by the light of truth. "the time has come" for the general population to demonstrate that they have emotions, honor,sense of disgrace (hiya) and damay. "The time has wanted the Tagalogs to know the beginnings of their hardships." To reword Bonifacio regarding the youthful Bernardo's involvement, it is the ideal opportunity for the general population to end up one in loob by knnowing reality about themselves and their past. To achieve this information and to follow up on it involves denying the traditonal tie with "stepmother" Spain. The status of the “people” as youngest child (bunso) in Bonifacio’s discourse shows a striking similarity to that of Bernardo Carpio. Owing to the friars’ influence, the youngest child has grown up under a false parent, Spain. S/ he has no awareness of relationship with his true mother, Filipinas, in a time of ginhawa, a paradise-like state of comfort and security and a condition akin to layaw. Seeing the “people” in this light Bonifacio, in his best known poem, Pag-ibig sa Tinubuang Bayan (lit., “ Love for the Country of One’s Roots”), seeks precisely to evoke in his audience an awareness of a common past by transposing personal memories of layaw to a “national” key. A few stanzas from the poem illustrate this: Ah, this is the mother country of our birth she is the very mother who first opened our eyes to the delightful brightness of the sun which brings warmth to the weak body. To her we owe [utang] the first kiss of the wind that brings relief to the ailing heart that is drowning in the deep weel of misfortune and suffering. Entwined with this is love of country everthing dear to the memory from a happy and carefree childhood to when the body is brought to the gave the bygone days of joy the future that is hopd when the slaves will be freemen where can this be found but in one’s native land? Each tree and each branch of her fields and forest joyful to behold it is enough to see them to remember the mother and the loved one, happenes now gone. It has been referenced regarding the Historia Famosa that honorable, caring deeds are the results of a legend's steady awaareness of past relationship. The iamage of past snapshots of wholeness drives him to make the future in these terms. Having aroused in his group of onlookers an inclination for country as mother and cherished one, Bonifacio then harps on the subject of division and how the hole betwwen over a wide span of time can be shut by a brave demonstration. To have sympathy and utang na loob for homeland implies taking an interest in the demonstration of liberating her, and my this one move toward becoming "Filipino." The viability of Bonifacio's works can be ascribed to their capacity to summon damay for the nation, which is represented and given a past. The fantasy of bernardo Carpio is converted into the historical backdrop of the Tagalog individuals, which sustains into the development of a Filipino people. Not exclusively was Bernardo Carpio the man in the mountain who might boil down to free his kin from oppressors, yet as Bonifacio and his comrades in the Katipunan saw it, each modest indio could be Bernardo Carpio. The last's story, understood and cherished by all, was being happened on the "national" level. Bonifacio's compositions were close to signs driving people who, it should again be focused, lived in the realm of awit, to arrive at their own decisions about the manner in which the story should end. At the horizon, Mother, has risen the sun of Tagalog fury; for three centuries we kept it in the sea of woes wrought by poverty. Your children’s hut had nothing to hold it up during the terrible storm of pains and troubles; all in Filipinas are of one heart and you are no longer a mother to us all. The rejection of false mother—Spain—parallels Bernardo Carpio’s denunciation of his stepfather, the king, annd the beginning of the journey to restore his wholeness lost soon after birth. The absence of layaw that sets him on this course of action appears, too, on a “national”scale: Filipinas has received nothing by the way of comfort [layaw] from her mother, only pain our sufferings grew: revenues for this and that charges made and taxes levied left and right. To Bonifacio, the process of dissolving an old bond creating a new one demands a release of the people’s energies in the right direction. As he describes it: In the world will now explode the sound of guns and cannons loud like thunder, the furious storm when blood will flow while bullets and shells contend among themselves. Such an event was not unfamiliar to Bonifacio’s audience. When Bernardo Carpio finally discovered the names of his true parents, his first act was to unleash his tremendous power to frighten France into submission to her former vassal, Spain.
(Routledge Explorations in Economic History) Helen Paul - The South Sea Bubble - An Economic History of Its Origins and Consequences (2010, Routledge) PDF