Still Alive: A Holocaust Girlhood Remembered
By Ruth Klüger and Lore Segal
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As a child, Ruth Kluger witnessed her family’s comfortable life in Vienna systematically crumble as the Nazi-era took hold. At just 11 years old, she and her mother were sent to Theresienstadt, the first of three concentration camps in which Ruth would be imprisoned. Miraculously surviving Theresienstadt, Auschwitz, and Gross-Rosen, Ruth Kluger is now sharing her story with the help of Lore Segal in Still Alive: A Holocaust Girlhood Remembered.
In this controversial memoir, she argues that the female camp guards she encountered were much more human than the male guards. It is full of other nuanced reflections and observations that come from a lifetime of looking back on these traumatizing events.
This is not a book where Kluger intends to please everyone, find catharsis, or preach to the proverbial choir. Instead, there is much in this book that readers will likely take issue with. However, as the number of living survivors continues to dwindle, her recollection of events is invaluable to understanding what she and millions of others endured.
Ruth Klüger
Born in 1931, Ruth Kluger emigrated to America in 1947 where she is a distinguished professor of German. The author of five volumes of German literary criticism, Ruth Kluger is currently professor emerita at the University of California, Irvine.
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Reviews for Still Alive
57 ratings2 reviews
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Wow! This is such a profound, sensitive and in-the-face testimony of the holocaust that all other personal testimonies of camp life seem to pale in its wake.
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Like no other Holocaust memoir I've read before. The difference being Kluger does not suffer fools. She relates her experiences growing up in Austria and in the concentration camps, and after the war very directly. At times reading Still Alive felt like Kluger was observing and reporting on what had occurred to other people not to her. But her bluntness and distance serve to do the opposite; highlight her pain and loss. A significant part of this memoir describes difficult relationships with her father and especially with her mother. In the adult Kluger there still lingers a bewildered and hurt aura of a little girl who loved her parents but felt her emotions were misunderstood and usually unreturned. She felt she could never totally trust her mother which resulted in her lifelong distrust and scepticism of people. Smart, opinionated and starkly honest she survived with G-d directing her mother and other prisoners to help her. (I doubt Kluger would appreciate my bringing G-d into this because she is philosophically more humanistic in her belief that people alone are responsible for their lives.) Life taught her to be strong, resilient, and to move forward with her plans even if it meant disappointing others. At first I was surprised by Kluger's brash writing. Continuing to read I came to appreciate and recognize her unique brand of frankness. Many Holocaust memoirs I've read are often restrained or toned-down but Kluger was having none of that. I'm sure some readers would feel her writing is unkind, discourteous, and harsh by her "saying" that not all Jews, including some of her relatives, were especially good, kind and sweet even prior to life becoming difficult for Jews, and certainly not during the war and the Holocaust. As a matter of fact, Kluger admits to being stunned when she receives aid from other prisoners. This is Kluger's life and she wrote it according to her experiences, reactions and personality. A strong, exceptional reading experience.
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Still Alive - Ruth Klüger
Part One
VIENNA
Instinct picking up the Key
Dropped by memory–
—EMILY DICKINSON, FROM AF T ER A HUNDRED YEARS
1
Their secret was death, not sex. That’s what the grown-ups were talking about, sitting up late around the table. I had pretended that I couldn’t fall asleep in my bed and begged them to let me sleep on the sofa in the living room, which we called by the fancier French word salon. Of course, I didn’t intend to fall asleep. I wanted to get in on the forbidden news, the horror stories, fascinating though incomplete as they always were—or perhaps even more fascinating for their opaqueness, that whiff of fantasy they had about them, though one knew they were true. Some were about strangers, others were about relatives, all were about Jews.
At the table there was talk of Hans, a younger cousin of my mother’s, whom they had held temporarily in Buchenwald. The name means beech grove—a pretty name, the kind I liked because I read poetry about nature. The voices at the table, women’s voices, indistinct and barely audible because I kept my head under the blanket, were saying KZ. Just the two letters, short for Konzentrationslager. In German they make an ugly sound; they spit and cough like kah-tset.
Hans was scared. They had bullied him into not talking, and he hadn’t talked—or perhaps he had, maybe just to his mother? They had tortured him. What is torture, how does one stand it, how is it done? But he was alive and back, knock on wood, let’s be thankful. Next question: How do we get him out of Austria?
Hans did get out, and I was to meet him again in England, when I was no longer eight years old, but the way I am now: impatient and absentminded, prone to drop things intentionally or through clumsiness, even breakables like dishes and love affairs; a woman who is perennially on the move, changing jobs and homes at the drop of a hat and inventing the reasons afterwards while she is packing; a person who runs away as soon as she gets nervous, long before she smells danger. Because running away was the best thing I ever did, ever do. You feel alive when you run away. It’s the ultimate drug, in my experience.
So there I was with Hans in England, in his home, which he loved because he owned it. He was married to an Englishwoman, a gentile, and his children were visiting. I had come from America, together with Heinz, another cousin on my mother’s side, who had survived the war in Hungary with false papers that declared him an Aryan and a Catholic. Heinz was lucky in that his overanxious mother had refused to have him circumcised, a fact that caused considerable embarrassment when he was a little boy playing on the beach in the nude, as was customary in Europe. (Put some pants on him,
my grandfather, though no prude, would say to his older daughter, my aunt, writhing in his beach chair with discomfort at the sight of that shameful piece of skin, a babyish indiscretion disgracing the family.) Nowadays Heinz assures me that that bit of skin came in handy in the Hungarian school lavatories and locker rooms. When Heinz’s grandmother died in Budapest during the war, the family had to drag the Catholic priest away from the door of her room, for she would have vehemently rejected his promise of eternal life and thereby would have endangered the earthly life of the others.
Meanwhile our English cousin Hans—who had ended up liberating his homeland, Austria, as a soldier in the British army and surprising the natives with his ability to curse in perfect Viennese—was telling us indignantly how his rabbi hadn’t wanted him to marry a gentile, and how he had left the rabbi and clung to his woman. I hadn’t even thought of consulting a rabbi when I got married in Berkeley. Hans’s father, killed in Auschwitz, had been the only observant Jew in the family. It was incongruous, and therefore amusing, that his son, who had been the earliest embodiment of my childhood’s darkest and ever-expanding secret, should concern himself, let alone get angry decades after the fact, with some English rabbi’s objection to the woman of his choice. That was the best part. The rest was tea and cakes, and I was shifting in my seat, eager to get up, do something, go for a walk, anything to escape the all-embracing envelope of boredom, the unrelenting regurgitation of details from everyday life. Heinz told me later, not without a touch of malice, that Hans had asked him if I suffered from hemorrhoids, since I wouldn’t sit still for long.
But Hans wasn’t your average English home owner: he had been tortured in Buchenwald when he was a teenager. And I was the little relative who kept her ears open under her blanket, determined to find out more about this extraordinary experience. Not so much from sympathy as from curiosity, because Hans was the center of an exciting mystery which concerned me, too, in some nebulous way. Though no one would tell me about it because I was too young. And now?
Now I was better informed and could ask all I liked, for those who had imposed the restriction were gone, dispersed, had died in gas chambers or in their beds, wherever. And still I can’t get rid of the prickly sense that I am breaking taboos, searching for indecencies, like Noah’s children uncovering their father’s nakedness, that I am not supposed to know about death and dying. As if there were anything else worth knowing. The grown-ups pretended that only grown-ups die. But on the street, for all to hear, the Nazi boys were singing the song about Jewish blood spurting from their knives. That included my blood, didn’t it? And they were carrying sharp little daggers, weren’t they? You didn’t have to be very smart to get their meaning; on the contrary, it required some mental agility to ignore it, to shrug it off. (A German colleague of mine—I have become a professor of German literature since—reads what I have just written and says, You know, those knives weren’t daggers. They were good for cutting bread, that’s all. On excursions. They weren’t even pointed.
He takes a pencil and painstakingly draws the kind of knife he used to own as a member of the Hitler Youth. I would have preferred a real weapon,
he reminisces, then adds, Our knives carried the legend ‘Blood and Honor.’
That’s a dagger for sure, I think. Blood and honor means a dagger, whether the knife is pointed or round.)
So now I have a chance to ask Hans about the old secrets, and I do. In graduate seminars you learn how to ask precise questions, and I have taught that skill to students. But the other guests in the stifling space of the tidy English living room want to be left in peace: the children assure us that they were about to leave anyway and had better go now; Heinz takes off his glasses, wipes them, and asks plaintively whether we have to go through with this. Hans’s gentile wife leaves the room. She has heard it all before and more than she wanted. True, no doubt, but did she ever pay attention?
And Hans answers my questions and tells me his story. I want to know exactly what it was like, and with a certain groaning roundaboutness he tells me the minutiae, the contortion of the limbs. He can explain it well. He can even show me; he suffers from back pains dating from that time. And yet these details have a way of leveling the horror, as appeals from Amnesty International never quite get across what they are telling you because the familiar words, black ink on dry white paper, interfere with the mute and essentially wordless suffering—the ooze of pain, if I may so call it—they aim to communicate. Only in Hans’s tone of voice is there a hint of the sheer evil, of radical otherness. For the sensation of torture doesn’t leave its victim alone—never, not to the end of life. It isn’t the pain per se, it’s how it was inflicted. Consider how new mothers, by contrast, forget the great pangs of childbirth within days and so can look forward to their next child. What matters is not just what we endure, but also what kind of misery it is, where it comes from. The worst is the kind that’s imposed by others with malicious intent. That’s the kind from which no one recovers.
My head is a warehouse of such tales and reflections. And I crave more. I read them and listen to them. Though with the passing years many fervent convictions, and certainly all manner of faith, has drained out of me, I still seem to believe in the principle Knowledge is power,
which someone wrote in my little-girl poetry album (it had an enchanting tiny wooden horse for a bookmark). Occasionally I tell a few stories of my own, if someone asks. But that rarely happens. Wars, and hence the memories of wars, are owned by the male of the species. And fascism is a decidedly male property, whether you were for or against it. Besides, women have no past, or aren’t supposed to have one. A man can have an interesting past, a woman only an indecent one. And my stories aren’t even sexy.
This English cousin recently died, and I wondered why I hadn’t visited him more often. One reason was my indifference to family relations, which it took me years to acknowledge. Wherever there are Jews, the world over, it has become customary to count the murder victims among our relatives, to insist that our children know these figures, and to compare them with the remnant of the mishpokhe, the extended family. They are horrendous figures, huge collective graves. One hundred and five,
says an uncle. The next one adds another dozen, while an aunt ticks off a few more names on her fingers. For a long time I participated in this counting and accounting and tried to persuade myself that I was in mourning for people whom I hardly remembered. But actually I never experienced the comfort of a mishpokhe. Mine fell apart at the time I became conscious, not later. I’d like to belong, but wishing won’t do it. Basically, I never did belong; the dispersion started too early. Yet who likes to be a monad, alone in space? Better to be a link in a broken—yes, even a broken—chain. Still, now that the Holocaust archives are doing the counting for us, I won’t register with them as a survivor. The form lies where my son has put it for me, gathering dust in a corner of my desk. I can’t overcome my resentful reluctance to fill it out, as if it were one more roll call in the shivering hours of the morning, or the merciless heat of noon, on the Appellplatz of some last concentration camp.
To complicate matters, the other survivors of my Viennese childhood irritate me like a powerful itch, and I prefer to avoid them. I guess the child in me suspects that the older ones deserted me and that the younger ones still would, if they had the opportunity. Perhaps these barriers are my fault, perhaps theirs. Who knows? We all splash in dark waters when it comes to the past, to this past.
But the real reason I always shied away from visiting relatives was my bad conscience. Hans’s mother, my great-aunt, was one of those who died in the most pitiful way there ever was: the infamous death in the gas chambers. She was a relative I knew well, since Hans’s parents shared an apartment with my mother and me after my father had been arrested and we could no longer stay in our home. In my memory she remains the person who wouldn’t let me drink water after eating cherries, a superstition that undermined the authority of my absent father, the doctor in the family to whom nobody listened. She was the person who confiscated my collection of used streetcar tickets, one of the few amusements I invented for myself outside of reading, when so much else had closed down. She claimed it was unhygienic. (But it was mine, damn it. What right did she have to take it? I can still feel my eight-year-old indignation.) And she insisted that I eat all the food put before me in the dark hours of the morning at the kitchen table before going to school—a revolting, sticky mess washed down with a sweetish cocoa drink covered by that skinlike layer of milk which nauseates all children in the world, unless they are starving. She scolded me when I recited poems out loud, another private amusement, this one turning into a bit of an addiction to be sure: while walking the unsafe streets, I would mutter verses as if they were a magic spell. It was as much a neurotic symptom (I now say in retrospect) as an early sign of a literary turn of mind. But worst of all, she was the person who stood between me and my mother, keeping her at a distance from me so that after a day spent trying to get my father out of jail or looking for a job, she wouldn’t be aggravated by her little daughter’s demands for reassurance and affection in a world that was becoming ever more constricting and unfathomable.
So what could I say to her son, who loved her as a child loves his mother, when he questioned me, who hated her with a child’s needlesharp aversion, and who can’t forgive her, even after a death that is as hard to imagine as it is impossible to forget? For it is not in our power to forgive: memory does that for us, and when memory refuses, the honeyed words that are meant to convey what we sincerely think we ought to feel turn sour with hypocrisy. I know of her death in my mind. But my childish resentments are more deeply ingrained, where the mind doesn’t reach.
And anyway, what was so bad about reciting classical ballads on the street, the perfectly respectable kind of poems that older children were made to memorize in school? Why was nobody proud that I had learned them all by myself? It makes a bad impression.
You shouldn’t call attention to yourself in public.
"Jewish children who have bad manners cause rishes [anti-Semitism]." But was that relevant, when the entire population had been incited to despise and persecute us? The older people repeated the litanies learned in their childhood and didn’t, or simply couldn’t, think far enough to revise them to fit present circumstances. But I had been born in 1931 and thought it ludicrous that the great storm raging around us could be increased or diminished by my good or bad manners. Or that anyone should think so. My aunt wasn’t that stupid. So she just didn’t like me, I figured. And since I had not lived through many pre-Nazi years, I understood instinctively, without having to read Sartre on the subject, that while the consequences of anti-Semitism were a considerable problem for us Jews, the thing itself, the hatred, was a problem of and for the anti-Semites, and for them alone. Deal with it as you can was my attitude: I’m not going to become a paragon of virtue or put on nice-girl manners in order to shame and convert you. As if you wanted to be converted. And I went on memorizing and reciting eighteenth-century verse about knights and dragons and ancient bards and heroes.
The grown-ups had lost their bearings, and not only with regard to their children’s behavior: they were confused about how to conduct their own lives and by what standards. Mind you, these were not rich people. They were middle-class folk who, however solid, had to watch the bottom line. Yet now they fantasized that it could have made a difference if they and other Jews had acted differently—and this in a city which owed half its innovative thought and culture to Jews! What more could the Jews have done for what they thought was their country, too? Jewish women, for example, shouldn’t have worn jewelry in public, in the restaurants and cafés that were Vienna’s favorite gathering spots. (And why, I wondered, does one buy jewelry, if one isn’t supposed to wear it? I didn’t myself see much point to glittering stones, but if it’s so despicable to own them, I thought, why don’t they close the jewelers’ shops?) My people knew of the pogroms of the past (they wouldn’t have been Jews if they didn’t), but these were dark, historical, preferably Polish and Russian matters—nothing to do with us. They also knew what had been going on in neighboring Germany for the past five years. Or didn’t they read the newspapers? Maybe only the men did. At this point my understanding of my family falters, even at this late date. What were t h eythinking of? I ask with self-righteous hindsight. Their sudden and unwarranted self-criticism was a kind of psychological damage control, a way to find comprehen-sible proportions, recognizable parameters, for this new persecution. They turned introspective instead of getting out, legally or illegally, and regardless of destination. Just out. True, they didn’t have as much time as the German Jews to leave their country, but more than the Polish Jews. I know I would have left, I say now, with the feel of disaster still and forever in my bones.
I complained to my mother about this aunt of hers, Irene. She’s a mother of boys,
my mother said. She isn’t used to girls.
What was there to get used to, I thought irritably. And thus, frozen in death, this woman embodies the most appalling generation gap, for I cannot bring myself to think of her and her husband, my great-uncle, with commiseration. I remember his resentment at having to give me lunch when I came back from school and the women weren’t home. It wasn’t a man’s job, and he took out his humiliation on me. I realize that their murder shouldn’t be framed by the petty complaints of my childhood anger. But that is where my uncle and aunt are lodged in my mind and won’t budge. I remember that she would punish me when she found out that I had poured my breakfast cocoa into the sink. She would make me stay in the kitchen until I had eaten or drunk a second helping, more than my unwilling stomach could absorb, but only after it had done so was its owner permitted to leave the house for school. Which was unpleasant, because it meant I was going to be late. I reasoned that the grown-ups should get together and make up their collective minds and not impose punishments which other grown-ups considered cause for punishment, like making you late for school as a punishment for not eating your breakfast.
2
Yet ultimately it didn’t matter whether I was on time or late for school. It was one of those things that had become irrelevant in view of a more important question: which and how many of my classmates had been arrested overnight. (The German word was ausgehoben, lifted out,
and the men who did the job were usually Jews who hoped to gain privileges by collaborating, and who justified their work as an improvement over leaving it to the Nazis. They were Ausheber, lifters out,
a curious euphemism.) Or maybe the missing classmates had gone underground or had managed to leave the country by some mysterious, or perhaps even legal, means. I entered the classroom and looked round. The missing children might be sick, but it was more probable that I wouldn’t see them again. Every day there were fewer of us. When there were too few, the school was closed, and we were transferred to another school with the same problems. And then yet another one. The classrooms became older and more run-down. There was one with gaslight instead of electricity. On the dark winter mornings the teacher had to get up on a chair to light the lamp. There was something antique and venerable to this process, so I didn’t mind that we had to do our work in semidarkness. The remaining children wore shabby hand-me-downs, and their language was the dialect of the outlying districts: one could see and hear that they were the children of the poor. For one could not emigrate without money. In all the countries of the world, poor Jews were even less welcome than wealthy Jews. The teachers, too, disappeared, one after the other, so that we came to expect a new one every two or three months.
I attended eight different schools in four years. The fewer schools there were for us, the longer it took to get to school. You had to take the streetcars and the underground train. The longer it took, the less likely it was that one could avoid hateful glances and encounters. I left the house and was in enemy territory. It was little consolation that not all passersby were hostile, as long as there were enough, or any, who were. (This part of my story coincides with what older blacks will tell me, and with what black writers such as James Baldwin have poignantly described: a child facing a sea of hostile white faces. No white can understand, they say. I do, I say. But no, you have white skin, they counter. But I wore a Judenstern to alert other pedestrians that I wasn’t really white.)
When we had a male teacher, we recited the Shema Yisroel, the Jewish equivalent of the Lord’s Prayer. We recited it in German, monotonously, and without the slightest indication that we felt even an inkling of that love of God which the prayer imposes on the faithful. The boys had to cover their heads; inevitably there were some who had left their yarmulkes at home. They were reprimanded by the teacher and made to use their dirty handkerchiefs as head coverings, tying a knot in each corner so they wouldn’t slip. I was revolted by this quasi ritual, as I was revolted by the vulgar speech which had taken over, and which not only seemed inimical to the poetry I cherished but also ran counter to the more cultivated language of my bourgeois home, even though I didn’t live anymore in a bourgeois home.
One day when the children were particularly rambunctious during recess, the teacher called us a Judenschule—an anti-Semitic term referring to the supposed lack of discipline in a Jewish shul or cheder. But we are a Jewish school, I thought. Why did a Jewish adult humiliate Jewish kids, as if our Aryan compatriots weren’t doing their level best to take away our self-esteem? (I purposely don’t put quotation marks around the word Aryan, for at that time it was hardly ever used ironically.) And suddenly, although I had felt like an outsider among my relatively illiterate and proletarian classmates and hadn’t been one of the noise makers, I felt a new solidarity with the others and their quiet shame. The teacher, himself one of the downtrodden, had kicked those beneath him. Up until then I had had a bit of a schoolgirl crush on him. No longer: Jewish self-contempt wasn’t for me. I had discovered the opposite: Jewish pride. The bit about the Judenschule was even worse than Aunt Irene’s contention that bad manners cause rishes.
Soon afterwards, at the suggestion of my mother, I stopped going to school altogether. I had complained bitterly about how meaningless and depressing school had become, how I wasn’t learning anything, and what a burden it was to get there. For a while I had private English lessons from an Englishwoman who admired the Nazis, and whom I accordingly mistrusted. Why did your mother ever employ such a woman? says a young friend. I reply that Nazis and non-Nazis weren’t like apples and oranges, that it was rather a matter of more or less Nazi, and identities were constantly shifting. There were wild mood swings—were Austrians really Germans, as Hitler, himself an Austrian turned German, tried to persuade them, or something older and better? Opinions might or might not change into convictions (Opinions lie in the street,
Thomas Mann says somewhere. Anybody can pick them up
). Today’s fellow travelers of the regime could turn tomorrow into its opponents, or more likely, vice versa. My mother liked the woman’s British accent and didn’t think my teacher’s political opinions were any of my business. She was wrong: the teacher didn’t like Jew girls any better than I liked adherents of the New Order, and the lessons became an exercise in antagonism. It became a point of honor—Penelope’s honor, as it were—to forget from one lesson to the next whatever I had learned.
In school there had been girl named Liesel who was a few years older and physically much more developed than I. For me, she was the incarnation of a streetwise kid. She liked to throw out knowing hints on matters of menstruation and sexuality, with an implicit claim to the social superiority of the school yard, which she had anyhow in my eyes, since she was ahead of me by a couple of grades, and therefore, in that immutable hierarchy, was someone to respect. She knew that I wrote and memorized poems, and she took every opportunity to make fun of me. Don’t you know such and such a poem by heart?
she would innocently ask. Let’s hear it.
I would gladly oblige and begin to recite. Slowly but surely her face would turn into a sneer as she managed to distill some unintended indecency from the text. And I, in my poetic humorlessness, was upset and hurt when it dawned on me that I had been had and had walked into a trap. Liesel’s mother was