Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities: A Study of Fifty Democracies, 1948-2020, is a massive and interesting statistical expansion of Thomas PikPolitical Cleavages and Social Inequalities: A Study of Fifty Democracies, 1948-2020, is a massive and interesting statistical expansion of Thomas Piketty's Brahmin Left vs. Merchant Right, which examines political trends in three countries - France, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, and shows the emergence of an elite competition between the intellectual elite, who support left leaning parties and environmentalist parties of the "new left," and the wealthy elite, who continue to support right wing and conservative parties. This interesting split of the elite in democracies is examined in 50 case studies of all the tagged countries above, each section authored by one or multiple political analysts who examine polling data, voting habits and other statistical data sets, as well as historical literature. This creates a work of political economy that not only examines Piketty's wider thesis from numerous other nations, but also provides an interesting and concise history of electoral politics of each of the 50 nations examined. This book does not focus solely on the West, although this is where the thesis fits best. It does examine newer and none Western democracies in Latin America, Africa and the Middle East.
The book shows that the thesis fits well, but not in all cases has this political trend come to fruition, and where it has, there are large differences. The political systems of a nation play a big role; do they utilize a first-past-the-post, or proportional systems for how political seats are distributed? Are there active separatist movements, or ethnic/religious/social cleavages that skew the vote? Are there external threats to sovereignty? Are they backsliding into autocracy? All of the above and more play a factor. This book was a fascinating and all encompassing theoretical examination of the thesis, but additionally serves as a good resource to look at the electoral history of each nation in question, and engage with comparisons between and within democracies based on the effects of social cleavages of numerous sorts. I could write pages on the interactions and differences between and within countries as they are presented in this book, and suffice to say, this one is a keeper. Events and situations change within all countries, and across the globe, but with democracy going strong in many nations for the last 50-100 years, there is a lot of good data to analyze to determine historical trends that transcend traumatic events, like wars, coups or disasters, and show the continuities of history, and the effects of events on those histories, from the perspective of electoral politics. Fascinating and heady stuff, and worth a read for those looking to brush up on the history of democracy, something that is often focused on only a few big countries (US, UK, France etc.) and is often focused on universalist ideas as opposed to ground level events. ...more
The Stranger, by Albert Camus, is a dark and visceral tale about a clerk in colonial Algiers who sees the world in a unique way. His all-prevailing stThe Stranger, by Albert Camus, is a dark and visceral tale about a clerk in colonial Algiers who sees the world in a unique way. His all-prevailing stoicism, sense of extreme disconnection from what is happening around him, and his quiet nature all lead to eventual tragedy. This short book really spoke to me in many ways. Our protagonist commits many acts that on the surface seem to be heartless, but explained from his inner dialogue, make complete sense. Pity then that society has no understanding of what he is thinking or feeling, even though he does not care. This was a book about many things; colonial and male privilege are prevalent, even though the author may not be speaking about it per se. Our characters quiet nature seems to attract those around him, and marks him out as one with good character. Even so, he cannot emotionally connect with the world around him, and lives through how he is currently feeling. If he is tired, he wants to sleep. If he is hungry, eat. Smoke. Swim, etc. The world of colonial Algiers buzzes through this book. I could almost smell the fresh sea air, and hear the bustle of the City. Camus has done such a dazzling job at describing the world and how our main character interacts with it.
As you can probably, tell, I really loved this book. It was visceral, engaging, and I could not put it down. I am very much engaged with reading books from this period, and on the topic of colonialism and anticolonialism. Reading on colonial Algiers from Camus, who lived through that time, was brilliant. The struggles of daily life, from the perspective of a bored French clerk, is an excellent perspective to experience, with all the hellish privilege, indifference, and mundanity that every day life can attest. Easy recommendation for anyone looking for a solid classic from Camus. It's a great delight. ...more
The French Intifada: The Long War Between France and Its Arabs, by Andrew Hussey, is an interesting book on France's historical relationship with ArabThe French Intifada: The Long War Between France and Its Arabs, by Andrew Hussey, is an interesting book on France's historical relationship with Arab populations in North Africa (particularly in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia) and the parallels these relationships draw with modern race riots and terrorism which are present in modern France, Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. The book is part journalistic travelogue and reflections by the author, part history of French colonialism in the Maghreb and the revolutionary movements that violently threw them out, and part social commentary on unrest and social upheaval in French society.
Hussey first examines the race riots and terrorist acts (this is pre-2015, so the major attacks on Charlie Hebdo and Paris attacks) that shook France in the early 2000's. These riots are often performed by immigrant populations from former French colonies, some who are second or third generation French, who despise the ghettoization they perceive in the banlieue of major French cities. These people are often young, disenfranchised, poor, with little prospects in the future, and often the target of racism. Hussey then moves on to outline French colonial history in Algeria, its violent conquest, crackdown on civil rights, racist policies and finally its violent war to try and hold on to the colony, which almost led to a coup in France itself, saw the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people in violent street conflicts between competing French and Algerian terrorist groups with complacency and support from the government. Hussey looks at Morocco and the slow French conquest of rights and privileges after proclaiming a protectorate. Morocco too suffered from violence from French settlers and those disenfranchised with French rule. Tunisia is examined as well, its conquest, upheaval, and independence under Ben Ali.
These form the backdrop of the conflicts emerging in mainland France to this day. France is intimately connected with its former colonies, with extensive business ties, migration, support for authoritarian regimes in Morocco and Algeria (and formerly, in Tunisia) and military and police cooperation. France seeks to this day to protect its "sphere of influence" over this area of North Africa, and has participated closely in crackdowns and political change in the region, to promote French interests. This leads to anger and frustration in France's immigrant population, who suffer from poverty, marginalization and racism, feel the weight of historical wrongs on their shoulders, and wish to take it out on France. Popular riots are fairly common in French cities, and some banlieues are even no-go areas for police and Europeans. France is a society that is seething with anger, misunderstanding, racism and a history of violent colonialism and unrest. Hussey notes that France is beginning to suffer its own Intifada style violence, as those who grind out their lives in poverty and misery in the slums of Paris seethe with want for a better life, and revenge. The targets are often the rich, Jews and foreigners (tourists, Americans etc.).
Hussey's book is extremely opinionated, but offers a clear and concise argument on France's growing unrest and inability to interact with its immigrant communities. It chronicles French atrocities in North Africa, and details the crackdowns, naked imperialism and violent massacres that marked its colonial rule. It then chronicles the independence movements of the FLN in Algeria, and organizations in Tunisia and Morocco who struggled, often using extreme violence themselves, to remove the millions of Pieds-Noirs Hussey's books was an excellent read. I did find the movement from travelogue to hard facts a bit tiresome. I personally would have preferred a more in depth look at French colonisation, however, over the personal accounts. These offer little to the book, and are thrown in willy-nilly for affect.
Even so, this book is a highly enjoyable account of the issue of French relations with the world of North Africa. Unrest and terrorism in France, the Arab Spring movement, and growing radicalism in the politically restive Middle East, all make this book a timely and introspective look at a conflict that many in the West see as a nuisance with little impact on their lives. The reality is, this conflict often began in the West, was instigated by policies of marginalization, and is being fought on the streets of major French cities. Many Westerners continue to disregard Islam and its more radical forms as completely barbaric, but when one reads the accounts of colonialism in this region (which only ended a mere 50 years ago) one begins to see why the conflict can be so bloody and violent. Hatred is deeply rooted in both parties, and may last yet for a long time. This is why the "French Intifada" is such an apt title. It is a struggle by groups who feel they have no home, no place in society, and yearn for something. Highly recommended for those wish to read about decolonization, French and North African History, and social and cultural relations. ...more
The Scramble for Africa: The White Man's Conquest of the Dark Continent from 1876 to 1912, is a fascinating book on the European division of African tThe Scramble for Africa: The White Man's Conquest of the Dark Continent from 1876 to 1912, is a fascinating book on the European division of African territory, known as the Scramble for Africa. In this competition for territory, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Belgium, Italy and Spain all carved territories out of the African continent, for various reasons. Spreading the "three C's" (Christianity, Civilization, Commerce) was an important motivation for many European explorers, General's and Politicians to get involved. Overt racism was another. Naked competition and greed were also major factors.
The Scramble got under way for a few reasons. First, France annexed Tunisia, nominally a province of the Ottoman Empire, in a bid to extend the security and profitability of their neighbouring colony in Algeria (annexed formally in 1834). The British similarly became involved in financial scuffles in Egypt, also nominally Ottoman, but controlled jointly by French and British financial interests. Tunisia was outright annexed to France, which ticked off Italy, which had many colonists and financial interests in the area. Britain decided to covertly submit Egypt to vassalage, and jointly flew the British and Egyptian flag over Egypt and Sudan (controlled by the Khedive as various provinces). The animosity of the annexation of Tunisia between France and Italy, and French and German annoyance at Britain's heavy hand in Egypt, led to an increasingly rapid scramble for territory all over Africa, and increased tensions, leading Europe to the brink of war on multiple occasions over pieces of swamp and dessert with little commercial value. Public opinion in France and Germany demanded colonial possessions, and Italy was game as well. Britain, however, was reluctant for a long while to join the game, and only started taking land so it would not fall to its rivals.
The spoiling factor of this all was King Leopold of Belgium, who really wanted an African Empire to rule over, and couched his desires in humanitarian language, fooling much of Europe into cooperation, and bullying or playing off rivals in France, Germany and the UK against each other. His Machiavellian maneuvers allowed him to annex the Congo (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo), the literal heart of Africa, where the Congo and Nile river deltas spill, and a treasure trove of ivory, rubber, mineral resources and many other valuable goods. Leopold would not be satiated with just this, however. He dreamed of a Nile Empire, and came very close to grabbing both modern Uganda and chunks of Sudan to join to the Congo colony by playing off tensions between France and Britain, and utilizing Chancellor Bismark of Germany as his patron. He used explorers and adventurers like Stanley, the British explorer who carved a bloody path through the Congo, and narrowly lost taking the entire Congo basin for Belgium. Later on, Belgian soldiers and politicians created the "Free State of the Congo", a fantastical "state" nominally controlled by King Leopold and formally annexed to Belgium at a later date. This colony was brutally exploited, showing Leopold's overtures to free trade and humanitarianism to be farcical tools for expansion. Leopold ran one of the worst colonies the world has ever seen, killing millions of his subjects, mutilating many more, and brutally exploiting slave labour, stamping out independent Kingdoms and tribes, and exploiting resources.
Britain, as mentioned, was a reluctant colonial regime at first. Britain's most profitable colonies were its Dominions, first Canada, and then Australia and New Zealand. These colonies brought profitable trade goods, were white and Christian, and nominally politically independent. Britain gained all of the profits of a colony without the headache of having to pay for garrisons or politicians. This led to a dream of Dominion in South Africa. Britain controlled the Cape and Natal regions of South Africa early on, and soon extended dominion over Zululand after the Zulu Wars. Machiavellian politicians also existed in Britain. Cecil Rhodes sought to create a diamond and gold Empire in South Africa by "painting the map red". He dreamed of a corridor from Egypt to South Africa, all British. He acted on these dreams with brutal political acumen. Zululand was conquered, and covert wars were started against the Dutch republics in Transvaal and the Orange Free State. Rhodesia was annexed from its King, and modern Botswana eventually became a British colony. Dominion status was achieved eventually, but bloody wars, incompetent politics, and internal disputes made a mess of it. Native Africans were brutally exploited, and Afrikaans (Dutch settlers) fought wars of independence and struggle against encroaching British interests, which led to some of the most expensive wars in British history.
Britain also sought to extend its borders in East and West Africa, and over the Nile. Competition between British trading interests in the Niger region and Cameroon led to conflict with France and Germany, and almost to war on multiple occasions. France sought to paint West Africa Blue, and pushed into the Niger territory nominally claimed by Britain. The northern borders of Sierra Leone, Ghana and Nigeria were in dispute, although eventually worked out politically. The French also sought territory in the Nile regions of Eastern Africa. French expeditions to Fahsoda and southern Sudan sought to annex territory to France, and Uganda was fought over by Germany, France and Britain through exploratory expeditions and missionaries. Britain lost control over Sudan to the Mahdi revolution, which sought an Islamic state in Northern Africa, and fought for independence for Sudan from Egypt/Britain. The Mahdi state expanded into modern Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia, but was eventually stamped out by Britain. France was beaten back politically, though this conflict over Fashoda, a swampy wasteland, almost led to war between France and Britain. Instead, detente was achieved.
This was because Britain was also in competition with Germany. Bismark stealthily annexed Cameroon, Togo, and Namibia, taking Britain and France completely by surprise. He also extended dominion over much of East Africa (modern mainland Tanzania) and came close to grabbing modern Kenya and Uganda as well. Bismark disliked the colonial drive, but this crafty advocate of Realpolitik sought to use German colonies as bargaining chips for eventual European concessions, successfully trading his claims in East Africa for the important naval base in Heligoland with Britain, and wishing to use territory to get France to renounce its claims in Alsace-Lorraine, taken during the Franco-Prussian War in 1872. German public opinion was strongly pro-colony, but Bismark saw them as worthless tracts of land. However, he joined the scramble with gusto, never one to pass up an opportunity to strengthen Germany's position. His was a much more Euro-focused colonial expansion. Every move was calculated to play France off against Britain. He closely supported Afrikaans independence in southern Africa, supported Italian claims in Ethiopia, and allowed Leopold in Belgium to make his moves. All was done to strengthen the German alliance system in Europe, and to try and get either France of Britain to move away from Russian support, and to keep France and Britain away from detente. His retirement from politics saw this end, and eventual French and British detente did come to fruition, and directed against the German state.
France had different motivations. They had been humiliated politically in recent years, and the state had been in flux ever since to fall of Napoleon and the Franco-Prussian war. France had lost territory in Europe, and sought to extend its prestige by grabbing large tracts of land, regardless of its worth. They competed early on with Belgium over the Congo, and grabbed the northern chunk (modern Republic of the Congo). They extended the borders of Senegal, and gained control over huge swathes of "light land" in West Africa and the Sahara Dessert. Competition with the British was fierce, and Anglo-phobia strong in French politics and within the public sphere. However, the danger of Germany proved greater, and the German annexation of Togo and Cameroon, both nominally in France's West African sphere, and bordering her colonies, alarmed France to a great extent. As competition with Belgium and Britain dried up in the Congo and West Africa/Nile region, France was able to focus on Germany, and eventually joined with Britain in the alliance that has seen it through two World Wars. France also coveted much of Northern Africa, with historical claims on Egypt (Napoleonic era) and interests in protecting its valuable Algerian colony. Tunisia, as mentioned, was annexed, Morocco joined as a vassal and Germany out competed in the region. France also extended deep into the Sahara Dessert, with an interest in creating rail links through the region to its little jewel in Senegal (never happened).
France also competed strongly with Italy. Italy was miffed about Tunisia, and sought to extend its Eritrean colony into the valuable hinterlands of Somalia and Ethiopia. In Ethiopia, Italy was roundly defeated by the Ethiopia King Menelik, supplied with modern weapons and artillery by France. Italy was extremely humiliated, and furious at the French, eventually joining the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary in retaliation. Italy eventually grabbed Libya (and Rhodes in Greece) from the Ottoman's in 1911, and sought territorial concessions from Britain and France in Somalia in exchange for diplomatic concessions in Europe (they betrayed the Triple Alliance in WWI, and joined the British Allies). France lost most of its claims in Eastern Africa, being left with the valuable port of Djibouti, and the islands of Madagascar. As an aside, Spain eventually gained territory in northern Morocco, parts of the Sahara coast below Morocco, and Equatorial Guinea as political concessions by France and England.
The Scramble was a blur of names and land grabs. Rhodes, Salisbury, Chamberlain, Gordon and Kitchener, to name a few, sought to paint the map red, compete for political influence and resources with Britain's other colonies, and end the slave trade in Africa, while keeping shipping lanes through the Suez Canal and around the Cape of Good Hope open to British ships. France's explorers, like Brazza, cut deep into the jungles of the Congo, and sought to grab as much territory for France as a way to reverse the humiliations of the past. Leopold baldly sought money and power in a new African Empire. Bismark sought pieces for his European chess game. Italy and Spain, as smaller powers, sought to tag along like Belgium, but had difficulty competing with the big powers. In a period of less than 50 years, every piece of Africa (save, for a time, Ethiopia) became portions of small European nations who were after resources, power and prestige. The scramble often seems like an afterthought, and indeed, less than a century later, these areas would gain independence once again, although to this day, legacies of colonial abuse, lack of resources, and unfavourable contracts with Western Nations plagues Africa.
This has been a long review so far. Suffice to say Pakenham has written probably the definitive text on this blistering period of land grabbing. The naked greed and racism that came with this Scramble is plain to see, and Pakenham does not even attempt to go beyond what actually happened; there is no need to do so. No narrative is needed, save for the speeches, pieces of text and actions of those who conquered an entire continent, and to those who were conquered. Pakenham does a wonderful job showing the thought processes of both sides. Many African Kings and politicians sought modern weapons to extend their own dominions, and tried to play sides off against each other, often successful for decades. King Menelik of Ethiopia was the only one who would succeed, and at the cost of tens of thousands of lives, and the destruction of much of Ethiopia. I could go on and on, but I will leave off by saying this book has a well deserved reputation as being one of the best history texts every written. It looks at a relatively small period of time, where massive world changes occurred, and Empires that boggle the mind were carved out willy-nilly for reasons varying from promoting trade, to protecting sea lanes, to just wanting more land. This was a serious and silly time of exploitation, imperialism and opera bouffe which cost the lives of millions of innocent Africans, used as European pawns, slaves, porters and cannon fodder. This is truly a wonderful history text, and it is easily recommended for anyone interested in this period of time. ...more
Loading...
