The book is not worth reading due to its repetitions and lack of depth; a summary would suffice. The author attempts to conceal his ideological religiThe book is not worth reading due to its repetitions and lack of depth; a summary would suffice. The author attempts to conceal his ideological religious motives under the guise of being a liberal thinker raised in the US, using this to undermine US efforts in promoting democracy. He attributes the failure of democracy in the Middle East to the US rather than the people of the region. Instead of approaching his thesis from a multidimensional perspective—considering religious, cultural, economic, and political factors—he exclusively blames the US.
The author fails to acknowledge that liberalism and democracy typically reinforce each other in a cycle. However, in the Middle East, this cycle is distorted due to cultural and religious influences. Manipulated forms of fake liberalism are used to gain democracy, which then leads to illiberalism and ultimately theocracy. Consequently, rather than an authoritarian regime driven by self-interest, the region ends up with religious authoritarianism.
Furthermore, labeling the US mission of spreading democracy as "hypocrisy" is ignorant and shows a lack of understanding of US foreign policy history....more
In this book, the author outlines four distinct eras of American foreign policy. The first era, which he terms "Weak Power," encompasses the period duIn this book, the author outlines four distinct eras of American foreign policy. The first era, which he terms "Weak Power," encompasses the period during which Americans secured their independence from Britain. By leveraging effective political tools such as sanctions, the United States not only gained independence but also expanded its territory and experienced significant economic growth, particularly following the Industrial Revolution.
The second era, referred to as "Great Power," began with World War I. During this time, the United States joined forces with other nations to defeat Germany twice and Japan once. Additionally, the country navigated the Great Depression with minimal damage compared to the rest of the world.
The third era, labeled "Superpower," emerged after World War II. In this stage, the United States successfully contained the Soviet Union and used both economic and military strategies to contribute to its eventual collapse.
However, the fourth era, which the author calls "Hyperpower," saw a decline in American success. The author argues that this decline was due in part to the expansion of NATO, which alienated Russia after the Cold War—a situation that might have been avoidable. Furthermore, the U.S. withdrew from the Middle East with the belief that liberal values would prevail on their own, a stance that the author attributes to overconfidence. The book highlights that the post-Cold War era, particularly under President Clinton, saw a belief that globalization would promote economic growth, which in turn would foster democratic governance and peaceful foreign policies. While the 20th century provided some support for these assumptions, the experiences of post-Cold War Russia and China did not align with these expectations.
The book is an engaging read, particularly because it offers a detailed overview of U.S. history beginning in 1765, highlighting the strategies the Founding Fathers used to shape the country's foreign policy framework. However, the author occasionally provides overly simplistic explanations for the actions and decisions of various U.S. administrations, which I believe may have been influenced by more complex considerations beyond just tactical choices. ...more
In this book, the author meticulously examines U.S. intervention in the Middle East, detailing events from the presidency of Jimmy Carter to that of JIn this book, the author meticulously examines U.S. intervention in the Middle East, detailing events from the presidency of Jimmy Carter to that of Joe Biden. Each chapter focuses on the significant decisions made by various administrations that profoundly influenced the U.S. presence in the region. The book provides a thorough analysis of how these decisions were formulated and their long-term impacts, starting with deterrence against the USSR and moving to the strategic shifts in U.S. policy post-9/11.
Additionally, the book highlights the U.S. efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, noting the genuine attempts of several presidents to address the Palestinian crisis while maintaining Israeli satisfaction. This topic is explored in depth in the final chapter, where the author identifies it as one of the most positive aspects of U.S. intervention, alongside economic investments and the Iran nuclear deal initiated by Obama and later halted by Trump.
This compelling and informative book serves as an excellent reference on American intervention in the Middle East. It is highly recommended for those interested in the subject and can also be seen as a roadmap for future U.S. strategic positioning in the region....more
Lebanon's strategic location on the Mediterranean, bordered by Israel and Syria, amplifies its importance despite its small size and internal divisionLebanon's strategic location on the Mediterranean, bordered by Israel and Syria, amplifies its importance despite its small size and internal divisions among eighteen recognized religious sects. These divisions and local factions seeking external support make Lebanon a focal point for regional and global powers, including the United States, whose involvement has historically oscillated between deep engagement and withdrawal. This pattern has often resulted in diminished American influence and strengthened adversaries like Syria, Iran, and Hezbollah. The author's connection to Lebanon began with his grandparents' fondness for the country, leading to a career that saw him deeply involved in Lebanese-American relations. His experiences underscore the complexities and challenges of foreign policy in a region fraught with conflict, where American actions and inactions have significant consequences. The book offers insights and recommendations for navigating this long-standing and intricate relationship.
The book under review traces American diplomacy towards Lebanon from its independence in 1943 to the aftermath of the Cedar Revolution and the July 2006 war, emphasizing the significant impacts of US actions. It highlights six key episodes: the assertion of US commitment to colonial independence in 1943-44, military intervention to restore order during Lebanon’s civil conflict in 1958, efforts to prevent a Syrian-Israeli clash in 1976, intervention in 1982-84 to mitigate Israel's invasion consequences, the US's strategic withdrawal in the 1990s which bolstered Syrian and Iranian influence, and the mixed outcomes of the Cedar Revolution in 2004. The book argues that US policy towards Lebanon has been marked by inconsistent engagement, often oscillating between intense involvement and neglect, resulting in diminished American influence and increased power for adversaries like Syria and Hezbollah. It concludes that a more consistent, balanced approach might have yielded better long-term stability and reduced crises. The author frequently reiterates that Americans tended to assume Locke's normative principles apply to Lebanon. At the same time, most Lebanese acknowledge their reality as more akin to the world described by Hobbes and Machiavelli. He adds that this oscillatory approach often confused Lebanese allies and was exploited by opponents.
In Chapter 1, the author discusses the US diplomatic intervention that led to the independence of Lebanon in 1943. The transformation of American involvement in Lebanon from the pre-World War II era to the post-war period marks a significant shift in U.S. foreign policy. Initially, the American presence in Lebanon was primarily characterized by missionary work and educational initiatives, exemplified by the establishment of the American University of Beirut (AUB). Official U.S. interest was limited to protecting American citizens and ensuring trade access. However, World War II catalyzed a dramatic change in this approach. The war brought Lebanon's strategic importance into focus for the United States. Concerns about German expansion in the region, particularly after the invasion of France, heightened American interest in Lebanese independence from France. American diplomat George Wadsworth was pivotal in advocating for Lebanese autonomy, reflecting the shift from "disinterested benevolence" to active political engagement. This change was driven by multiple factors: emerging Cold War dynamics, the desire to secure access to Middle Eastern energy resources, and the need to prevent Soviet influence in the region. Through diplomatic efforts, including pressure at the 1943 Cairo summit, the U.S. successfully opposed French attempts to retain sovereign advantages in Lebanon, even when initially faced with British support for France. This marked America's first significant political intervention in Lebanon and set the stage for a more prominent U.S. role in the country and the broader Middle East in the post-war era.
In Chapter 2, the author discusses the events that led to the American intervention in Lebanon in 1958. Lebanon was facing a domestic conflict between the Maronite Christians, led by President Camille Chamoun, and Sunni Muslims who felt politically and economically disadvantaged. Regionally, there were tensions between Arab nationalist movements led by Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser and Western-oriented regimes. The Soviets supported these Arab nationalist movements. The US, fearing Soviet influence in the region, sent marines to Lebanon in 1958 to support the Chamoun government. This was the only military intervention initiated by President Dwight Eisenhower during his presidency. The US intervention achieved its short-term goal of restoring stability but did not address the underlying problems in Lebanon's governance and social structure.
In Chapter 3, the author discusses the US Intervention of 1976 to prevent a Syrian-Israeli clash. The author explains how Lebanon, a country with a fragile sectarian balance, descended into civil war in 1975 due to the National Pact's Limitations, Rise of Palestinian Fedayeen, Weak Central Government and External Influences. The US played a limited role focusing primarily on the containment of the USSR in the region and that the Lebanese conflict does not spill off borders. Washington considered Lebanon marginal to U.S. interests, but American neglect and unintended consequences of diplomacy after the 1973 war contributed to Lebanon’s fifteen-year conflict. Initial indifference to Lebanese pleas for help against Palestinian encroachments, followed by a modest diplomatic initiative by Dean Brown, failed to prevent long-term instability. While Brown's mission temporarily eased tensions and aligned U.S. and Syrian interests, it ultimately led to Syrian occupation and the erosion of Lebanese sovereignty. The U.S.'s focus on broader Middle Eastern peace and its inability to address core issues in Lebanon, such as Palestinian demands, exacerbated the civil war, resulting in significant national security problems for both the U.S. and Israel. The Ford administration's acceptance of Syrian intervention and the failure to engage in sustained, practical support for Lebanese state institutions contributed to Lebanon's descent into prolonged conflict.
In Chapter 4, the author discusses the US intervention of 1982-84 to mitigate the consequences of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. In the 1980s, Iran, allied with Syria, effectively thwarted U.S. objectives in Lebanon by reversing Israeli gains, dismantling an American-brokered peace deal, and compelling the evacuation of U.S. military and diplomatic personnel. This success led the U.S. to withdraw from Lebanon and engage in the controversial arms-for-hostage deal with Tehran. The Reagan administration's initial phase in Lebanon saw a successful combination of military force and diplomacy, achieving PLO withdrawal from Beirut. However, the second phase was marred by unrealistic goals, misalignment of military and diplomatic efforts, and inadequate responses to the evolving political and military landscape. The intervention faded when a truck exploded in the barracks of US and French troops in Beirut, killing 241 Americans and 58 French personnel, marking the deadliest day for US Marines since Iwo Jima. The U.S.'s failure to counter Iranian and Syrian influence in Lebanon, coupled with internal bureaucratic stalemates, ultimately led to a disengagement that left Lebanon unstable and allowed Hezbollah to gain a foothold.
In Chapter 5, the author discusses the “Syria First” policy by the Clinton administration during the early 90s. During the Clinton administration, Syria was seen as crucial for achieving comprehensive peace for Israel and countering Iran, which led to tensions in US policy toward Lebanon. Despite the Taef Accord's emphasis on Lebanese independence and sovereignty, US officials accepted Syrian troops' presence in Lebanon, hoping they would help disarm Hezbollah in an Israeli-Syrian peace context. This focus on Assad brought no breakthroughs for Israel but allowed him to consolidate power over Lebanon. US officials believed Assad could ensure stability in Lebanon and peace for Israel, yet achieving a firm commitment from him proved elusive. Hezbollah grew more integrated with the Lebanese Shia identity. Lebanon became a battleground between Israel and Hezbollah, with Hezbollah provoking two significant Israeli military operations that ultimately increased its popularity. US-brokered ceasefires acknowledged Hezbollah as a significant player. By 2000, Israeli tolerance for conflict in the security zone waned, leading to an IDF withdrawal that Hezbollah capitalized on, reinforcing its "resistance" role.
In Chapter 6, the author discusses the events that led to the Cedar Revolution and the American intervention. Between 2004 and 2008, American policy actively engaged with Lebanon, influenced by the broader Middle East context, notably the Iraq War. Unlike past involvements in 1958 and 1982-4, this period did not involve US military action, partly due to the painful memories of the Reagan era. The US and France exerted diplomatic pressure on Syria to end its occupation of Lebanon and its support for regional insurgencies, leading to the Syrian withdrawal and a UN investigation into the assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq El-Hariri. Despite initial successes, Lebanon remained deeply divided, with Hezbollah, supported by Iran and Syria, maintaining significant influence. The 2006 Israel-Hezbollah war further complicated matters, undermining US influence and leading to increased Arab state involvement. Efforts culminated in the Doha Agreement, which failed to resolve Lebanon's deep-seated issues, contributing to ongoing political and socioeconomic instability. The freedom agenda succeeded in ending the Syrian occupation. Still, this agenda proved inadequate in addressing the entrenched power of Hezbollah, highlighting the challenges of promoting democracy in a context dominated by armed groups.
In Chapter 7, the author discusses American diplomacy toward Lebanon from 2008 to the early 2020s. It describes how U.S. policy towards Lebanon was often inconsistent and influenced by broader regional issues like Arab-Israeli peace efforts, Iran policy, and the Syrian civil war. The Obama administration initially pursued engagement with Syria and Iran, but these efforts were complicated by the Arab Spring and Syrian conflict. The Trump administration took a harder line against Iran and its proxies like Hezbollah. Throughout this period, Lebanon faced political gridlock, economic crisis, and Hezbollah's growing influence. The Biden administration worked to reestablish relations with Iran, but Iran remains undeterred. On the other hand, the U.S. maintained some consistent policies, including support for the Lebanese military, pushing for reforms tied to financial aid, and mediating a maritime border deal between Lebanon and Israel in 2022.
In the last Chapter, the author argues that Lebanon's importance to American interests has been episodic, primarily due to its strategic location, leading to oscillating periods of intense involvement and neglect. The author critiques this approach, advocating for a more consistent, modest level of engagement to better manage crises and maintain partnerships. The author examines factors influencing U.S. policy, including domestic politics, relationships with allies like Israel, and approaches to regional powers such as Syria and Iran. It identifies missed opportunities for more effective engagement and emphasizes the importance of skilled diplomacy. The analysis concludes by calling for a more holistic, realistic, and patient approach to foreign policy in Lebanon and the broader Middle East, stressing the need to restore American deterrence in the region.
The book is well-written and, in my opinion, serves as a significant reference on U.S. foreign policy toward Lebanon. The detailed accounts of each event make it an invaluable resource for researchers studying the political history of Lebanon, especially as it provides the American perspective and narrative on the unfolding of events.
A great book about the different kinds of personalities and how can one kind be misunderstood by another. The four kinds starting with the dominant poA great book about the different kinds of personalities and how can one kind be misunderstood by another. The four kinds starting with the dominant positive red personality, to the cheerful positive enthusiastic yellow one, to the silent routine blue analytic personality ending with the selfless green personality. The author give examples of these personalities and which personalities go along while others clash. Highly recommended read. ...more
Very interesting book about the overall assessment of empires and what led to their decadence. The author argues that wealth is one of the factors thaVery interesting book about the overall assessment of empires and what led to their decadence. The author argues that wealth is one of the factors that lead to that. Wealth is an individualistic gain that turn the focus of people from common good and social caring into personal benefit. Other than wealth, the author seems to present the conservative values as the ones protecting empires from decay. Weakening of religiosity, high immigration rate and unbalanced diversity, the welfare state in addition to other factors all contribute to the decadence of empires. His argument is that empires live an average of 250 years and then start having the mentioned issues that leads to its decay. Many examples are given from Roman, Arabs, mamluks, Turks, British,etc... that illustrates his point of view. The book is very short and easy to read. ...more
The book is one of the excellent books about leadership and its qualities. The title basically defines what the book is about. The author believes thaThe book is one of the excellent books about leadership and its qualities. The title basically defines what the book is about. The author believes that a strong leader is not necessarily the one who concentrates power in his/her hand but rather the one who knows how to delegate and distribute power in a way that helps to build sustainable systems. He put leaders into two categories; Redefining leaders and transformational leaders. Redefining leaders are those who know how to dramatically shift the political landscape in their direction rather than seek it while the transformational leaders are those who transform the system itself. The book is very interesting but one of its shortfalls is that it gives lots of examples that can be summarized and still get the idea of what the author is talking about. ...more
Shimura's style is one of the most elegant in theory of modular forms and this book is an example of his typical style. The theory of automorphic formShimura's style is one of the most elegant in theory of modular forms and this book is an example of his typical style. The theory of automorphic forms is treated in a very thorough way with the introduction to advanced topics mainly on the cohomology theory. ...more
One of the fundamental books on the theory of automorphic forms. The author has another summarized book that builds on this one where the treatment ofOne of the fundamental books on the theory of automorphic forms. The author has another summarized book that builds on this one where the treatment of the theory is from discontinuous and discrete groups' perspectives. A must-own book on the theory of modular forms....more
A must-have classic in the theory of classical analysis. Treatment of topics is highly beneficial for number theorists, analysts, and algebraists. It A must-have classic in the theory of classical analysis. Treatment of topics is highly beneficial for number theorists, analysts, and algebraists. It is one of the excellent references to own. The topics treated about the special functions are rare to find in other books and are very useful for students in analytic number theory. ...more
An Excellent course on elementary number theory with a very good choice of introductory topics. However, the book must be supplemented with problems fAn Excellent course on elementary number theory with a very good choice of introductory topics. However, the book must be supplemented with problems from other sources. ...more
Excellent book on speech and communication. It lays the foundations of excellent communication skills and relies heavily on the concept that it doesn’Excellent book on speech and communication. It lays the foundations of excellent communication skills and relies heavily on the concept that it doesn’t matter what you say as much as it matters what others understand. Highly recommended. ...more
An excellent book on algebraic number theory and one of the clearest. The book discusses introductory topics that allows one to grasp the concepts cleAn excellent book on algebraic number theory and one of the clearest. The book discusses introductory topics that allows one to grasp the concepts clearly. ...more
One of the main strengths of this book is the presentation of different open problems that are interesting. The book presents different topics in inteOne of the main strengths of this book is the presentation of different open problems that are interesting. The book presents different topics in integer and half integer weight modular forms with the concentration on the number theoretic connection to the theory. Thumbs up. ...more
One of the best introductory books to the theory of complex analysis. The approach is purely analytic with an elite methodology in the discussion of tOne of the best introductory books to the theory of complex analysis. The approach is purely analytic with an elite methodology in the discussion of topics. Very beneficial book for graduate students who have basic knowledge to the theory and want to take it further. ...more
A very special book on complex analysis with elementary topics being discussed from a unique perspective. The problems of the book are amazing and theA very special book on complex analysis with elementary topics being discussed from a unique perspective. The problems of the book are amazing and the solutions given at the end of the book are creatively solved. Thumbs up and recommended for undergraduates....more
One of the classical introductions to the theory of automorphic forms written by one of the best. The topics are a must learn for a beginner in the thOne of the classical introductions to the theory of automorphic forms written by one of the best. The topics are a must learn for a beginner in the theory with nice treatment to the cohomology groups associated to modular symbols. Hard to read but would serve as a very good reference for learners. ...more
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