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1250278597
| 9781250278593
| 1250278597
| 3.80
| 884
| May 06, 2021
| Apr 05, 2022
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really liked it
| As he left Agra behind, Lewis had no way of knowing that he was walking into one of history’s most incredible stories. He would beg by the roadside As he left Agra behind, Lewis had no way of knowing that he was walking into one of history’s most incredible stories. He would beg by the roadside and take tea with kings. He would travel with holy men and become the master of a hundred disguises. He would see things no westerner had ever seen before, and few have glimpsed since. And, little by little, he would transform himself from an ordinary soldier into one of the greatest archaeologists of the age. He would devote his life to a quest for Alexander the Great.--------------------------------------- There’s an old Afghan proverb: ‘First comes one Englishman as a traveller; then come two and make a map; then comes an army and takes the country. Therefore it is better to kill the first Englishman.’ He did not know it yet, but Masson is the reason that proverb exists. He was the first Englishman.You have probably never heard of Charles Masson. At the time of his creation in 1827, no one else had either. Nor had his creator. For six long years, Private James Lewis had endured soldiering in the military force of the East India Company (EIC) in sundry nations and city-states, in what is now India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. He had hoped for a life better than what was possible in a squalid London. Dire economic times had driven large numbers of people into bankruptcy and poverty. And if they were already poor, it drove them to desperation. The government’s response was to threaten to kill those protesting because of their inability to pay their debts. There had to be a better option somewhere, anywhere. But it had turned out not to be the better life that he had hoped for. [image] Edmund Richardson- image from RNZ Lewis suffered from the multiple curses of curiosity and intelligence. He had tired of the often corrupt, ignorant, mean-spirited officers and officials above him, and knew he would not be allowed to leave any time soon. When opportunity presented, Lewis and another disgruntled employee took off, went AWOL, strangers in a strange land. And in the sands of the Indian subcontinent, having fled across a vast no man’s land, feverish, desperate, and terrified of being apprehended by the EIC or its agents, Lewis happened across an American, Josiah Harlan, leading a small mercenary force in support of restoring the king of Afghanistan, and the adventure begins. Lewis vanished into the sands and Charles Masson was born into Lewis’s skin. [image] Josiah Harlan, The Man Who Would be King - image from Wiki A ripping yarn, The King’s Shadow (Alexandria: The Quest for the Lost City in the UK) tells of the peregrinations and travails of Lewis/Masson from the time of his desertion in 1827 to his death in 1853. It will remind you of Rudyard Kipling tales, particularly The Man who Would Be King. The real life characters on whom that story is based appear in these pages. [image] Dost Mohammad Khan. – considered a wise ruler by many, he was devilishly dishonest - image from Genealogy Adventures Live It certainly sounds as if the world James Lewis thought he was leaving in London, a fetid swamp of human corruption, cruelty, and depravity, had followed him to the East. There is an impressive quantity of backstabbing going on. Richardson presents us with a sub-continental panorama of rogues. Con-men, narcissists, spies, the power-hungry, the deluded, the pompous, the vain, the ignorant, and the bigoted all set up tents here, and all tried to get the best of each other. There are political leaders who show us a bit of wisdom. More who know nothing of leadership except the perks. They all traipse across a land that Alexander the Great had travelled centuries before. His quest would take him across snow-covered mountains, into hidden chambers filled with jewels, and to a lost city buried beneath the plains of Afghanistan. He would unearth priceless treasures and witness unspeakable atrocities. He would unravel a language which had been forgotten for over a thousand years. He would be blackmailed and hunted by the most powerful empire on earth. He would be imprisoned for treason and offered his own kingdom. He would change the world – and the world would destroy him.The American mercenary with whom Lewis/Masson joined forces was a fanatic about Alexander, seeing himself as a modern day version. He taught Masson about his idol and in time Masson took the obsession on as his own, albeit without the desire for a throne that drove his American pal, reading up on histories of Alexander. [image] Shah Shujah-al-Moolk, circa 1835 – the restored king of Afghanistan who served as a British puppet) - image from Genealogy Adventures Live You will learn a bit about Alexander, of whom stories are still told. He may not seem so great once you learn of his atrocities. The British government and the East India company tried to keep up, demonstrating a capacity for grandiosity, cruelty and inhumanity, whilst also armed with alarming volumes of incompetence and unmerited venality [image] Alexander Burnes - image from Wiki In his travels, aka invasions, conquests, and or large-scale slaughter, Alexander established a pearl necklace of cities along his route. Some were grander than others. One, in Egypt, is still a thriving metropolis. Most vanished beneath the drifts of time, whether they had been cities, towns, villages, or mere outposts. But Charles Masson was convinced that one of Alexander’s cities could be found the general area in which he was living. The evidence on which he based this view was cultural, appearing in stories, legends, and local lore, but then more concrete evidence began to appear (coins) and appear, and appear. Time and again, Masson is dragged away from his work, and time and again he finds his way back, his passion for unearthing the lost Alexandria becoming the driving force in his life. Surely, if his own survival were his highest priority, he would have sailed for home a long, long time before he finally did. His work was hugely successful, all the more remarkable because he was a rank amateur. Much of Lewis’s work, thousands of objects and drawings, is still on display at the British Museum. He was a gifted archaeologist, and made several world-class advances. These include discovering a long-lost Alexandrian city and using ancient coins he had discovered, that contained Greek on one side, and an unknown language on the other, to decipher that language. And significantly modify the historical view of Alexander’s era. [image] Ranjit Singh, maharajah of the Punjab - image from Genealogy Adventures Live The King’s Shadow is an adventure-tale biography, which focuses on Masson’s life and experiences more than on Alexander. Sure, there is enough in the book to justify the UK title, but barely. There is a lot more in here about him trying to secure the connection between his head and his shoulders, threatened by a seemingly ceaseless flood of enemies. He is a remarkably interesting character, which is what holds our interest. He has dealings with a large cast of likewise remarkably interesting characters, all of which serves to keep us interested, while passing something along about what life in this part of the world was like in the early 19th century. (Remarkably like it is today in many respects) There are few downsides here. One is that there is a sizeable cast, so it might be a bit tough keep track of who’s who. That said, I was reading an ARE, so there might be a roster offered in the final version. I keep lists of names when I read, so managed, but that it seemed needed should prepare you for that. Second was that there were times when events went from A to D without necessarily explaining the B and C parts. For example, there is an episode in which Masson is sent along with a subordinate of Dost Mohammad Khan’s, Haji Khan, to extract taxes from a recalcitrant community. But Haji has no intention of returning, yet somehow Masson is back in Kabul in the following chapter. Really, did he escape? Did he get permission to leave? How did the move from place A to place B take place? In another, a military attack fails, yet there is no mention of why the fleeing army was not pursued. Things like that. There are multiple LOL moments to be enjoyed. Not saying that there is any chance of passing this off as a comedy book, but Richardson’s sense of humor is very much appreciated. You may or may not find the same things amusing. His descriptions are sometimes pure delight. An itinerant Christian preacher arrives at the palace of Dost Mohammad Khan, intent on converting him. The preacher had encountered serial misfortunes in his travels and had arrived in Kabul stark naked. Richardson refers to him at one point as “the well ventilated Mr Wolff.” He also describes Masson arriving late at night at the home of Rajit Singh, the local maharaja, only to find an American in attendance, singing Yankee Doodle Dandy. Another tells of a message Masson left for future explorers at what was then an incredibly remote site. LOL time. As much as you will frown at the miseries depicted in these pages, you will smile, maybe even laugh, a fair number of times as well. I noted five LOLs in my notes. There are more than that. Charles Masson, despite the lack of appreciation and recognition he received, made major contributions to our knowledge of the Alexandrian era. Edmund Richardson fills us in on those, while also offering a biography that reads like an Indiana Jones adventure. Richardson has a novelist’s talent for story-telling. His tale shows not only the power of singlemindedness and passion, but the dark side of far too many men, and some unfortunate forms of governance. It is both entertaining and richly informative. Bottom line is that The King’s Shadow darkens nothing while illuminating much. Jolly Good! This is a story about following your dreams to the ends of the earth – and what happens when you get there. Review posted – April 8, 2022 Publication date – April 5, 2022 I received an ARE of The King’s Shadow from St. Martin’s Press in return for a fair review and a couple of those very special coins. Thanks, folks. And thanks to NetGalley for facilitating. [image] [image] [image] [image] This review will soon be cross-posted on my site, Coot’s Reviews. Stop by and say Hi! =============================EXTRA STUFF From Hazlitt Edmund Richardson writes about the strangest sides of history. The Victorian con-artist who discovered a lost city. The child prodigy turned opium addict. Several homicidal headmasters. A clutch of Spiritualists. A prophet who couldn’t get the end of the world right. And Alexander the Great. He’s currently Lecturer in Classics at Durham University. Cambridge University Press recently published his first book, Classical Victorians: Scholars, Scoundrels and Generals in Pursuit of the Ancient World.The King’s Shadow is Richardson’s third book. Interviews -----Travels Through Time - Interview with Edmund Richardson on Charles Masson and the search for Alexandria with Violet Mueller – re prior book Tttpodcast.com -----Travels Through Time - Interview with Edmund Richardson on Charles Masson and the search for Alexandria - audio – 48:03 -----Listen Notes - Edmund Richardson, "Alexandria: The Quest for the Lost City Beneath the Mountains" (Bloomsbury, 2021) - with David Chaffetz and Nicholas Gordon – audio – 36:14 ----- Alexandria: The Quest for the Lost City | JLF London 2021 - Edmund Richardson with Taran N. Khan - video – 45:32 – begin about 3:00 -----ABC - Deserter, archaeologist and spy – the extraordinary adventures of Charles Masson - audio – 55:28 – with Sarah Kanowski Item of Interest from the author -----A pawn in the Great Game: the sad story of Charles Masson Items of Interest -----Wiki on Charles Masson -----Encyclopedia Iranica - Charles Masson - a nice history of his life and accomplishments -----Josiah Harlan -----Alexander Burnes -----Gutenberg - The Man Who Would Be King by Rudyard Kipling – full text -----Wiki on the story - The Man Who Would Be King ...more |
Notes are private!
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B098PDDZW3
| 4.09
| 19,119
| Sep 21, 2021
| Sep 21, 2021
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it was amazing
| Milley believed January 6 was a planned, coordinated, synchronized attack on the very heart of American democracy, designed to overthrow the govern Milley believed January 6 was a planned, coordinated, synchronized attack on the very heart of American democracy, designed to overthrow the government to prevent the constitutional certification of a legitimate election won by Joe Biden.-------------------------------------- Milley summarized and scribbled. “Big Threat: domestic terrorism.”The title, Peril, is drawn from President Joe Biden’s inaugural address, in which he says “We have much to do in this winter of peril…” It is the epigraph for the book. Winter is not coming. It is bloody well here, and has been here a lot longer than most folks realize. Woodward and his much younger partner, Bob Costa, national political reporter for the Washington Post, look over some of what we have endured, consider the peril we face today, and give us plenty to think about concerning what lies ahead. Biden’s speech addresses not only the threat to our democracy, but the threat to our safety from COVID variants, the cry for racial justice, and the threat to our planet from global warming. This book focuses on the threat to American democracy. [image] Bob Woodward and Robert Costa - image from CNN It rolls along on two parallel tracks. One is Trump’s attempt to illegally overturn the 2020 presidential election. The other is Joe Biden’s determination to preserve the soul of our nation, focusing on his campaign, and the first few months of his administration. The chapters alternate, more or less between Trump and Biden. “Was that from this book?” One peril to be faced in reading this book is that of fixing what one read, when, where, and by whom, given the firehose flood of books on the Trump era. I addressed that in my review of I Alone Can Fix It. If this is of interest you can click here for a look. [image] Trump’s mob assaults the Capitol on January 6, 2021 - image from Business Insider January 6, 2021 is a date which will live in infamy. That was the day on which American democracy was nearly bombed into surrender by a sneak attack on the citadel of our national values. That was the day on which a failed Trump-led coup could easily have made moot the election he had just lost, and rendered American elections, certainly presidential elections, meaningless. It was the coming out party for an American brand of fascism that has long been an undercurrent, and sometimes much more, in our political life as a nation, a dark but always-present element in our population that Trump had recruited and encouraged for years, even before he ran for office. It is clear that, to the extent that we will ever know all the details of the coup plot, it is likely to come from the Congressional January 6 Committee’s final report, in combination with unredacted testimony given to that committee, testimony given at what we hope will be very public trials of those in charge of the effort, and intrepid reporters. The authors count among that final group. While offering far from a complete portrait of the plot, they have given us an insider’s look at what people in the administration and the government beyond that faced on 1/6 (which I personally think should be called Desecration Day.) And what they had to deal with in the months leading up to it. [image] Milley speaking with Trump - image from DNYUZ It was Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mark Milley whose intercession with his Chinese counterpart talked the Chinese military down from a concern that Trump might launch an attack on China in order to remain in office, not once but twice. As the Chinese were again concerned what our imbalanced president might do after his coup attempt failed. There was also concern that Trump would attack Iran in an attempt to secure his own position. I doubt Israel would have appreciated the incomings such an action would have surely generated. He also floated the idea of evacuating troops from Afghanistan in January, 2021, with minimal planning. Thankfully he was dissuaded from that impulse as well. Milley is the official most in the limelight here. He was appointed to that post by Donald Trump. In Phil Rucker and Carol Leonnig’s book I Alone Can Fix It, Milley told them of his concerns about the dangers of a right-wing coup. There is plenty more of that in this book as well. We hear a lot from Trump-whisperer Lindsey Graham about his conversations with Trump, who appears to have actually convinced himself of the truth of his own lies. He is a fine representative of those who, while remaining loyal to Trump, try to counsel him to sane courses of action. [image] Donald Trump pretends to check his watch as Senator Lindsey Graham speaks at the White - image and text from The Guardian We get a look at the conversations among the cabinet level officials, unwilling to allow him to use the US military as his private army. We learn what analyses they shared about the dangers facing the nation, what agreements they came to among themselves, what steps they took, and what mistakes they made. We get a look at how these and other level-headed adults in the administration did whatever they could to keep Trump from causing irreparable harm to the nation with his impulsive-driven, self-serving, poorly-informed decision-making. Part of all this included making certain that proper chains of command would be followed should Trump decide to start a war as a Wag the Dog self-preservation move, or command the military to take actions that were illegal. Days after the election, Trump fired Secretary of Defense, Mark Esper, in large part for his public opposition to the use of the military to suppress BLM protests. It was certainly clear to those tracking Trump’s actions that Trump wanted the US military to be his personal security force, and Esper was an impediment. In fact, it was appropriate for the military to be brought to bear to battle an insurrection, and the delays in the military’s response can be traced to the Department of Defense, by then Esper-free, sitting on its hands for far too long. [image] Defense Secretary Mark Esper – fired after the election - image from Reuters via BBC One item that becomes clear from the telling here is that Mike Pence did his best to find a way to Yes for Trump, but was unable. It is also clear that Trump pushed Pence a step too far when he issued a press release claiming that the Vice President agreed with Trump’s lie that the VP had the legal right to refuse to accept the electoral votes of any state. It was the only thing, apparently, in four years in office, that generated a spine in the relentlessly invertebrate Pence, driving him into bunker mode. It is unfortunate that Pence will likely be remembered more for this single act than for his years of pathetic subservience to and enabling of an American Mussolini. It is chilling to consider that had there been alternate slates of electors ready to bring to bear, Pence might have actually done the deed. Chuck Schumer and Nancy Pelosi called him repeatedly after the insurrection, wanting him to invoke the 25th amendment. He refused to take their calls, calling a quick halt to his vertebrate moment. [image] Mike Pence flees the mob on 1/6 - image from The Guardian The book will (it certainly should) make your blood boil. The Founders put together a guiding document and a set of rules that presumed they would be carried out by honorable officials. They did not count on the possibility of a sociopath being elected president. Someone with not only no respect, but outright contempt, for the rule of law. He really claimed, and maybe even believed in his diseased mind, like Louis XIV, who famously said “L’etat est moi,” that he, personally, was the state. Bottom line is that when you see Woodward and Costa being interviewed about this book, or talking about the events they covered, their hair is on fire. They understand what it was that happened, namely that not only did the nation narrowly avoid a fascist coup that would have made the USA a dictatorship, but that the party of the guy who ordered it is all lined up and ready to goose-step their way to another try. We may have survived Trump’s 2021 coup attempt, but it is clear that he will try again, and there are far too many who are more than willing to go along, whether actively or passively. [image] Trump with Steve Bannon - image from CNN Now, as for the other part of this book. It should come as a salve for the angst generated by the reporting on Trump. They follow Biden’s decision to run, following the Charlottesville “good people on both sides” outrage, convinced that the very soul of the nation was imperiled, and that he could offer a way out of this very dark cloud, more so than other extant or potential candidates. We get to see a very human Biden, sincere, knowledgeable, willing to listen to well-informed and well-meant advice, willing to make needed adjustments, willing to talk to anyone, anywhere, and unwilling to be baited by Trumpian taunts and lies. We are let in to some of the family troubles the Bidens have endured, that they continue to endure. Biden is shown as the anti-Trump, an incredibly decent person, gifted at making personal contact with people, caring about people, remembering them, willing to spend unheard of amounts of time with people who could offer him nothing but their shared pain. It shows candidate Biden behaving in a presidential manner when the actual president would not. It is a warm portrait of a man the authors have certainly seen enough of to know. They also show him getting tough in legislative negotiations, and showing his exasperation when sanity, and decency, seem insufficient to accomplish a goal. The book continues into March 2021, so shows Biden as president as well as merely a candidate. But, of course, being Washington reporters, they feel it necessary to take a swing or two. In one instance they report on Biden snapping at a reporter who was being particularly dickish as if there was something wrong with that. That Biden later apologized was the real fault here. The reporter merited being smacked down. Their portrayal was that this was a kind of gaffe. Take a moment to roll your eyes here. The Beltway media have particular story lines that they adhere to, regardless of the facts. Reporting Biden as particularly gaffe-ridden is among them. He is no more so than most other people. We all misstate things at times. But they seem eager, drooling even for a chance to catch another one and reinforce the image. Their treatment of Biden’s entirely appropriate reaction to a hostile reporter is of a cloth with that mindlessness. [image] Presidential candidate and former Vice President Joe Biden takes a picture with the Downs family after campaigning in Rehoboth Beach. - image and text from the Cape Gazette Gripes (in addition to the one above) As happens far too often in books of this sort, namely political history books put together largely through personal interviews, the authors sometimes slip into stenography mode. They report, presumably straight-faced, about Senate Majority, now Minority Leader Mitch McConnell trotting out his spin about tax cuts for the rich being “tax reform” and crediting Trump for an economy that had been humming along quite nicely when he took office. I call BS. They continue in this mode about McConnell working with cabinet members trying to push Trump to some semblance of normal. Take nothing McConnell reports himself saying at face value. Second-party confirmation is always needed there. Ditto for Lindsey Graham. Former Republican and Lincoln Project co-founder Steve Schmidt issued a statement about Graham…saying that many people have tried to understand Graham over the years. He encouraged people not to look at it "through the prism of the manifest inconsistencies that exist between things he used to believe and what he's doing now."Graham is quoted at length here, and it is all self-serving. Douse that with salt before consuming. Gripes, notwithstanding, Peril is an important book, another in a large library of reporting on the workings of the Trump administration, and particularly at how close Trump’s attempted coup came to succeeding. There are many lessons to be learned here. One is that the January 6th Committee should interview, whether via subpoena or not, all the players involved in orchestrating the insurrection, including Trump, and that they need to complete their report and make all necessary criminal referrals to the Department of Justice before Republicans have a chance to regain control of the House and shut them down. We learn that the norms and rules of American government are fatally flawed, allowing the dark-hearted to game the system for their political and personal advantage. We learn that even in dark times there are officials willing to put their careers, and even their lives on the line to stand up for the ideals and institutions, that Americans claim to admire and respect. We learn that there need to be fixes made to the Electoral Count Act of 1887 to make sure that each state’s electors truthfully represent the decision of the voters. [image] Attorney John Eastman, left, speaks next to Rudy Giuliani at Donald Trump’s rally on 6 January - Image and text from Reuters, by way of The Guardian – photo by Jim, Bourg The book’s epigraph cut short Biden’s inaugural statement. The full sentence reads We will press forward with speed and urgency, for we have much to do in this winter of peril and possibility. Despite the subsequent COVID variants that have killed or damaged so many in our nation, and the world, a major relief bill made it through a very marginally Democratic Congress. Other measures are needed, but hope that more can be done remains alive, despite Joe Manchin. There are hopeful signs in many parts of the nation that democracy is on the rise… [image] Hmmm, reviewus interruptus. Looks like we have run out of space here on Goodreads. Despair not, the full review, including EXTRA STUFF, is on my site, Coot’s Reviews. See you there. [image] [image] [image] [image] ...more |
Notes are private!
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Oct 05, 2021
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Dec 27, 2021
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Kindle Edition
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0393246531
| 9780393246537
| 4.10
| 1,032
| Jan 19, 2015
| Jan 19, 2015
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it was amazing
| Some say the heart is just like a wheel. When you bend it, you can’t mend it.The sage counsel offered by the McGarrigle sisters for matters of lov Some say the heart is just like a wheel. When you bend it, you can’t mend it.The sage counsel offered by the McGarrigle sisters for matters of love could just as easily apply to the question of trust. Once betrayed, how easy is it to trust that person ever again. Now kick that up a level or three and apply to governments. When the people who offer to the public the face of government, the leaders, the police, the military, turn out to be criminals themselves, how can a people ever trust their government again? And if people cannot trust their government, that creates a breeding ground for lawlessness and even insurgency. [image] Sarah Chayes - image from The Kansas City Star As Afghans, beginning around 2005, found the international presence in their country increasingly offensive, it was not because of their purported age-old hatred of foreigners. Nor did puritanical horror at the presence of unbelievers in their land enter our conversations, or outrage about Afghan sovereignty trod underfoot. My neighbors pointed to the abusive behavior of the Afghan government. Given the U.S. role in ushering its officials to power and financing and protecting them, Afghans held the international community, and the United States in particular, responsible. My neighbors wanted the international community to be stricter with Afghan government officials, not more respectful. “You brought our donkeys back,” one man put it in 2009. “You brought these dogs back here. You should bring them to heel.”In her brilliant book Ghettoside, Jill Leovy notes the failure of government to prosecute murders against black men, noting the resulting establishment of non-official institutions that would. Sarah Cheyes looks at corruption on a national scale, over a considerable period of time. Government of, by, and for thieves is hardly a modern invention. And lest we think of it as a third world issue, there are plenty of first-world examples brought into the light. She makes the case that government corruption is an incubator for extremism, generating terrorism that extends beyond the corrupt nation’s borders, and presents challenges to other nations. Chayes looks at many examples and kinds of corruption in the world, east and west, and brings to bear the counsel of classic writers who addressed the same issues over the centuries. She cites Machiavelli …there was one vice that Machiavelli admonished his reader to shun if he cared to prolong his reign: theft of his subjects’ possessions. In other words, corruption. “Being rapacious and arrogating subjects’ goods and women is what, above all else . . . renders him hateful,” he wrote. And widespread hatred of a ruler was conducive to conspiracy. And conspiracy reliably brought down governments.There was already, in Machiavelli’s time a considerable body of advice-to-ruler writing, generally referred to as “Mirrors,” from as far back as 700 CE, by an anonymous Irish writer. Another was written in 1018 by a thoughtful Muslim administrator, as an aid to the rulers he served. Another, from the 9th century, was written by a bishop to advise an emperor’s grandson. Erasmus wrote a mirror as well. There are others. She notes eternal wisdom that can be found in these writings, writings that apply well to leadership issues of the 21st century. Chayes came to Afghanistan as an NPR reporter in 2001 to cover the fall of the Taliban, left that to work on local economic development, and later became an advisor to the US military. She has seen a lot first hand. Currently she is a senior associate in the Rule of Law Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. The examples she cites here are from Afghanistan, (the most attention to the place with which she is most familiar) Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt, Uzbekistan, Nigeria, Ireland, Iraq. There are plenty more in the world. Her analysis is fascinating and compelling. Autocracy and corruption are far less the product of extremism than they are the causes of it. Attempts to address violence by attacking insurgents is doomed to failure. Only a vision that takes on internal corruption within nations has any chance of succeeding in keeping extremist movements from sprouting up like mushrooms after a shower. INTELLIGENCE AGENCIES are driven by the questions their clients ask them. If they have not compiled much information on the security impacts of acute corruption to date, it is because few policy makers have pointed them at that problem.Thus our focus on terrorism rather than its causes. Chayes’ analysis includes diagrammatic representations of the various structures of governmental corruption. She offers recommendations for addressing some of these problems. There is a tendency for kleptocracy to generate and be generated from autocracy, a necessary means for keeping those being fleeced from solving the problem legally or through more direct kinetic actions. In the USA, look at how few police are convicted for killing unarmed black men. Look at how Wall Streeters suffered virtually no jail time for fleecing the entire US economy. Look at how corporations include codicils in every purchase or contract that protects them from legal responsibility. We are headed in this direction. Personally, I would be more than happy to see Wall Street lined with pikes decorated by the CEOs responsible for the 2008 crash. And I am a relatively peaceful sort, no guns, or other weapons, no affiliations with extreme organizations. Just livid that there are two sets of rules in the USA, one for the rich and powerful and another for the rest of us, “the little people.” If I feel this way, I can only imagine how black people feel about the open season that our courts have declared for police violence against black men. It is also clear that there are many who feel that leaders of both parties have stood by while any gains in the national economy were all channeled to the already well off. And it does not help that one of the biggest thieves in the country was in charge of guarding the mint. It is clear by the pattern of his actions, that, if he is capable of planning, beyond his manifest talent for diversion, he would love to turn the USA into his private piggy bank. Refusal to reveal his tax returns, stonewalling investigations into his actions, refusing to divest his properties in order to spare the nation the uncertainty of wondering whether his executive decision-making is being done for the good of the nation or the good of his balance sheet, all lead one to question where his leadership interests lie. When the leadership of a nation, whether Afghanistan. Egypt, Ireland or the USA, is seen as being out solely for its own interests at the expense of the citizens those leaders are supposedly representing, the groundwork is laid for bad results. When the application of law is seen as unfair, the ground is laid for resistance. When elements of the public see the enforcers of the law as corrupt or insensitive to their rights, the groundwork is set for the growth of extra-legal forms of justice and, in the worst cases, insurrection. When those on top cheat and lie without compunction, it encourages everyone to follow suit. We are faced with a growing crisis here in the USA. We expect out commander in chief to accept command responsibility for the actions he has approved. The buck stops in the Oval Office. Except when the occupier of that office is incapable of accepting any responsibility for his actions. A jaw-dropping example of his incapacity is when Swamp Thing actually told a grieving gold star widow soon after her husband had been killed in action that he “knew what he had signed up for.“ Corruption is the seed from which many toxic horrors grow. Chayes details many examples in the nations she describes. And how about at home? How about payments to legislators from those in the business of building and staffing private jails in order to encourage mass incarceration. How about massive contributions to legislators by the gas/oil/natural gas industries to ensure unnecessary tax breaks, and to protect them from responsibility for the ecological horrors they generate? How about contributions to legislators and others from the weapons industry, channeled through the NRA, to ensure that one of the largest public health crises in the nation, death by gunshot, remains minimally regulated. How about the deliberately mis-named Tax Reform proposal that is nothing less than the wealthy, operating through their paid legislative pawns, backing a Brinks truck up to the US treasury and loading up, yet again, leaving the resulting deficits for the rest of us to cover. The rich are taking advantage, by cheating, lying, manipulating, misdirecting, and stealing. So long as there is little or no progress in holding them accountable for their greed-based crimes, the chances increase that the only way to seek redress will be outside the boundaries of the legal framework. Unfortunately, autocracy can sometimes be sustained for generations, but the reactions it is generating these days will continue to make miserable the lives of millions of people across the world, as extremist elements seek to undermine government by proving, again and again, that government cannot protect them. Take a lesson from the past. Take a lesson from the experience of far too many nations across the globe. Corruption kills. It should be the highest priority of this and every nation. Without faith in the relative honesty of government, no government can, or should stand. The horrors we are experiencing in the USA are only the tip of the iceberg of dark possibility. Sara Chayes, in shining a light not only on some of the many corrupt regimes in the world, but on the long history of public corruption and its collateral damage, and on the sage advice offered by wise counselors of the past, offers us a way to understand much of what we see going on, both domestically and internationally, in today’s world. This is a must-read for anyone who cares about good government or who seeks to gain insight into the mechanisms of extremism and terrorism. Check it out before those it describes prevent you from, or arrest you for, doing so. Review first posted – October 20, 2017 Publication date – January 19, 2015 =============================EXTRA STUFF Here is Chayes’ profile at the Carnegie Endowment -----A nice list of several Chayes-related pieces on PRI -----The Atlantic - Scents and Sensibility - on setting up a soap and body-oil business in Afghanistan- by Chayes ---Interview by Tim Lewis of The Guardian – Sarah Chayes: on living in Afghanistan and sleeping with a Kalashnikov In the UK and the US, we’re in danger of letting our republics slip out of our hands without even noticing it and the results could be really devastating over time.VIDEO -----An excellent Carnegie Endowment panel discussion on corruption, focusing on Honduras. One of her points is that the theftocracy twists public regulation to support private interests. See every Trump cabinet appointment for glaring examples -----NY Times - October 21, 2017 - Why Has the E.P.A.Shifted on Toxic Chemicals? An Industry Insider Helps Call the Shots - by Eric Lipton -----Rachel Maddow Show - October 21, 2017 - Rachel interview with Chayes - Trump flouting norms risks venal turn in US ----- Relevant music - Everything Old is New Again AUDIO ----- NPR - Sarah Chayes: Taliban Terrorizing Afghanistan - 2009 ...more |
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Aug 10, 2017
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Aug 10, 2017
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ebook
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159420537X
| 9781594205378
| 159420537X
| 4.34
| 12,813
| Feb 05, 2015
| Feb 05, 2015
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it was amazing
| “Sahafi! Media!! He yelled to the soldiers. He opened the car door to get out, and Quadaffi’s soldiers swarmed around him. “Sahafi!” “Sahafi! Media!! He yelled to the soldiers. He opened the car door to get out, and Quadaffi’s soldiers swarmed around him. “Sahafi!”Click! [image] Lynsey Addario - from CBS News You may not recognize the name Lynsey Addario, but if you read newspapers, check out magazines or are aware at all of the imagery that accompanies major events in the world, you have seen her work. Addario is one of the premier photojournalists on the planet and has the portfolio, the Pulitzer and a MacArthur award to prove it. In 2014, American Photo named her one of the five most influential photographers of the last quarter century. In 2012, Newsweek magazine cited her as one of 150 Women Who Shake the World. Thankfully, she does not shake her camera when she is shooting (unless of course it is for intended effect). Although no one could blame her if she did. Addario has spent a large portion of her career as a conflict photographer, working for extended periods on the scene in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Congo, Sudan and other garden spots. Wherever people have been shooting at each other in the last two decades there is a good chance that Lynsey Addario has been there. The one place she declares she will not go these days is Syria, which says something. She has been kidnapped in the field twice and has felt her life to be in danger more times than that, so when she says she won’t go to a place, it must be something really special. [image] US Soldiers in the Korengal Valley of Afghanistan It’s What I Do is Addario’s tale of her journey from growing up in a Connecticut suburb as part of a Bohemian family, to finding and developing a talent for capturing life through a lens, to pursuing a career in photography. While working in New York in 1999, she got a big break, being asked to work on an Associated Press project looking into transgender prostitution in the city, and the spate of homicides with which that community was being afflicted. It turned into a months-long undertaking and brought her work to public notice for the first time. Click! [image] A shot from that series In 2000 a family friend invited her to go India. Everything that made India the rawest place on earth made it the most wonderful to photograph. The streets hummed with constant movement, a low-grade chaos where almost every aspect of the human condition was in public view. Click!It was while there that she was encouraged to go to Afghanistan to shoot the lives of women living under the Taliban. She was able to gain access to a half of Afghani society barred to her male counterparts. Click! [image] Women and girls study and recite the Koran in Peshawar, Pakistan, 2001 - from the Women’s Eye 9/11 brought on a whole new era of conflict. Addario was on the scene when the USA invaded Iraq, having set up shop in Kurdistan when Saddam Hussein was toppled. Of course that required some extra planning. At the time she got the assignment she was in South Korea covering refugees from the north, and enduring the extraordinary humanitarian horrors of the extended karaoke the refugees enjoyed. She needed to get tooled up for the job and it proved challenging. One thing she had to arrange for was body armor. She found herself befuddled by the on-line offerings. She wrote to her editor. I have checked out the websites you recommended, and am not sure if I just tried to read Korean. Basically, I have no idea what I am looking at—ballistic, six-point adjustable, tactical armor, etc. Please understand that this language is not familiar to me—I grew up in Connecticut, was raised by hairdressers. [image] A woman prays at dawn after the 2010 earthquake that nearly destroyed Haiti She was kidnapped for the first time while en route to Ramali with other journalists. And was subsequently jarred when Life magazine declined to publish her photographs, because they were too real for the American public. (The New York Times Magazine would later publish some of the work.) The experience of working in the Iraq war zone and coping with the politics of news publishing provided valuable life lessons. ...something in me had changed after three months in Iraq. I was now a photojournalist willing to die for stories that had the potential to educate people. I wanted to make people think, to open their minds, to give them a full picture of what was happening in Iraq so they could decide if they supported our presence there.Her work has often demonstrated the power of the image. When she got shots of a Sudan massacre she made it impossible for President Bashir to continue denying that the war crime had taken place. [image] Addario’s image of armed boys and men near the Afghan border won her a Pulitzer – from The Women’s Eye Addario pooh-poohs any notion that she is an adrenalin junkie. She says that she has come to recognize that the photos she takes have the power to inform the public and influence people, so feels a responsibility, a calling to bear witness to much of the awfulness of the world in order to shine some light on it, to bring it to the world’s attention. [image] Addario stopped to help when one of these women was in labor, miles from a hospital. She gave them a ride. – From Itswhatidobbook.com When Addario first submitted her manuscript, she was advised to make it more personal, as in writing about her off-the-field life as well as her experiences behind the lens. She includes in the final version a bit of her love-life history, which entailed some admittedly bad choices. As a dedicated career-woman, sustaining relationships has always taken second place to her work. She says she even walked out on dinner dates when she got an assignment. Recently, a young photographer asked her how to get into the business. She told him to start traveling, shooting and contacting editors for assignments. When he told her that he didn’t want to travel much because of his girlfriend, Addario told him to break up with her.The book contains many amazing shots Addario has taken over the course of her career. They add significantly to the aura of outsized accomplishment that Addario has earned. One significant thing about the shots Addario takes is that they are not only journalistically effective but expose an impressive artistic talent. She is able to tell troubling stories while at the same time making outstanding art. The book is printed on very high-quality paper, images and text, which adds a very tactile richness to both the visual power on display and the engaging text. [image] An Iraqi woman fleeing a massive fire in Basra in 2003 Although one can piece together information by reading diverse articles about her, and watching sundry videos in which Addario does presentations and is interviewed, those connections are not always spelled out in the book. Particularly in the earlier parts of her photographic sojourn, it was somewhat murky why and how she decided to uproot and move to Argentina, and later to India. [image] Syrian refugees in Northern Iraq It’s What I Do is not a photography book. You will not get any technical tips there. While you will see some very nicely printed photographic images, those are there to enhance, to illuminate the text. The main thing here is her story. Lynsey Addario is a rock star in the world of photographic journalism. She takes us frame by frame on her journey from suburban origins as the child of hairdressers to becoming a world traveler covering important events everywhere on the planet in an attempt to illuminate the darkness. It is quite clear that her achievements have come at considerable personal cost, and that she is possessed of a rare personal fire that has driven her to take large risks in order to fulfill what she perceives as her mission in life. For those of us not familiar with the names that appear under all those news photos, It’s What I Do offers particular insight into just how important it is to have photographic boots on the ground wherever important events are occurring. Real-world photography is Addario’s contribution to the world. We are all enriched by her efforts, her sacrifices, her courage and her talent. This book will be an eye-opener for many. It is a perfectly focused, well-framed look at a life well lived, a life that has benefited and promises to continue to benefit us all. Click! Publication -----2/5/2015 - hardcover -----11/8/2016 - paperback Review first posted – 4/22/2016 BTW, a deal has been struck to turn this into a major film, with Jennifer Lawrence as Addario, to be directed by Steven Spielberg ==========In the summer of 2019 GR reduced the allowable review size by 25%, from 20,000 to 15,000 characters. In order to accommodate the text beyond that I have moved it to the comments section directly below. [image] ...more |
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Jan 25, 2016
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Feb 29, 2016
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Jan 16, 2016
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0062339419
| 9780062339416
| 0062339419
| 4.06
| 63
| Oct 2014
| Oct 14, 2014
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really liked it
| “If the central government doesn’t stay together,” he said, “I’ll have to find a way to protect my people.” “If the central government doesn’t stay together,” he said, “I’ll have to find a way to protect my people.”There is a lot to like in journalist Kevin Sites’s latest report from the front, Swimming with Warlords. Sites takes us from point to point on his journey through geography and history, offering a look at the Afghanistan of 2001 as compared to the Afghanistan of late 2013. He spends considerable ink on warlords, but not enough, IMHO, to justify the title of the book. And this is just as well, because the other elements he finds to report on are even more interesting. He notes the extant miseries, for sure, but also finds some flowers blooming in the rubble, offering the fragrance of hope. He looks at the condition of women, notes gains and losses, bright spots and expectations maybe not so bright as we might hope. He looks at what is likely to happen when the US leaves. One major element here is the conflict between former allies within Afghanistan. Of course, he has been back to Afghanistan several times in between, but it is the bookend experience on which he focuses here. What changed between the time when American forces attacked in the wake of 9/11, and 2014, as US troops were preparing to depart in 2014? (The US retains about 15,000 troops in Afghanistan as of late 2018) Sites has certainly seen a lot during his many years in the field, across the war-torn planet, working for major news organizations like ABC, NBC and CNN, and newer entries like Yahoo! News and Vice. He has written two books, In the Hot Zone: One Man, One Year, Twenty Wars (2007) and Things They Cannot Say (2012). His bona fides are impeccable. He even teaches journalism these days in the University of Hong Kong journalism and media program. There are plenty of villains in Sites’s depiction of what has become a more-or-less permanent war zone, but there are a surprising number of heroes as well, some ambiguously so, others not. The place we know today as Afghanistan, which has been called “the graveyard of empires,” has endured seemingly constant invasions and internal conflict, from the days of Alexander the Great to the present. It seems like the entire place is a huge stadium in which Premier league teams have battled it out among themselves and with the locals, with some notable modern matches having been during the Great Game days of the British empire, the Soviet invasion of the 1970s and 1980s during the Cold War, and most recently, the Western invasion to oust Osama bin Terrorist and his Taliban hosts after 9/11. And it is a favored pitch in which Pakistan does its best to make trouble for India. “The Taliban is really from Pakistan; they came here to destroy our country. That is clear to everyone,” said Jilani [a former Taliban member]. “In the beginning, I thought it was jihad against international troops, but I found out we were fighting for Pakistani interests—we were getting orders from Pakistan. Most of the leaders are not religious; they want to come to Afghanistan and tax the locals during the time of the harvest and take the money back to Pakistan. There is no jihad.” Jilani said.I imagine banners being hung from the bullet-pocked remnants of rafters noting local The US entered the playing field in the 1980s by providing arms and assistance to locals and some foreigners in Afghanistan in an attempt to make life miserable for the Soviets. In a classic example of the Pyrrhic Victory, the removal of the Soviets led to a continuation of the pre-existing tribal warfare, this time with more and better weapons, the ultimate rise of the Taliban to power and their hosting of you-know-who. I wonder if Charlie Wilson would have voted for the $4 to $6 trillion cost of this seemingly endless engagement. [image] Kevin Sites In retracing his earlier path, Sites notes bridges gone, landscape devastated, military remnants littering the paths that pass for roads, the many minefields, both literal and political. One of the permanent features in a place where landscape defines effective limits is the presence of warlords. Feudalism lives in Afghanistan, where inter-ethnic conflict is merely a superset of conflicts within each ethnic group. If there was ever a concept of loving thy neighbor as yourself, it is unlikely to have extended much beyond the borders of the fief in which one lives. Mistrust, born of centuries of conflict, has deep roots here. Every action taken on a national level is seen as somehow ethnically drive, whether or not it actually is. Cooperation is minimal, fear is ever-present, and allegiances are alarmingly fluid. Sites looks in on some warlords, living and dead, and some others who function as warlords in fact if not in name. The camp of martyred Tajik leader Ahmad Shah Massoud is now a shrine, and Massoud’s lieutenants have moved on to diverse and often dark occupations. He meets with police chiefs, who point out that they are powerless to enforce the laws as long as coping with the Taliban continues. And it is the police forces that suffer the brunt of the casualties in the fight. However not all warlords are alike. He spends some time with one who seemed to be doing pretty well in taking care of his people, improving their lives with ingenuity and managerial efficiency. There are some darkly humorous moments, as when Sites recalls a 2001 lodging that, unbeknownst, included an unexploded 500 lb US bomb on the premises, fins up. Check please. There are moving moments, including a weep-worthy tale of an Afghani father who had lost his daughter to a slightly off-target US incoming, yet betrayed no bitterness. There are uplifting moments, when Sites talks with a woman who had started a radio station in order to get news and information to Afghani women, many of whom remain under lifelong virtual house-arrest for the crime of being female. Or in learning about Rahmaw Omarzad, an artist who returned to Afghanistan after the Taliban fell and established The Centre for Contemporary Art in Kabul. There are delightful moments, as when we learn that an Aussie’s contribution of skateboards had grown into an island of hope in the form of an actual institution called Skateistan that includes instruction on far more than keeping one’s balance on wheels. There are disappointing moments, when we see that many of those who had been educated, and were working on internationally funded development projects will be unemployed and maybe unemployable after the US leaves. Or in learning that Marza, the famed lion of the Kabul zoo, might have been somewhat less magnificent than reputed. There are bizarre moments, such as learning that a fortress wall built 1500 years ago, the Bala Hisar, which legend holds has incorporated the bones of workers who died in its construction, might very well include some of the special extra filling. And there are demoralizing moments, as when Sites describes an orphanage that would have been very much at home in the London of Charles Dickens. His report on drug addiction will strike a dark chord as well. The condition of women’s rights in Afghanistan comes in for considerable attention, as he talks with women about their lives under the Taliban and after their ouster. There is a segment on an American woman, Kimberley Motley , who had started a legal practice in Afghanistan, and another on a woman the Taliban had kicked out of dental school, who had resumed her training and established a national Dental association. It will come as no shock that there remains in Afghanistan a practice of buying and selling wives. And a related tale tells of young boys, bacha bazi, who are treated as sexual pets by the wealthy, a substitute for the females who are kept under wraps. The book seems a compendium of articles about Afghanistan crammed into a forced structure. But that is not really a problem here, as the information you gain far outweighs any feeling of the structure of the whole being not quite as advertised. Yes, there is a look at then and now, but the strength of the book lies in the collection of individual reports. GRIPES There are at least two elements in a book of this sort, the information to be gleaned about the presenting subject, and some insight into the teller of the tale. In this case, the subject is what has changed between 2001 when the Western attack on Afghanistan began following the events of 9/11 in the USA, and the present of the book, the year or so before US troops were scheduled to depart, whether completely or mostly. The other element is the author, him/herself. When you go on a journey, when you will be spending some time with your guide, you would like to know something about him. Sites does offer a few nuggets, and one that is particularly unflattering, but overall the sense I got was that it was mostly name, rank and serial number. While his recollected war stories are indeed interesting, there seems a paucity of info/insight about him. That is an area in which Swimming with Warlords only treads water. At end, we do not really know much more about Kevin Sites than we did before turning to page 1. I expect this is a lot about reportorial discipline, keeping one’s focus on the news and not the reporter, which is certainly a reasonable approach. But in this context, a book, a memoir of sorts, there is a need to be a bit more subcutaneous if an author wants to engender any feeling of camaraderie with his readers. It may be that in his previous books, The Things They Cannot Say and In the Hot Zone there is more of that. Don’t know, have not read those. But there is not nearly enough about KS in this one. I found myself wondering how he got into journalism, how from journalism he got into in-field war reporting. Is his work about adrenalin or something else? What are his values, his ideals? What does he hope to accomplish? What does he do when he is not ducking ordnance in war zones, where and why? Does he have family who worry about him when he is away? You know, stuff. This is not so much a classical road to self-discovery. Sites had already learned a lot about himself and his profession in the years between visits to Afghanistan. This is more like a look at the same eye chart with the optometrist clicking between the younger and more mature lenses. Is it clearer this way, or this way? The title of the book seems ill chosen. There is indeed one scene in which KS goes for a literal swim with an actual warlord, but the title would make one suspect that the entirety of the volume consists of KS visiting with warlords, and that is not the case. Yes, KS does meet up with a few of these guys, but there is a lot more going on here, and it is unfortunate to have our attention focused on the narrower topic. A better title would have let readers know that he is writing a comparison of then and now. There is an ironic title for one of the chapters in the book, regarding parachute journalism, Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, which would have made, IMHO, a better, certainly a more descriptive title than the one that was chosen. Sites may well have been swimming with bearded sharks, but the macho-ness of it adds little in the title selection. I would not call this a gripe, but the book could use an acronym list, which should include SNAFU and FUBAR among its entries. In fact, the place might as well be name FUBARistan for all the horror that has gone on there over the centuries. An index, a glossary, and a map would have been helpful. If Sites is retracing a path, it would be nice to be able to follow along. There are plenty of books about Afghanistan out there, (there is a list in the Extra Stuff section below), but Sites’ work has the benefit of freshness. He was there not long ago, at least in book, if not live TV time, and there is an immediacy to his reporting that draws one in, and makes one wonder what might be happening right now. He reports on interesting elements of the current Afghan reality, and finds some informed opinions about what lies ahead. I would not call this a great book, but it is certainly interesting, engaging, and informative. Definitely worth pulling on a suit and going in for a dip, whether with a warlord, shark, or someone a bit less threatening. Review first posted 10/10/14 =============================EXTRA STUFF Links to the author’s personal, Twitter, Google+ and FB pages Articles by Sites on Vice Some other reading on Afghanistan: I have an Afghanistan shelf with 23 titles, mixed fiction and non. Within that, I heartily recommend the following to enhance your awareness of issues in the region In the Graveyard of Empires: America's War in Afghanistan Seeds of Terror Descent into Chaos The Punishment of Virtue: Inside Afghanistan After the Taliban Ghost Wars Charlie Wilson's War ...more |
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Sep 26, 2014
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Oct 2014
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Sep 25, 2014
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Paperback
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1306316383
| 9781306316385
| 3.84
| 195
| Jan 01, 2013
| Jun 14, 2014
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it was amazing
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GR pal Wanda recommended this one to me (Thanks, Wanda) It is not a book, but an article, so I was able to cruise through it in a sitting while still
GR pal Wanda recommended this one to me (Thanks, Wanda) It is not a book, but an article, so I was able to cruise through it in a sitting while still managing to get my actual paying-job-work done. It is an outstanding, incisive and detailed look at current, historical and potential issues centering on Afghanistan once NATO vacates. (And now that the USA has indeed vacated, it might be worth a look to see how the author's prognostications have held up) It is rich with not-at-all-obvious information (for example, China's interest in mining Afghani minerals, Karzai's relationship with Pashtuns) and definitely will smarten your sense of what the area is all about. If you have a little spare time, I would give it a go. It is very readable. It is must-read stuff for anyone interested in the politics of the region. You can find it on-line here [image] William Dalrymple - from his Twitter page Links to the author’s personal, Twitter and FB pages posted 4/25/14 ...more |
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not set
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Apr 25, 2014
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Apr 25, 2014
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ebook
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159463176X
| 9781594631764
| 159463176X
| 4.07
| 379,111
| Feb 29, 2012
| May 21, 2013
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really liked it
| The tale of how my father lost his sister was as familiar to me as the stories my mother had told me of the Prophet, tales I would learn again late The tale of how my father lost his sister was as familiar to me as the stories my mother had told me of the Prophet, tales I would learn again later when my parents would enroll me in Sunday school at a mosque in Hayward. Still, despite the familiarity, each night I asked to hear Pari’s story again, caught in the pull of its gravity. Maybe it was simply because we shared a name. Maybe that was why I sensed a connection between us, dim, enfolded in mystery, real nonetheless. But it was more than that. I felt touched by her, like I too had been marked by what had happened to her. We were interlocked, I sensed, through some unseen order in ways I couldn’t wholly understand, linked beyond our names, beyond familial ties, as if, together, we completed a puzzle. I felt certain that if I listened closely enough to her story, I would discover something revealed about myself.In the opening chapter of And the Mountains Echoed, a poor father tells his children a story. A monster ravished a town until a child was offered to appease him. In order to save the rest of his family and the town, a father sacrifices his favorite child to the monster. Years later, unable to recover from the sorrow of this decision, the father scales a mountain to reach the monster’s fortress, seeking to bring his son home. But, finding that the boy is happy, well-fed, clothed and educated, he reconsiders. In this story is the core of the tales to come. Hosseini writes of the bond between parents and children, and the sacrifices some parents make to see that their children are well looked after. Does the benefit of a more comfortable home, a richer material upbringing, outweigh the loss of that natural parent-child experience? The theme of parenting, with complications well beyond the keep-or-send-away element, permeates. [image] Khaled Hosseini - image from his Twitter pages The son of a wealthy local big-shot comes to realize that his comforts come at the expense of others. A massively scarred girl is left by her mother in the care of someone who is probably better suited to raise her. A young woman sacrifices years of her life to take care of an ailing parent. A war-ravaged child is taken in by one of her caregivers. I am forever drawn to family as a recurring central theme of my writing. My earlier novels were at heart tales of fatherhood and motherhood. My new novel is a multi-generational family story as well, this time revolving around brothers and sisters, and the ways in which they love, wound, betray, honor, and sacrifice for each other.There are sibling issues galore here. An ugly duckling twin gets revenge on the favored twin, but takes on a considerable burden. A brother and sister who were very close, are torn apart at an early age, and must cope with the absence, of that missing other part of themselves. Friendships that seem more like sibling-hood sprout like poppies in Helmand. A Greek boy is joined by the daughter of his mother’s best friend. She remains longer than expected. A fast, but fragile friendship forms between a rich boy in Afghanistan and the son of a poor man. The cast here is international, as is the selection of settings. Hosseini was born in Kabul, but, as his father was an ambassador, he was exposed to the wider world. Dad was posted in Paris when the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hosseini’s time in France informs the parts of the book that are set there. Eventually his family immigrated to the USA, taking up residence in California, another site in the novel. He has visited his homeland since growing up in the West, like émigrés we meet in these pages. One Afghani emigrant struggles with the tension between remaining connected to his homeland, in a very concrete way, or maintaining his separation. How much responsibility for dealing with Afghanistan’s problems lies with those who have moved away? Hosseini, best-selling author of The Kite Runner and A Thousand Splendid Suns returns us to a world, or rather worlds that we have seen before, a harsh Afghanistan as the emotional and table-setting core, and western locales in which are echoed the events of the old world. …when you grow up in a Third World country, you know, poverty and affluence are juxtaposed. It's literally next door -- you don't have to go to another zip code. It's right there when you walk out in the street, and there are beggars and so on and so forth. So it becomes part of your life, and you can either not, just not reflect on it, but I must have, because I remember my stories always had to do with these things. There was always some guy who came from a very affluent background and some person who came from a much less privileged background, and their lives collided in some way, and tragedy would ensue inevitably. I mean, sort of a recurring theme in my storiesOne of the points Hosseini makes here is the commonality of East and West, despite outward differences. He mirrors many of his characters’ experiences. People sacrifice themselves to care for those in need of help in both places. Parents are no less stressed in the West than in the East in terms of struggling with decisions about their children. Pain is too much for some in both worlds. In both worlds there are characters who cannot face their futures and opt out. In both worlds young people sacrifice themselves to care for others. In both worlds there are characters who are seriously damaged physically and must cope with adapting to worlds that value beauty or at the very least normalcy. In both worlds parents give up their children. We really are the same beneath our cultures and histories. I do not have a comparative character count here, but it was my sense that this was a larger book than his first two. Each of those focused mostly on a smaller group of actors. This time it seemed there was more of an ensemble cast, in multiple stories. The links between some of the elements were a bit tenuous, as if a short story that was lying around was modified enough to serve a purpose in this larger tale and inserted. It is a large landscape and I felt that on occasion we wandered too long away from some of the primary characters, maybe lost some parts of their lives. To compensate for this, when we get back to them, we are offered a reader’s digest condensed report of what has happened since last we checked in. This created a bit of distance. That said, there is vast world of feeling here. Not only the agony of parents who feel they must give up their children, but the pain of other sundered familial connections as well. There are deep scars of guilt for terrible acts, and the pain of love denied. There is also joy in finding a kind of love where hope was slight, in reconnecting with those long lost, with saving and being saved. The echoes in the mountains are the sounds of tears, of both anguish and joy, universal, penetrating, human. Listen. This review is cross-posted at Coot's Reviews =============================EXTRA STUFF Hosseini can be found at his site, and on FB, Twitter and Instagram 12/3/13 - And the Mountains Echoed was voted the Goodreads Choice Award winner for fiction for 2013 ...more |
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Jun 17, 2013
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Jun 20, 2013
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May 28, 2013
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Hardcover
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030796955X
| 9780307969552
| unknown
| 4.11
| 4,319
| May 01, 2012
| May 01, 2012
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it was amazing
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Peter Bergen, has been on the bin Laden beat for a long time, most notably since he interviewed the al-Qaeda leader in 1997. He has reported the explo
Peter Bergen, has been on the bin Laden beat for a long time, most notably since he interviewed the al-Qaeda leader in 1997. He has reported the exploits of Osama for the full arc of his career, from freedom fighter for the Afghanis against the Soviet invader, through the rise to infamy of al Qaeda, from training Somalis in the use of RPG, to training thugs and fanatics to seize commercial airliners to dark purpose. Now he writes about the Osama we have not seen, mostly because he has had to remain in hiding, and follows the story to its bloody end. But Osama, per se, is not the central focus of the story. This is an insider’s look at the process of hunting down the world’s most infamous terrorist. From well before September 11, 2001, the USA had been trying to find bin Laden, but he somehow always eluded his pursuers. It is no secret that his initial escape from Tora Bora was the result of tactical foolishness—subcontracting border security to a group of very corruptible locals pretty much guaranteeing failure—and the diversion of resources from Afghanistan to that other, less relevant war. But what was secret was UBL’s whereabouts for the next ten-plus years. (Government sorts first referred to him as Usama bin Laden, thus the UBL moniker that stuck, despite a later change in vowel) Bergen looks at the efforts that were made to track him down, and offers insight and new knowledge in the doing. For example The conventional view is that Ayman al-Zawahiri, an Egyptian doctor and al-Qaeda’s longtime second in command, was bin Laden’s “brain.” But in making the most important strategic shift in al-Qaeda’s history—identifying the United States as its key enemy, rather than Middle-Eastern regimes—bin Laden brushed aside Zawahiri’s obsessive focus on overthrowing the Egyptian government. Bin Laden also kept Zawahiri in the dark for years about al-Qaeda’s most important operation—the planning for the 9/11 attacks—apprising his deputy only during the summer of 2001.He offers the not shocking evaluation that Mullah Omar was a dim-witted fanatic with significant delusions of grandeur who believed he was on a mission from Allah.He also takes to task the notion that it was the intention of UBL and Al-Qaeda, by their actions, to draw the USA into a military quagmire. This was post facto rationalization of al-Qaeda’s strategic failure. The whole point of the 9/11 attacks had been to get the United States out of the Muslim world, not to provoke it into invading and occupying Afghanistan and overthrowing al-Qaeda’s closest ideological ally, the Taliban. September 11, in fact, resembled Pearl Harbor. Just as the Japanese scored a tremendous tactical victory on December 7, 1941, they also set in motion a chain of events that led to the eventual collapse of imperial Japan. So, too, the 9/11 attacks set in motion a chain of events that would lead to the destruction of much of al-Qaeda and, eventually, the death of its leader.There are more like this. Bergen looks at the effectiveness of torture as a source of useful intelligence, the growth of the Joint Special Operations Command, the change in approach re drone strikes in tribal Pakistan, the tricky relationship between the US and Pakistan, how US intelligence tracked their man down, the decision-making process, and details of the raid. Then he follows up with an analysis of the significance of al-Qaeda in the world today. For a guy who is a major wonk on things military and spooky, Bergen writes like an actual person. He has always been a compelling TV journalist and his communication skills are put to good use here. I was particularly taken with his depiction of the raid. It read like an action adventure novel. And as a lifelong resident of NYC, I confess to welling up more than a little when the man responsible for murdering thousands of my neighbors was put down. Bergen’s access is impressive. He interviewed many of the principals involved and offers a rich portrait of the hunt. Peter Bergen is the real deal. He knows his stuff and if you want to know how Osama bin Laden was found and dispatched track down a copy of Manhunt. PS - A visit to Bergen’s site, http://peterbergen.com/, will offer the reward of multiple articles relating to our favorite dead evildoer. Well, the articles are mostly elements taken from the book, so if you want a peek at the book, check these samples. ...more |
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[image] Seth G. Jones - image from the National Museum for the United States Air Force Seth G. Jones is currently a Fellow and Director at the Center fo [image] Seth G. Jones - image from the National Museum for the United States Air Force Seth G. Jones is currently a Fellow and Director at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), and was a “senior political scientist” at the RAND corporation (as in Research AND Development, not that other Rand) from 2003 to 2017. He worked in the Defense Department for a couple of years, and has taught classes on counter-terrorism issues from 2002 to 2009 at Georgetown and since 2005 at the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School. He has also written on nation building. His stated goal in this book is “to understand the motivations of the key actors and to assess what factors contributed to the rise of Afghanistan’s insurgency.” If policy analysis is your cup of chai, this will serve you nicely. Jones has met with a host of relevant parties to the unpleasantness, both historical and ongoing, in Afghanistan and that region. He offers an academic analysis of what underlies problems with nation-building there, citing a list of the usual suspects, and arrives at a place that might strike some as unexpected. Why do so many people support the Taliban? Is it inherent religious extremism, or are there other reasons? What is Pakistan’s role in the persistent problems of its neighbor? What are Pakistan’s goals and how do their actions reflect them? How might the West promote stability, and freedom from tyranny in Afghanistan? If you are new to the subject, this is not a bad introduction, although I would recommend Ahmed Rashid’s “Descent into Chaos” as a better intro to the area. If you have read a fair bit about Afghanistan and that region, there is little here that is new in his overview. Jones cites many, many sources, and a lot of them are familiar. Yes, we know that Pakistan is interested in maintaining Afghanistan as a buffer against India. We know that they have supported and continue to support the Taliban. We know that the central government in Afghanistan is corrupt But aside from the broader strokes, Jones drills down to some revelatory information. For example he offers profiles of some of the significant warlords in Afghanistan. He presents telling details in other areas, such as the structure of how Al Qa’ida communicates. He goes into specifics about the ISI, which is associated with the military, and the Pakistani Frontier Corps, which reports to an entirely other ministry, and their roles not only in supporting the Taliban, but in attacking western forces. He talks about the “light footprint” notion espoused by Donald Rumsfeld, and shows how that affected the ability of the military to pacify the nation and begin rebuilding. A particularly interesting bit of data was a comparison of the number of personnel used in other post-war scenarios to pacify the entire country and provide security. The role of the U.S. vis a vis other Western nations regarding developing an Afghani police force is illuminating. His view of insurgency as a parallel attempt at nation-building and not merely as a negative force, is fascinating. He also looks at how some post-colonial governments had not been properly prepared for independence, thus leading to structural weakness and susceptibility to internal disruption. And Jones points out many instances in which American penny-wise-pound-foolish policies allowed the continuation and expansion of significant national problems. Jones’ wonkish appreciation for policy details is most welcome. He writes about Al Qa’ida as a force multiplier, insisting that it is well incorporated into the Taliban and that the Taliban will, should it regain power, return to providing a safe haven for an organization that Jones insists offers a strategic threat to the U.S. It sounds like he is making a case that any acceptance of Taliban control of Afghanistan, partial or whole, would necessarily mean more attacks on the West from that base of operations. The implication is a need for continuing, probably increased Western military presence there. In critiquing what is wrong in Afghanistan, one of the key problems is corruption. If people feel no trust in their police, judges, military or government, why should they not support someone or some group outside government? Although it was beyond the purview of this book, it does seem that the generic notion of a public loss of confidence in government impartiality, honesty and willingness and ability to deliver services has implications well beyond those in Afghanistan. It is his take that top-down nation-building in Afghanistan is exactly the wrong approach. It would seem that, as of 2021, the evidence bears him out. But if we in the West remain unwilling to invest resources in building up from below, what is left? One pet peeve I had with the book was that Jones introduces two voices, Zalmay Khalilzad and Ronald Neumann, into his narrative intermittently. While their involvement in the affairs of Afghanistan as diplomats was significant, telling us about their early careers seemed thrown in. It struck me as a bit of in-house politicking by Jones, who has connections to both men. Another gripe is that he seems to be trying as best he can to place outside the White House responsibility for a lack of investment in Afghanistan after the removal from power of the Taliban, citing, specifically, resistance from the department of OMB. Under an increasingly imperial Bush presidency, it defies reason that a program the White House wanted could be hindered by OMB. The president could simply inform the OMB director of his wishes and make it clear that remaining in his post was contingent on satisfying the person who put him there. It is the occasional item like this one that instilled in me a feeling of caution while reading the book. If a purely political motive informed the writing of this piece, how many other, less obvious, examples might there be tucked away in the crevices. Thankfully, I did not find enough of these ticking devices to fully counter the overall value of the book. Jones has added thoughtful analysis to a broad view of Afghanistan history and current (2009) goings-on to hone a pointed set of recommendations for securing progress in this battered nation that are worth considering. His analysis seems worth examining in light of the US withdrawal in 2021. Jones is on Twitter here ...more |
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0061732370
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really liked it
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Gale Tzemach Lemmon offers us a profile in courage about a young woman who defied the daunting odds in Taliban-controlled Kabul to established a busin
Gale Tzemach Lemmon offers us a profile in courage about a young woman who defied the daunting odds in Taliban-controlled Kabul to established a business that offered employment, income and hope to her family and neighbors, at a time when all three were in very short supply. One of the many awful aspects of the extreme form of Islam practiced by the Afghan Taliban is their complete subjugation of women. Women are not allowed to leave their homes unless accompanied by a male relative. They are not allowed to work outside the home. When in public, women must at all times wear the head-to-toe-covering burkah, also known as a chadri. The list of forbiddens goes on like a list of biblical begats, and shifts with the moods of local commanders. When the Taliban took over control of most of Afghanistan in 1996, they made their version of Sharia the law of the land, and a dark age (or a darker age, anyway, as it had not been a frolicsome garden spot before) fell over the land. However, even in the darkest of times, there are always some points of light. Kamela Sediqi was one shining example. [image] Gayle Tzemach Lemmon - image from M.M. Lafleur Sediqi and her family were Tajiks, the second largest ethnic group in the country. The Taliban are Pashtun, the largest. Remaining resistance to Taliban rule was centered north of Kabul among groups of largely Tajik ethnicity. Believing that all ethnic Tajiks were thus suspect, the Taliban engaged in a widespread campaign of oppression, particularly against Tajik males. Sediqi’s father, even with over thirty years in the Afghanistan military, knew that his service was of less significance to the Taliban than his Tajik ancestry. He fled to the north, placing leadership of the family in the hands of the young Kamela, a recent graduate of the Kabul Teacher Training academy. As new head of her family, Kamela struggled to find some way for the family to earn income. The education system was in tatters, particularly for women, so teaching was not an option. Although she had no experience with tailoring, she recognized that there was an unmet need and, with the assistance of her expert-seamstress sister, Malekheh, and her many other sisters, she began a small business sewing clothing for sale by local tailors. Soon demand for her family’s products exceeded the family’s ability to produce them, so Kamela began taking on trustworthy neighbors. Everyone who worked at her home was thrilled to have any work at all, given how difficult it was for women to work in this males-only world. Still, Kamela had to contend with the ever-present threat of beating and/or arrest by roaming groups of sharia enforcers. Lemmon tells how the business thrived and kept growing during the trying time of Taliban control. After their removal from power in 2001, her business boomed, branching off into various other directions. Kamela’s little sewing shop had become a considerable concern. She was also recruited by the NGOs that had returned to Kabul, to try to find ways to use her expertise to educate a new generation of entrepreneurial women. Lemmon does an excellent job of keeping herself out of the story, recreating Kamela’s tale from 1996 to the present, but mostly until the 2001 US retaliation for 9/11. It reads very quickly. She communicates quite well the sense of ubiquitous danger and fear that permeated the country. One of the great concerns present today is that the Taliban will return to some measure of power, and women’s hard-fought gains will be lost. It is not an idle concern. There are many stories to be told about Afghanistan and the Taliban. Lemmon’s tale is very revealing, about what is possible with intelligence, craft and determination, even when faced with overwhelming opposition. Kamela’s small business triumph is a pretty big deal, showing one way in which elements of the devastated Afghan economy can rebuild. However, it is not the only deal. I found that Lemmon’s business-centric view of the world may have caused her to overlook some things. Lest one believe that this is a story of a poor girl making good, Kamela did not come from a poor family. In the very beginning we are introduced to her as a teaching institute graduate, which speaks of the availability of resources beyond the norm in this poor country. That the family had a spare apartment that they rented to a doctor for income indicates more of the same. Surely, her father’s decades of service in the national army contributed to that. While the family may not have been wealthy by American standards, they were pretty well off by Kabul standards. This takes nothing away from Kamela’s bravery or accomplishment. We work with what we have. But the significance is in what one extrapolates from the experience. I get the impression that Lemmon sees entrepreneurship in almost religious terms. If only we would let people make businesses everything would be fabulous. The educational and financial opportunities Kamela enjoyed were not available to many women. She had a leg up. Which is ok, unless one seeks to use the example of Kamela as the sole model for how to rebuild. Then it becomes dishonest. Kamela is a remarkable individual. Well if she could do it, why can’t you? And that is how I fear this book might be used, as a means of promoting a particular ideology. Entrepreneurship can be hugely creative and productive but it is not the only tool in the toolbox. Public and NGO programs have a significant place in economic reconstruction, whether the scarred surface is Kabul or Brownsville. The Dressmaker of Khair Khana is a readable, interesting look at one aspect of life under Taliban tyranny, and any such effort that fuels hope for a better future is most welcome. ============================EXTRA STUFF Links to the author’s personal, Twitter and FB pages ...more |
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1439172498
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| 3.81
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really liked it
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Welcome to the sausage factory. When Otto Von Bismarck made his comment about the undesirability of witnessing the making of legislation, he could eas
Welcome to the sausage factory. When Otto Von Bismarck made his comment about the undesirability of witnessing the making of legislation, he could easily have included the making of foreign, particularly military policy. When President Obama took office, he was faced not only with having to clean out the economic monkey cage the prior administration had left covered with feces, he also had to cope with two inherited wars. He had some very definite ideas on an approach to the Afghanistan War in particular and that is the focus of Woodward’s latest. The primary battle here is Obama’s desire to limit the cost and duration of our combat in Afghanistan versus the military’s desire for constantly increasing resources. Most of the military favored a program of counterinsurgency that entailed protecting the population while going after the Taliban. This would require many more troops than other options. There is a telling moment when two maps are shown at a meeting, one showing the population centers and the other showing the troop deployments. The mismatch was obvious, as was one extremely huge hole in the plan, the near absence of troops at the Afghani-Pakistani border where most of the Taliban fighters crossed into Afghanistan from Pakistan’s nearly ungovernable tribal areas. One issue that was central to the policy discussions was whether US policy should seek to destroy or disrupt the Taliban. It was fascinating to see this play out. There is a formula to Woodward’s books. He interviews as many of the players as possible, corroborates their versions with others, gets his paws on official documents, and reports the blow-by-blow of the discussions that lead up to final policy action. It is a good formula and Woodward is an expert practitioner. Of course many of the interviewees are spin meisters who do what they can to get their side of a particular conflict into the record. There are many, many opinions expressed here, and I felt at times that Woodward slipped his own bias into the reportage by merely repeating what they had told him, without checking to see if what had been said was true or not. While it might be a useful thing to have a stenographer in chief, a bit more evaluation might have been in order. He goes beyond at times, echoing in his own words a view of this or that person. Still, this is mother’s milk to policy wonks. Also the level of detail can get to be too much. One must wade through a thick soup of names, dates and references to documents to get to the real jewels of information. It was interesting to see the non-stop politicking that goes into the creation of our military policy. It is not a pretty picture, bearing far, far too much resemblance to middle-school theatrics. It is as if every morning the players, political and military, check their facebook pages to see who has one-upped the other. Even his holiness, David Petraeus, is a player in the eternal publicity wars. Even after a decision is made, the players keep the game going, continually attempting to influence policy, and their own positions, by leaking to the press material designed to corner or embarrass the president, or to attack an opponent. To steal a line from the TV show Burn Notice, “Generals, what a bunch of bitchy little girls.” One thing that was crystal clear was what a disaster Karzai was as an ally, whether on or off his meds. It was no news to me that Pakistan is no better an ally, particularly as it provides safe haven for much of the Taliban force battling in Afghanistan, as well as a hidey hole for Al Qaeda. I was pleased to see a look at the relationship between the Taliban and Al Qaeda. Is it possible to separate the two? And it was informative to learn of some of the organizational chaos inside the ISI, which may be the single most important player in the conflict. But one thing that comes through clearly is how complicated the issues are in attempting to craft the best approach to the conflict. Obama comes across pretty well, as a president who is willing to drill down into wonkish details in order to fashion the best policy. Also, he is willing to give the military specific directives, something prior presidents have been loath to do. There have been many books written about the ongoing conflict in AfPak. There is no one book that can tell it all. But Obama’s Wars offers real insight into the US perspective of that era, and that is a worthwhile thing. ==================================QUOTES It was as if there were six or seven different personalities within the ISI. The CIA exploited and bought some, but at least one section—known as Directorate S—financed and nurtured the Taliban and other terrorist groups. CIA payments might put parts of the ISI in America’s pocket…but the Pakistani spy agency could not or would not control its own people. (p 4) When the gunfire ended [in the Mumbai terrorist attack] the body count totaled 175, including six American citizens. The siege had been organized by a group called Lashkar-e-TAiba, which means the Army of the Pure and is commonly referred to by the acronym LeT…the open secret is that LeT was created and continues to be funded and protected by the Pakistani ISI. The intelligence branch of the Pakistani military uses LeT to inflict pain and hardship on India, according to U.S, Intelligence. The gunmen had, quite possibly, committed an act of war. (p 45) Secretary Clinton addressed the consequences of not engaging with the Pakistani public for the past several years, contributing to America’s unpopularity there. “There hadn’t been much public diplomacy in recent years,” she said. The history of the United States abandoning the region after the Cold War still hung over everything. Meanwhile, “the US relationship with India is growing steadily,” she said, which to say the least was characterized as a negative in Pakistan. When the Pakistan media ran negative stories, there was not enough pushback. Where was a “counter-propaganda plan?” she asked. “There’s been lack of sufficient funding, people, concepts, structures and authorities,” said Petraeus, chuckling. “Other than that we’re doing great.” For much of the Bush presidency, U.S. policy had coddled Musharraf and disregarded the 170 million people in Pakistan. Clinton wanted a decision on multiyear, civilian assistance for Pakistani infrastructure, energy, and agriculture, in addition to media outreach. (p 209) ============================EXTRA STUFF Links to the author’s personal, Twitter and FB pages My reviews of other books by the author -----2020 - Rage -----2018 - Fear -----2008 - The War Within This is a continuation of my comment (#42) re Obama and Syria, placed here due to GR's banning external links from comments. A few items from the Washington Post and AP, and a nice summary in Wiki. ...more |
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0143038257
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| 3.66
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really liked it
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Greg Mortenson is a remarkable man. Product of Minnesota parents who were both athletes and then missionaries, he spent much of his childhood in Tanza
Greg Mortenson is a remarkable man. Product of Minnesota parents who were both athletes and then missionaries, he spent much of his childhood in Tanzania. A high-end climber he was on his way back from an unsuccessful attempt at K2, 30 pounds lighter than he had been before the attempt, when, exhausted and lost, he wound up in the remote village of Korphe. Saved from an icy demise, Mortenson recovered. When the locals showed him their village he noticed that the children had no school. They studied in an open area and were visited by a teacher who was shared with another village. Thus was born Mortenson’s life work. He would dedicate himself to bringing schools, and ultimately much more, to remote rural Pakistan and Afghanistan. Three Cups of Tea tells Mortenson’s tale, a sort of coming of age for a philanthropist. But Mortenson was not so much a donator of funds. In fact, he had almost no financial resources of his own. But his single-mindedness led him to find others willing to provide money for this work. Mortenson was the man in the field, making connections with local leaders, negotiating political mazes, buying wood, concrete, nails and seeing that it was all put to the proper uses. His focus became one of trying to see that girls got educated, as they tended to be ignored when education was discussed in this part of the world. He learned that girls tended to provide a more substantial bang-for-the buck in terms of improving life in a place when they were educated than was the case when only boys got to go to school. Mortenson’s is an uplifting story. He is clearly a card-carrying member of a class of people we might call secular saints. Although his upbringing was religious, he does not push any sort of religion on those he helps and empowers. It is not even clear from this book if he subscribes to any religion in particular. It does raise a question however. What happens if we run out of Mortensons? Can development of this sort continue or spring into existence at all should Greg Mortenson or others of his sort are not present to make certain that good things happen? Mortenson formed the Central Asia Institute as an agency to help make the work more than his personal mission. Time will tell if it can continue his work when he is no longer available. Three cups of Tea offers a very detailed look at what it takes to get things done in a part of the world that has received a lot more western ordnance than western development aid. There are complexities to complexities here and there is no substitute for developmental boots on the ground, interacting with local communities if the West ever wants to have any chance of turning potential enemies into potential friends. No one work can provide a complete picture of any region. Three Cups of Tea is a must-read for anyone interested in developments in Pakistan, Afghanistan and the central and south Asian region. Like a Seurat painting in which the dots combine to make a coherent image, Mortenson has offered another very meaningful dot that can combine with others to offer a rich view of the whole area. ...more |
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Jun 06, 2010
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0446556246
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| 4.24
| 23,072
| 2010
| May 11, 2010
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really liked it
| Stripped to its essence, combat is a series of quick decisions and rather precise actions carried out in concert with ten or twelve other men. In Stripped to its essence, combat is a series of quick decisions and rather precise actions carried out in concert with ten or twelve other men. In that sense it’s much more like football than, say, like a gang fight. The unit that choreographs their actions best usually wins. They might take casualties, but they win.The story here has nothing to do with politics, macro foreign policy, or terrorism, per se. Junger looks at the experience of a small band of soldiers at the front lines of the war in Afghanistan, in the eastern reaches, in a valley notorious for its peril to combatants. What matters here are the mechanisms, physical and emotional, that bind the soldiers to one another. What they consider funny, what topics are off limits, how they rely on each other, criticize each other, support each other, how they cope with or thrive on the reality of war. [image] Sebastian Junger - image from Popmatters.com This book is as much a look at war through the lenses of psychology and anthropology as it is a portrait of front-line combat. A quick look at the Sources and References, rich with articles from publications like Neurocardiology Letters, American Psychological Association Monitor, Gerontologist, Proceedings of this and that, shows that there is far more going in War than adrenaline, blood, and bullets. Not only does Junger examine the significance of group interactions among company members, but looks to what the roots of this construction might be in the development of homo sapiens as a species. He looks at how group cohesion and situational preparation affect fear, and how, for some, war is less a horror to be avoided and forgotten than the pinnacle of one’s existence. [image] A scene from the film Restrepo The book is divided into three sections, Fear, Killing, and Love. The first is predominantly a familiar sort of war reportage, well done, but nothing new. The latter sections look beyond the obvious and get into some very interesting material. War is a very smart book that will take you places you might not expect to go. It is well worth the journey. In 2010, the book was made into an outstanding documentary film, Restrepo =============================EXTRA STUFF Links to the author’s personal, Twitter and FB pages ...more |
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0385522266
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Pat Tillman was a top-notch safety with the Phoenix Cardinals of the NFL. He was an incredibly intense guy, always looking to challenge himself, to pu
Pat Tillman was a top-notch safety with the Phoenix Cardinals of the NFL. He was an incredibly intense guy, always looking to challenge himself, to push himself past his limits. But he also had a sensitive, emotional side and an intellectual curiosity, exceptional in his chosen profession. He came from a close-knit family that held the military in high regard and was touched deeply when the USA was attacked on and subsequently went to war following 9/11. Setting aside his lucrative football career, Tillman and his brother, Kevin, joined up, intent on going to Afghanistan to fight. [image] Pat Tillman - image from Huffington Post Krakauer braids several strands here, one of Tillman, a biography that offers enough warts to matter, the second a look at the events leading up to the Afghan war, pretty much all warts, and a third, which looks at the specifics of how Tillman was used by political types, how he was killed and how the military and politicians handled his passing. Tillman comes across as a compelling character, a Renaissance grunt. But I would have liked for Krakauer to have at least looked at the possibility that there was an explanation for some of Tillman’s behavioral choices that was less than laudatory. Maybe the guy was, in addition to his other characteristics, an adrenalin junkie, who went out of his way to take unnecessary risks. [image] Jon Krakauer - image from CNN There were many irregularities in the investigation of Tillman’s death. The officer assigned to conduct the investigation was a captain, and thus could not investigate any officers of higher rank, which would have included the Major who gave the order to split up the squad Tillman was in, a crucial aspect of the tragedy. Tillman’s uniform and body armor was not left on Tillman’s body, to be removed at his autopsy. Instead a captain had it put into a bag, then ordered a sergeant to burn it. Tillman’s personal notebook was also burned. When Tillman’s brother Kevin tried to reach platoon members to find out exactly what had happened, a Captain told at least one platoon member to say nothing about friendly fire. When the medical examiner was told that Tillman had been killed by the Taliban, but saw from the body that this was not the case, he asked the Criminal Investigation Division to look into the case, but CID refused. Seeking to distract public attention from the Abu Ghraib scandal, which broke the day Tillman’s body was returned to his family, the Bush administration sought to highlight Tillman as an American hero. Part of that was to award him posthumous medals. PFC Bryan O’Neal was ordered to type out a witness statement in support of Major Hodne’s Silver Star recommendation, “but after he wrote, his words were embellished so egregiously that he never signed it.” (p298) A remarkable life went to waste here. Krakauer does a good job of showing the value that was lost and the values of those who tried to hide the truth of that waste. =============================EXTRA STUFF Links to the author’s personal, Twitter and FB pages FWIW, Krakauer’s FB and Twitter pages seem to have been largely abandoned ...more |
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May 30, 2010
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0312379277
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| 3.69
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| May 12, 2009
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it was amazing
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[image] Gretchen Peters image from DC Environmental Film Festival Gretchen Peters was a very young field reporter for ABC news in Afghanistan and Pak [image] Gretchen Peters image from DC Environmental Film Festival Gretchen Peters was a very young field reporter for ABC news in Afghanistan and Pakistan. She was much intrigued with the role of narcotics trafficking in the politics of the region. Ultimately, her thesis is that what we think of as the Taliban is not a unitary entity based on religious fundamentalism. It is instead a very local and amorphous phenomenon in which the primary moving force is financial gain and the primary movers are international narcotics dealers. Members of “The Taliban” in this or that location are as likely to be paid mercenaries working to protect drug traffickers as they are religious extremists bent on creating a pure way to Allah. Her perspective adds a compelling layer of nuance to our understanding of the political dynamic of the region. She looks at the divergence between the Islamic ban on the use of such substances and shows how that has been twisted by the unscrupulous to allow the growing of opium in order to use it as a weapon against the west. Religious types being used by moneyed interests for their own purposes? Hmmm, sounds rather universal, doesn’t it? She offers a series of recommendations on how the West might attempt to address the problem on the ground. None of her suggestions are easy fixes, but all are at least worth a close examination. With Seeds of Terror, Gretchen Peters has added a significant chunk to the information we have about the Taliban, Al Qaeda, how they operate in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and their motivations. It serves as a welcome companion to Ahmed Rashid’s Descent Into Chaos and Sarah Cheyes’ The Punishment of Virtue as must reads for anyone interested in the dynamics of that part of the world. PS - with the withdrawal of US troops in 2021, it remains t0 be seen what will happen inside Afghanistan. One thing is certain though. Whatever does happen, it will involve the cultivation and sale of drugs. ====================================EXTRA STUFF Personal, Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and Youtube pages From her web site Gretchen (@gretchenspeters) is a leading authority on the intersection of crime and terrorism, money-laundering and transnational crime. She is Executive Director of The Center on Illicit Networks and Transnational Organized Crime (CINTOC), a strategic intelligence organization that finds hidden criminal networks. She chairs the Alliance to Counter Crime Online (ACCO), serves on the advisory board of the Center on Economic and Financial Power and previously co-chaired an OECD Task Force on Wildlife and Environmental Crime. The Guardian - January 9, 2018 - How the heroin trade explains the US-UK failure in Afghanistan by Alfred W. McCoy ...more |
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Feb 2010
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Feb 25, 2010
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Hardcover
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0300089023
| 9780300089028
| 0300089023
| 3.98
| 4,653
| 2000
| Mar 01, 2001
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really liked it
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I was prompted to read this by Rashid’s later work ,Descent Into Chaos. Where did the Taliban actually form, when, why. How did the Taliban grow to be
I was prompted to read this by Rashid’s later work ,Descent Into Chaos. Where did the Taliban actually form, when, why. How did the Taliban grow to be the force it would become? There is much information here that helps make sense of what seems senseless. In a nation ruled by a bloody coterie of warlords constantly demanding payment from a much oppressed populace, constantly engaging in battles with each other, constantly undermining any possibility of rule of law, when a group emerges that appears able to make life stable, if unpleasant, it looks better than the devil you knew. With Pakistan doing its utmost to maintain instability within Afghanistan, funding an insurgent Taliban became a no-brainer. The details are in Taliban. While it was written and published before 9/11, the base information is here to help understand what is going on in that part of the world, to the extent that anyone can. Why are the Taliban so determined to marginalize women? How does opium production figure in Afghan politics? I was most impressed to learn about how the Taliban manages its money. I will not ruin the surprise by noting it here. While Rashid’s later book may be more current, this one is definitely worth your time. It is a slow read, though, for it’s low page count. There is much information packed into a small space. ...more |
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Aug 22, 2009
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Aug 24, 2009
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1845117883
| 9781845117887
| 1845117883
| 3.98
| 4,653
| 2000
| Jan 01, 2008
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really liked it
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Aug 21, 2009
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1594200963
| 9781594200960
| 1594200963
| 3.91
| 733
| Aug 15, 2006
| Aug 17, 2006
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it was amazing
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Sarah Chayes offers an incisive, on-the-ground look at the reality of the conflict in Afghanistan. She informs her observations with historical resear
Sarah Chayes offers an incisive, on-the-ground look at the reality of the conflict in Afghanistan. She informs her observations with historical research, ongoing contact with many significant political players in the country and the experience of living in the country for many years, and comes up with a better understanding of the forces at play than I have seen anywhere else. Her story begins while she is working as a foreign correspondent for NPR, and living with an Afghani family in Kandahar. Most telling, perhaps, is her recollection of the reaction to her stories by NPR management. It comes as no surprise to those of us who have mourned the right-wing tilt of much of NPR since the Republicans took control of Washington in 2000. (See http://nprcheck.blogspot.com/ for daily updates) So many mornings in my home have been interrupted by screams of outrage. I cannot imagine how unspeakable it must have been for a reporter of Chayes’ depth to have to confront such daily ignorance back home. Sorry, we don’t want to confuse the American public with nuance or any story that does not toe the extant political line. Thankfully, Chayes was offered an opportunity, outside of NPR, to do some good in a country she had come to love. Taking a position as a representative for a non-governmental-organization, or NGO, Chayes sought to make a difference in this broken country. Chayes offers us further insight in to the workings of non-profits in Afghanistan, but most of all tells us about how the Afghans relate to each other and to the USA and where those relationships fall in a historical perspective. You will learn a lot and find answers to questions you never thought to pose. Structurally, Chayes offers contrasting pictures of two main characters. Muhammad Akrem Khakrezwal was a police chief and ultimately a friend to Chayes, a bright, basically good guy who tried to do the right thing in the wrong place. Chayes attends his funeral in the opening chapter and pledges to find out who killed him. She offers us a history of his career, pointing out the influences that impacted his ability to function in this or that place and job. Gul Agha Shirzai is his shadow image, a warlord with considerable political savvy and very little by way of scruples. Following the trail of these two individuals offers considerable opportunity for explaining how things work in Afghanistan. It is a grim portrait Chayes paints. There was a time when Americans were indeed welcomed, and the Taliban reviled. But now, having seen how the USA drove out one band of psychopaths only to install another, patience with America has run out. Chayes goes into serious detail about how this works in the real world, why it is that the US selects this group or person to support while that or another group or person is ignored. One of the wonderful things about Chayes' book is that she offers several chapters on the history of Afghanistan. These help explain why some ethnic groups view each other with such suspicion and hostility, tradition. It was interesting to learn that the word “chain” refers not only to a set of overlapping metallic links, but also to having to pay off a chain of brigands in order to travel on major roads in the country. It was this chain that the Taliban was able to remove, but that the USA has inadvertently restored. She shows how the Taliban is pretty much a creation of Pakistan, designed to keep Afghanistan from becoming a functional nation. There is much reportage on specifics supporting the fact that without Pakistani support, the Taliban would never have become a major power in Afghanistan, and would not, now be resurgent there. Most alarming was the disappointment she felt with Karzai, the prime minister who seemed to have the charisma, intelligence and courage to lead the nation in a new direction. As it happens, not so much. And so, our hopes for the nation’s future are not reinforced. We get to see that there are many good people in Afghanistan. But the odds are against them. Chayes' story is one told from the living rooms of the powerful (she worked for one of Karzai’s relatives and had met with most of the important people in the nation) to the neighborhoods in which she lives, among the locals. Hers is a hands-on view, visceral, grounded, incisive, informative and compelling. The Punishment of Virtue is a clear must-read for anyone with an interest in goings on in that part of the world. P 74 [following the ouster of the Taliban from Kandahar in 2001:] it is no wonder many Kandaharis viewed the coming change with trepidation. “Now will be the era of robbers,” a young auto mechanic told me in late November 2001, after tribesmen had looted a warehouse for refugees just inside Afghanistan, in the last days of the U.S. bombing. I asked if he didn’t trust the tribal elders to maintain order after the Taliban departed. “No, I don’t.” He was emphatic. “They held power before, and they plundered the people and did bad things to them.” Other shopkeepers and small businessmen told of reverting to the defensive measures they had learned during the mujahideen nights: sleeping in different places each night, bringing all their wares home at the end of the day, and shuttering their empty stalls. P 101 As Michael Barry analyzes it, leadership among Pashtuns is acquired by a pretender’s ability to extract wealth from a lowland power in one of those three familiar forms—plunder or tribute or subsidy—and distribute it among his men. Ahmed Shah’ ability in this regard was undeniable. P 101 [Afghanistan:] is a state founded not on a set of thoughts held in common and articulated through texts and institutions, but rather a state founded on the strategic nature of its territory—the crux between empires. It is a state founded on a fluid and tenuous interaction between collective structures, structures of nation, of tribe, of family, and a highly developed sense of freedom, a violent aversion to submission. P 107 [In Kandahar:] there was no hostility to the American presence. On the contrary, Kandaharis were looking to the Americans for help. They expected the Americans to help them gain their country back, help them rein in their own leaders’ well-remembered corruption, help them come up with a new version of qanum, of law and order, which would be a little less repressive than the Taliban’s rendition. Help them start making something of themselves. I told this to the young marine. I told him U.S. soldiers were in zero danger. They were seen as Kandahar’s ticket out of backwardness. “That’s really interesting,” the marine replied. “I had a feeling that’s how things were. See, they keep giving us these briefings about the situation here, and I’ve been wondering if they’re bullshitting us. They keep saying this is a combat mission. ‘Combat?’ I’m saying. ‘What combat?’ There’s nothing happening out here. I’m feeling pretty dumb in this hole in the ground. And I’m getting a little ticked off too. I think they’re taking advantage of us. I feel like we’re just a symbol—like a great big American flag stuck in the dirt out here. What’s the use of that? I’d like to do something real. I’d like to get out there and start building that road. I wanted to throw my arms around the kid. “And you know what?” I said. “If you built the road, it would do more for your security than another thousand guys out here in foxholes. The Afghans would protect you. If they saw you helping them, they would take care of you. I had this entire conversation down on tape. It was going in my story. Because, like the tale young Fayda had told me on the way to Kandahar a couple of weeks before, it seemed to hold the crux of what was already going wrong. But my editor nixed it. She said there was nothing new or interesting in this conversation. Soldiers are always disgruntled. This marine was just the same as every other grunt. ...more |
Notes are private!
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Jun 2009
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Jun 14, 2009
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Hardcover
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0670019704
| 9780670019700
| 0670019704
| 3.95
| 2,590
| 2007
| Jun 03, 2008
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it was amazing
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Even more than a decade and a half after its publication Descent Into Chaos is a must read for anyone interested in ongoing events in Afghanistan, Pak
Even more than a decade and a half after its publication Descent Into Chaos is a must read for anyone interested in ongoing events in Afghanistan, Pakistan and the central Asian “stans” that make up one of the most politically volatile areas on earth. Rashid is both a journalist and a participant, having been a member of various groups and committees attempting to address the ongoing conflicts. As such he brings his own personal list of good guys and bad guys, and should be taken with a grain of salt. But the level of detail presented here is impressive and illuminating. [image] Ahmed Rashid - image from Penguin Random House Speakers Bureau The main foci in Descent are Pakistan and Afghanistan. Rashid characterizes Pakistan as being unlike other nations, “The epithet that ‘countries have armies, but in Pakistan the army has a country’ came true…” (p 38) He demonstrates over and over the hold the military has over the nation and shows how it has been nearly impossible for civilian rule to come to much when it must always remain subservient to those with all the guns. One of the major organizations within the military is the ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate). This is the entity that has been responsible for supporting the Taliban in both Afghanistan and now in Pakistan itself, that has seen to it that massive percentages of aid received from the USA and intended for use in anti-terrorist activities have been diverted to supporting the Taliban and to paying for bolstering Pakistan’s traditional defenses against India. Despite USA propaganda about a desire for democracy in Afghanistan, American actions went in an entirely other direction, offering money to warlords at the expense of the central, Karzai-led government, looking the other way at the burgeoning poppy agriculture that was funding the Taliban and corrupt warlords. The USA did nothing about Pakistan providing a safe harbor, training, equipment, expertise and personnel for the Taliban, then sending them back in to Afghanistan to wreak havoc on US-supported forces. The USA left wide swaths of the country unpatrolled, thus allowing escaping Taliban an easy exit during the initial bombardments. I was most taken with the recurring impact of Donald Rumsfeld on events in the area, his pig-headedness in caring not a whit about building back up the nation his army was helping destroy. He consistently made decisions that led to the worst possible outcomes, leading to the situation today, in which Afghanistan remains much less an actual country than a collection of warlords protecting their individual turf, with a national leadership that has compromised so much that there is almost no effective central power to speak of. The poppy crop is doing very nicely, but it could have been otherwise had there been actual investment in developing the available resources to allow and encourage production of non-opium crops. I learned the most about Pakistan. Rashid makes it very clear, in painful detail, how the country has arrived at today’s precipice, with a resurgent Taliban threatening the existence of what government Pakistan still retains. Rashid offers considerable discussion of the role of NATO, and the reluctance of most NATO members to contribute much of anything to an attempt to stabilize war-ravaged Afghanistan. If the USA can be counted on to do the right thing, after all other options have been exhausted, European members of NATO can usually be relied on to delay, and limit any contributions they are called on to make, adding impossible conditions and minimal financial support. Rashid also looks at the situations in the neighboring “stans,” Uzbejkistan, Tajikstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazahkstan. It is not a pretty picture. The entire area is a mess, with evil dictators virtually enslaving their own populations, while enriching themselves and gaining USA support by offering use of their territory as bases for US action in Afghanistan. He even offers an example of how the USA managed to lose all influence with one of these, as Russia and China swooped in to offer support to one psychotic dictator when the US began demanding that the psycho tone it down a bit. Rashid seemed to be saying that the USA had messed up here in losing access to the nation, but he offers no suggestions for what the US might have done to retain its access. Sometimes Rashid’s judgments are a questionable. He was much impressed with a fellow named Abdul Haq. Rashid sees him as having been a potential leader of Afghanistan, a charismatic leader bent on opposing the Taliban. Yet, despite having no state support, and only personal funding from some American millionaires, Haq pushed ahead with his plans to foment an anti-Taliban insurrection, yet could manage less than three dozen actual fighters. He was soon captured and killed. Surely a truly effective and thoughtful leader would not have made such a rash decision. He must have had a lot less going on within him than Rashid gives him credit for. And if he was so wrong about Haq, one wonders where else Rashid's personal feelings about relevant individuals might have affected his ability to evaluate their intelligence, leadership capacity, or motives. The bottom line here is that the situation in the entire area is intensely depressing. Pakistan is on the edge of becoming a failed state. Afghanistan appears little closer to having a stable, democratic society. The Taliban is the only force in the area that seems to be thriving. Rashid offers only tonics for what one might do. It is clear that opportunities have been lost, and it is not clear that the Obama administration had any better ideas about how to proceed to stabilize the region than Bush did. It seems safe to expect that whatever actions are undertaken by the Trump administration, they will serve Russian more than American interests. One item I found very helpful in the book was a collection of maps in the front. I referred to them frequently. It would have been helpful had there been a glossary at the back. There are many acronyms here and I often had to search back several pages to re-discover what some of them meant. But this is a quibble. The book is illuminating, far reaching, and stands well the test of time. Published - January 1, 2007 =============================EXTRA STUFF The author’s personal, GR, and Facebook pages ...more |
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Jun 04, 2009
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May 02, 2009
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Hardcover
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0143034669
| 9780143034667
| 0143034669
| 4.31
| 17,389
| Feb 23, 2004
| Dec 28, 2004
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it was amazing
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This is probably the definitive work on the history of US involvement in the Afghanistan war against the Soviets and the resulting blowback. Coll begin This is probably the definitive work on the history of US involvement in the Afghanistan war against the Soviets and the resulting blowback. Coll begins with the Islamabad riot of 1979, in which thousands of Islamic militants laid waste to the US embassy while Zia was riding about on a bicycle distributing unrelated leaflets, and accompanied by much of his military. Did he know about the plan and make himself deliberately unavailable? It is clear that he had an agenda of his own in dealing with the USA. Fearful of India to his south and the USSR to his north he was eager to keep the Russians at bay, using Afghanistan as a buffer state. He was also beset from within politically, so made a decision that might seem right at home in Saudi Arabia, he enabled the fundamentalists. He was also eager to keep the Pashtuns who straddled the Afghani-Pakistani border from becoming too powerful, and forming their own country. Thus, aid to Afghanistan resistance fighters was focused on non-Pashtun players. Channeling all aid through the ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence, the primary intel entity in the country, the tail that wags the Pakistani dog. There are significant numbers of Taliban sympathizers within the organization.) meant that the USA was allowing that extremist entity to affect the future in all Central Asia, fomenting fundamentalist Islam throughout the region. Coll offers accounts of William Casey sponsoring actions that were well beyond his authority, and that risked conflagration, such as sponsoring incursions by the Islamists into the Soviet Union. When the USA denied aid to Pakistan because of the nuclear bomb issue, Saudi Arabia stepped in and kept the money flowing, increasing their influence and the power of the ISI. Ahmed Massoud was not a Pashtun, but a Tajik, hailing from the northeast of Afghanistan, the Panjshir Valley. He was not only a gifted strategist, but a politician as well. While fighting the Russians for years he was also bargaining with them, finally achieving a cease fire, to the chagrin of the other resistance leaders, most notably Hekmatyar, who regarded him as a Benedict Arnold for dealing with the enemy. The role of the UNOCAL deal – the US wanted to provide a way for Central Asian republics to get their oil and gas to market without it having to go through Russia. Also Pakistan had an interest in buying petro from them. They needed a stable, unified regime in Afghanistan in order to make it possible to build a pipeline there. Coll looks at the responses of four US administrations regarding Afghanistan, Reagan, Bush, Clinton and Bush jr. He looks at the complications of governing this multi-ethnic society and how external politics affected its existence. Soviet pressure, Pakistan desire to use Afghanistan as a buffer state, the US wanting to pursue bin Laden, Saudi Arabia looking to spread Islam and contain Iran. He looks at some of the religious differences, noting that the Taliban was decidedly Sunni, despite Condeleeza’s mistaken notion that they were one with Iran. This is a masterwork, covering a lot, A LOT of territory. If you have any interest in events in the Stans, in the Indian subcontinent or in US foreign policy, this is an absolute must read. P 104 Drawing on his experiences running dissident Polish exiles as agents behind Nazi lines, [CIA chief William] Casey decided to revive the CIA’s propaganda proposals targeting Central Asia. The CIA’ specialists proposed to send in books about Central Asian culture and historical Soviet atrocities in the region. The ISI’s generals said they would prefer to ship Korans in the local languages…the CIA printed thousands of copies of the Muslim book and shipped them to Pakistan for distribution to the Mujahidin P 132 [As part of their tactics, Afghani insurgents targeted Russians in Kabul] Fear of poisoning, surprise attacks, and assassination became rife among Russian officers and soldiers in Kabul. The rebels fashioned booby-trapped bombs from gooey black contact explosives, supplied to Pakistani intelligence by the CIA, that could be molded into ordinary shapes or poured into innocent utensils. Russian soldiers began to find bombs made from pens, watches, cigarette lighters, and tape recorders…Kabul shopkeepers poisoned food eaten by Russian soldiers. P 134 Afghans…uniformly denounced suicide attack proposals as against their religion. It was only the Arab volunteers—from Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Algeria and other countries, who had been raised in an entirely different culture, spoke their own language, and preached their own interpretations of Islam while fighting far from their homes and families—who later advocated suicide attacks. Afghan jihadists, tightly woven into family, clan, and regional social networks, never embraced suicide tactics in significant numbers. It is clear that there is a very real divide within Pakistan between the civilian leadership and the military. The latter is vastly influenced by Islamic extremists. Because the CIA was not interested in delving into local politics, they allowed the ISI to control the funds we were providing. This was not the same as allowing the Paki government to control it. Their interests were not identical. There also developed a divergence between the focus of the CIA and the State department. CIA was wedded to the ISI, whereas State, particularly via reports by dissidents (Edmund McWilliams, Peter Tomsen) sent back through channels that bypassed the CIA, became more inclined to attempt to achieve some sort of rapprochement among the elements. ISI had favorites and was channeling resources to them. Those resources were turned on other mujahidin. Hekmatyar, for example, tried to wipe out all his opposition, and did a pretty good number on Massoud’s officer corps. P 165 [In 1987] The CIA did not account for the massive weight of private Saudi and Arab funding that tilted the field (of anti-soviets) toward the Islamists—up to $25 milion a month by Bearden’s own estimate. Nor did they account for the intimate tactical and strategic partnerships between Pakistani intelligence and the Afghan Islamists, expecially along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. By the late 1908s ISI had effectively eliminated all the secular, leftist, and royalist political parties that had first formed when Afghan refugees fled communist rule. P 168 A year before they left Afghanistan, the Soviet informed the US that they would be leaving [George’ Shultz was so struck by the significance of the news that it half-panicked him. He feared that if he told the right-wingers in Reagan’s cabinet that Shevardnaze had said, and endorsed the disclosure as sincere, he would be accused of going soft on Moscow. He kept the conversation to himself for weeks. Shevardnaze had asked for American cooperation in limiting the spread of “Islamic fundamentalism.” Schultz was sympathetic, but no high-level Reagan administration officials ever gave much thought to the issue…the warnings were just a way to deflect attention from Soviet failings, American hard-liners decided. P 475 [for Pakistan] The jihadist guerrillas were a more practical day-to-day strategic defense against Indian hegemony than even a nuclear bomb. ...more |
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Aug 2006
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Nov 05, 2008
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my rating |
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3.80
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really liked it
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Apr 05, 2022
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Apr 06, 2022
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4.09
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it was amazing
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Dec 27, 2021
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Dec 27, 2021
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4.10
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it was amazing
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Aug 20, 2017
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Aug 10, 2017
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4.34
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it was amazing
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Feb 29, 2016
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Jan 16, 2016
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4.06
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really liked it
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Oct 2014
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Sep 25, 2014
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3.84
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it was amazing
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Apr 25, 2014
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Apr 25, 2014
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4.07
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really liked it
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Jun 20, 2013
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May 28, 2013
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4.11
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it was amazing
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Jun 06, 2012
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Jun 03, 2012
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||||||
3.86
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really liked it
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Dec 21, 2011
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Dec 06, 2011
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||||||
3.75
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really liked it
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Feb 13, 2011
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Feb 12, 2011
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3.81
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really liked it
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Feb 05, 2011
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Dec 26, 2010
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3.66
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really liked it
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Jun 2010
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Jun 06, 2010
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4.24
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really liked it
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May 2010
not set
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Jun 03, 2010
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||||||
4.08
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really liked it
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Apr 2010
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May 30, 2010
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3.69
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it was amazing
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Feb 2010
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Feb 25, 2010
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3.98
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really liked it
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Aug 22, 2009
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Aug 24, 2009
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3.98
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really liked it
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not set
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Aug 21, 2009
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3.91
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it was amazing
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Jun 2009
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Jun 14, 2009
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||||||
3.95
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it was amazing
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Jun 04, 2009
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May 02, 2009
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4.31
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it was amazing
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Aug 2006
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Nov 05, 2008
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