Strzok Responds To DOJ
Strzok Responds To DOJ
)
PETER P. STRZOK, )
)
Plaintiff, )
)
v. ) Case No. 1:19-CV-2367-ABJ
)
WILLIAM P. BARR, in his official capacity )
as Attorney General of the United States, et al., )
)
Defendants. )
)
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ARGUMENT .................................................................................................................................. 6
B. Concerns Over Disruption Did Not Actually Motivate Strzok’s Termination ..... 10
(b) Strzok’s Position in the FBI Does Not Leave Him Unprotected .. 23
III. MR. STRZOK HAS STATED A VIABLE FIFTH AMENDMENT CLAIM ................. 27
IV. MR. STRZOK HAS PLEADED AND WILL ULTIMATELY PREVAIL ON HIS
PRIVACY ACT CLAIM .................................................................................................. 33
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3. Plaintiff Will Show that the DOJ Willfully and Intentionally Violated
the Privacy Act. ......................................................................................... 41
V. CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................. 43
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TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
Cases
Alexander v. F.B.I.,
691 F. Supp. 2d 182 (D.D.C. 2010) .......................................................................................... 38
Ashcroft v. Iqbal,
556 U.S. 662 (2009) .................................................................................................................... 4
Bland v. Roberts,
730 F.3d 368 (4th Cir. 2013) .................................................................................................... 17
Connick v. Myers,
461 U.S. 138 (1983) ........................................................................................................... passim
Czekalski v. Peters,
475 F.3d 360 (D.C. Cir. 2007) .............................................................................................. 5, 33
Czurlanis v. Albanese,
721 F.2d 98 (3d Cir. 1983) ....................................................................................................... 22
Davis v. Billington,
51 F. Supp. 3d 97 (D.D.C. 2014) ........................................................................................ 20, 26
iii
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Doe 2 v. Esper,
No. CV 17-1597 (CKK), 2019 WL 4394842 (D.D.C. Sept. 13, 2019) .................................... 43
Doe v. Stephens,
851 F.2d 1457 (D.C. Cir. 1988) ................................................................................................ 39
Durham v. Jones,
737 F.3d 291 (4th Cir. 2013) .................................................................................................... 22
Evans v. Sebelius,
716 F.3d 617 (D.C. Cir. 2013) ........................................................................................ 5, 33, 42
Foster v. Ripley,
645 F.2d 1142 (D.C. Cir. 1981) ................................................................................................ 16
Gerstein v. C.I.A.,
No. C 06-4643 MMC, 2011 WL 89337 (N.D. Cal. Jan. 11, 2011) .......................................... 40
Gonzalez v. Benavides,
774 F.2d 1295 (5th Cir. 1985) .................................................................................................. 22
Gustafson v. Jones,
117 F.3d 1015 (7th Cir. 1997) .................................................................................................. 15
Hall v. Ford,
856 F.2d 255 (D.C. Cir. 1988) ...................................................................................... 21, 23, 24
iv
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Iancu v. Brunetti,
139 S. Ct. 2294 (2019) .............................................................................................................. 14
Janus v. Am. Fed’n of State, Cty., & Mun. Employees, Council 31,
138 S. Ct. 2448 (2018) ................................................................................................................ 9
Kelley v. F.B.I.,
67 F. Supp. 3d 240 (D.D.C. 2014) ............................................................................................ 38
Lamb v. Miller,
660 F.2d 792 (D.C. Cir. 1981) ...................................................................................... 33, 40, 42
Locurto v. Giuliani,
447 F.3d 159 (2d Cir. 2006) ..................................................................................................... 11
Lopez v. FAA,
318 F.3d 242 (D.C. Cir. 2003) .................................................................................................. 30
Matherne v. Wilson,
851 F.2d 752 (5th Cir. 1988) .................................................................................................... 22
v
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Meyer v. Grant,
486 U.S. 414 (1988) .............................................................................................................. 8, 15
Nagle v. Marron,
663 F.3d 100 (2d Cir. 2011) ..................................................................................................... 10
Navab-Safavi v. Glassman,
637 F.3d 311 (D.C. Cir. 2011) .................................................................................................. 27
Ortiz-Diaz v. U.S. Dep’t of Housing & Urban Dev., Office of Inspector Gen.,
867 F.3d 70 (D.C. Cir. 2017) ...................................................................................................... 5
Perry v. Sindermann,
408 U.S. 593 (1972) .................................................................................................................. 28
Rankin v. McPherson,
483 U.S. 378 (1987) .................................................................................................. 9, 10, 18, 19
vi
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Sagar v. Lew,
309 F.R.D. 18 (D.D.C. 2015)...................................................................................................... 7
Sheppard v. Beerman,
94 F.3d 823 (2d Cir. 1996) ......................................................................................... 2, 8, 10, 11
Steele v. Mattis,
899 F.3d 943 (D.C. Cir. 2018) .................................................................................................... 5
Stone v. F.B.I.,
727 F. Supp. 662 (D.D.C. 1990) ............................................................................................... 40
Stough v. Gallagher,
967 F.2d 1523 (11th Cir. 1992) .......................................................................................... 15, 17
Tao v. Freeh,
27 F.3d 635 (D.C. Cir. 1994) ...................................................................................................... 9
Tijerina v. Walters,
821 F.2d 789 (D.C. Cir. 1987) .................................................................................................. 41
Waters v. Churchill,
511 U.S. 661 (1994) .................................................................................................. 2, 10, 16, 21
Waters v. Thornburgh,
888 F.2d 870 (D.C. Cir. 1989) .................................................................................................. 42
Winder v. Erste,
566 F.3d 209 (D.C. Cir. 2009) .................................................................................................. 25
Statutes
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Rules
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“These were dirty people. These were bad people. These were evil people, and I hope
that someday I’m going to consider it my greatest, or one of my greatest achievements, getting
rid of them.” SOGI1 ¶ 59u. These were the words that President Trump used just last week to
describe to reporters his pride in ensuring the termination of FBI employees, including Plaintiff
Peter Strzok, who played significant roles in the investigation of the Russian Government’s
efforts to undermine the 2016 Presidential elections in Trump’s favor. Those recent comments
echoed vitriolic statements President Trump made about Mr. Strzok before and after he was fired
in settings from press conferences to Twitter to campaign rallies. Mr. Strzok’s Complaint alleges
that his firing by the Deputy Director of the FBI after Mr. Strzok had already entered into a
achievement of President Trump and his political allies tied to a politically-motivated effort to
use Mr. Strzok’s text messages to discredit investigations of the President and his campaign. Yet
Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss or for Summary Judgment (“Motion”) ducks the whole question
of whether, in violation of the First Amendment, Mr. Strzok was fired because of the content of
his speech.
In fact, Defendants’ Motion is as notable for what it doesn’t include as for what it does.
Although Defendants attach declarations from officials who played no role in Mr. Strzok’s
termination, they omit any Declaration from Deputy Director Bowdich, the man who actually
fired Mr. Strzok, or the as-yet-unidentified high-ranking Department of Justice official who
approved the release of the text messages to the media. Although the Complaint in this case
clearly alleges unconstitutional discrimination based on viewpoint for the disparate manner in
1
“SOGI” refers to Plaintiff’s Response to Defendants’ Statement of Undisputed Material
Facts and Plaintiff’s Statement of Genuine Issues.
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which this Administration treats speech praising and speech criticizing the President, this goes
As an initial matter, the First Amendment claim here cannot be dismissed based on the
balancing framework supplied by Pickering v. Board of Education, 391 U.S. 563 (1968), as
Defendants argue, because firing an employee for the content of his or her non-public
Circuit has aptly stated, “even if the potential disruption to the office outweighs the value of the
speech, the employer may fire the employee only because of the potential disruption, and not
because of the speech. That is to say, it matters not that the potential disruption outweighs the
value of the speech if the employer subjectively makes the speech the basis of his termination
823, 827 (2d Cir. 1996) (emphasis in original) (citing Waters v. Churchill, 511 U.S. 661, 681–82
(1994)).
The Complaint describes an orchestrated campaign by the President of the United States
to pressure the FBI into firing Strzok because of the content of his speech (i.e., his viewpoint).
decidedly unpresidential tweets, President Trump’s accusations that Strzok committed “treason,”
and by contemporaneous news accounts of the President personally imploring the Attorney
General and the FBI Director to fire Strzok. Compl. ¶¶ 45–47. That campaign succeeded when
the Deputy Director of the FBI, David Bowdich, overturned the final decision of the duly
Candice Will (“AD Will”), who had been meting out punishment at the FBI for over a decade,
and who had determined that the FBI’s mission was best served by not firing Strzok. Compl.
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¶¶ 32–36, 48. Before the President’s public demonization of Strzok, Bowdich had reassured
Strzok that the disclosure of the texts would not end his career with the FBI. Compl. ¶ 44; SOGI
Ex. N ¶ 4. Thus, even if the government could show that the Pickering balancing of interests
governs this case and tips in its favor (and it does not), there is still a material dispute over
whether Bowdich actually fired Strzok due to genuine concerns about disruption, or instead to
Further, Defendants’ alternative motion for summary judgment is premature. Mr. Strzok
is entitled to develop a full factual record through discovery before the court weighs the
competing interests or addresses the disputed motives for Defendants’ disregard of Strzok’s
rights. Once a motion seeking summary judgment is actually ripe for review, the Court must
view all disputed facts and inferences in Strzok’s favor, an obligation the government pays lip
The Court should also deny the Motion with respect to the denial of due process and
Privacy Act claims. Defendants refused to afford Strzok the appeal procedures set forth in their
own policies, and refused to abide by the final decision of the duly designated appointed official
who was responsible for determining the level of discipline that best served the agency’s
interests. These facts state a plausible claim under the Fifth Amendment. Defendants’ motion
for summary judgment on Strzok’s Privacy Act claim raises more questions than it answers
about the government’s unprecedented disclosures of records about Strzok to the media.
Defendants’ rather bizarre Privacy Act arguments aim to protect the White House from liability
(although it is not a Defendant) and assert that the disclosures to the press were “routine” (they
weren’t) on the basis of two pre-discovery declarations from DOJ lawyers who did not make the
decision to release the texts to the media. Moreover, the extremely limited information that the
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Department has previously released in response to FOIA requests suggests that the relevant
Defendants’ Motion is a remarkable document. Defendants contend that they should win
at the starting gate. They demand victory not only without a trial, but without even allowing
Strzok to obtain discovery, even on the count that they concede states a claim. If Defendants are
correct, there is no remedy, and indeed no administrative or judicial review, for a career federal
employee who is fired for privately expressing political opinions deemed to be disloyal to the
President even after the FBI official responsible for the Bureau’s disciplinary process decided
that termination was not the appropriate consequence. This would subject thousands of mid-
level managers in the federal government to punishment for expressing their opinions about
candidates for national office in private water cooler conversations. There is no precedent
The facts of this case pertinent to the instant motion to dismiss are fully set forth in the
Complaint and must be accepted as true. The only question raised by Defendants’ motion to
dismiss is whether those facts raise plausible claims under the First and Fifth Amendments. A
Rule 12(b)(6) motion to dismiss tests the legal sufficiency of a plaintiff’s claims, not the merits,
the facts, or the defenses. See Herron v. Fannie Mae, 861 F.3d 160, 173 (D.C. Cir. 2017). “A
claim has facial plausibility when the plaintiff pleads factual content that allows the court to
draw the reasonable inference that the defendant is liable for the misconduct alleged.” Ashcroft
v. Iqbal, 556 U.S. 662, 678 (2009). All of the claims pled in the Complaint here are plausible.
As noted, Defendants also move for summary judgment with respect to all three claims,
introducing into the record a few documents and two self-serving declarations. No discovery has
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been taken in this case, and the law in this Circuit is clear that a party must be afforded the
judgment motion, as it is here. See Convertino v. U.S. Dep’t of Justice, 684 F.3d 93, 99 (D.C.
Cir. 2012). Accordingly, the Court should deny the motion for summary judgment or defer
ruling until discovery has been completed and Plaintiff is able to oppose the motion with the
benefit of a fully developed record. Pursuant to Local Civil Rule 7(h), Plaintiff is also filing a
Statement of Disputed Material Facts, which demonstrates the scope of the factual disputes that
exist.
In ruling upon any motion for summary judgment, the Court must resolve all factual
disputes in Plaintiff’s favor and draw all inferences from those facts on his behalf. This is
particularly important where, as here, issues of motive and intent predominate. Ortiz-Diaz v.
U.S. Dep’t of Housing & Urban Dev., Office of Inspector Gen., 867 F.3d 70, 80 (D.C. Cir. 2017)
(reversing summary judgment on Title VII race claim and hoping its decision “will serve as a
shot across the bow that courts in this Circuit must adhere to the summary judgment standard and
not prematurely reject evidence that a jury could reasonably credit”); Evans v. Sebelius, 716 F.3d
617, 622–23 (D.C. Cir. 2013) (where evidence offered two “competing views” of motive, “this is
precisely the type of factual dispute that ‘must be resolved in a jury room rather than in the pages
of the Federal Reporter.’” (quoting Czekalski v. Peters, 475 F.3d 360, 362 (D.C. Cir. 2007)));
Steele v. Mattis, 899 F.3d 943, 952 (D.C. Cir. 2018) (overturning the erroneous grant of
summary judgment, and emphasizing that its “humble” task is to “ask only whether, taking all of
the evidence together, it would as a matter of law be irrational for jurors to disbelieve the
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ARGUMENT
This case presents critical issues of intent, motive, and, according to Defendants, the
balancing of constitutional rights. To the extent that the government seeks to dispose of the case
through a Rule 12(b) motion to dismiss, those issues can be resolved on the well-pleaded facts in
the Complaint. As explained infra at Sections II–III, Plaintiff has raised plausible claims and
Defendants’ motion should be denied. But to the extent that Defendants also ask the Court to
find that no material dispute of fact exists that would ever warrant a trial, it is far too early for the
Generally speaking, “summary judgment [must] be refused where the nonmoving party
has not had the opportunity to discover information that is essential to his opposition.” Anderson
v. Liberty Lobby, Inc., 477 U.S. 242, 250 n.5 (1986). Ordinarily, a defendant waits until after the
close of discovery to move for summary judgment, and even then, the rules permit the opposing
party to seek additional discrete information needed to address the arguments by filing a Rule
56(d) declaration. See, e.g., Convertino, 684 F.3d at 102. Here, of course, the Court has not yet
even set up a discovery schedule, no discovery has been taken, and Plaintiff has had no
opportunity to develop a factual record to counter the government’s premature bid for judgment
without a trial.
Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 56(d) provides that “[i]f a nonmovant shows by affidavit
or declaration that, for specified reasons, it cannot present facts essential to justify its opposition,
the court may: (1) defer considering the motion or deny it; [or] (2) allow time to . . . take
discovery . . . .” Convertino explains that a Rule 56(d) motion must be granted where the
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First, it must outline the particular facts he intends to discover and describe why
those facts are necessary to the litigation. Second, it must explain why he could
not produce the facts in opposition to the motion for summary judgment. Third, it
must show the information is in fact discoverable.
684 F.3d at 99–100 (brackets, quotation marks, and citations omitted). The Goelman
Declaration, submitted with this opposition, outlines the central areas of discovery that are
necessary to respond to the instant motion for summary judgment and easily meets the applicable
Rule 56(d) standard. The D.C. Circuit has explained that a “motion requesting time for
additional discovery [under Rule 56(d)] should be granted ‘almost as a matter of course unless
the non-moving party has not diligently pursued discovery of the evidence’” and that “summary
judgment is premature unless all parties have ‘had a full opportunity to conduct discovery.’” Id.
at 99; see also Khan v. Parsons Glob. Servs., Ltd., 428 F.3d 1079, 1087 (D.C. Cir. 2005)
(overturning a district court’s grant of summary judgment and noting “[t]he court has long
complete discovery before responding to a summary judgment motion and that ‘insufficient time
or opportunity to engage in discovery’ is cause to defer decision on the motion.”); First Chi. Int’l
v. United Exchange Co., 836 F.2d 1375, 1380–81 (D.C. Cir. 1988); Sagar v. Lew, 309 F.R.D. 18,
20 (D.D.C. 2015).
As set forth in the Goelman Declaration, there is a wealth of information that Strzok has
not yet had access to, but which will be discoverable. Until a full factual record is developed to
adequately address the rationale of the DOJ official who made the decision to disclose the texts
to the media, the actual motivation behind Strzok’s firing, and the appropriate balancing of
interests under Pickering that Defendants contend is necessary, the Court should defer ruling on
the motion for summary judgment. See, e.g., Gordon v. Town of Hunter, No. 91-CV-0305, 1996
WL 77391, at *8 (N.D.N.Y. Feb. 16, 1996) (denying summary judgment in Pickering case and
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noting “[t]he amount of disruption that [plaintiff] may have caused and the impact his behavior
had on his working relationships are complex issues that must be determined after listening to
termination of his employment. “To establish a First Amendment retaliation claim, a public
employee must show that (1) his speech is protected by the First Amendment and (2) the speech
was a substantial or motivating factor in the alleged retaliatory action.” Dougherty v. Sch. Dist.
of Phila., 772 F.3d 979, 986 (3d Cir. 2014). If both elements are proven, the burden “shifts . . .
to the employer to prove that . . . the same action would have been taken even if the speech had
not occurred.” Id. Retaliatory discharges are “always unconstitutional.” Sheppard, 94 F.3d at
Federal employees do not lose the ordinary protection against government punishment
for speech when they accept employment, and Mr. Strzok’s private text messages expressing
political views are protected by the First Amendment. See Meyer v. Grant, 486 U.S. 414, 422–
425 (1988); Thompson v. District of Columbia, 428 F.3d 283, 285 (D.C. Cir. 2005). The
complaint alleges, and it is far more than plausible given President Trump’s public statements,
that Strzok was fired, rather than suspended and demoted by agreement, because of the views he
expressed. There is little doubt that if Strzok’s text messages had expressed animus toward
Secretary Clinton and reverence for Candidate Trump, he would still be employed by the FBI.
Defendants have offered no response to the allegation of viewpoint discrimination because they
have none.
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Instead, Defendants’ motion is centered on Pickering balancing, but even had Defendants
not committed the standalone First Amendment violation by practicing viewpoint discrimination,
the Pickering balancing test is intended to apply where an employee speaks out publicly, which
did not occur here. Pickering and its progeny do not apply (or must invariably favor the
employee and therefore need not be applied) where a public employee is terminated based on a
private conversation about matters of public concern.2 As Justice Powell explained in an opinion
concurring in a decision to allow a First Amendment challenge to the firing of an employee for
political speech (in a case where the parties had assumed the applicability of Pickering):
Rankin v. McPherson, 483 U.S. 378, 393 (1987) (Powell, J., concurring) (emphasis added)
(citations omitted). Notably, Defendants cite no cases applying Pickering’s balancing test to the
2
This Circuit has applied a four-factor Pickering analysis in determining when public
employees’ speech is protected for the purpose of retaliation claims, but only where the speech
was public or directed to workplace superiors or the government. See Thompson v. District of
Columbia, 428 F.3d 283, 285 (D.C. Cir. 2005); Tao v. Freeh, 27 F.3d 635, 638, 640 (D.C. Cir.
1994); cf. Janus v. Am. Fed’n of State, Cty., & Mun. Employees, Council 31, 138 S. Ct. 2448,
2472 (2018) (“[T]he Pickering framework was developed for use in a very different context—in
cases that involve ‘one employee’s speech and its impact on that employee’s public
responsibilities.’”). Here, Strzok’s speech was intended to remain private and, on its own, had
no impact on his professional responsibilities.
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fired an employee due to genuine concerns about the disruptive influence of his speech on a
matter of public concern, but only if the employer’s interests in the efficiency of its operations
outweighed the plaintiff’s interest in free speech. Pickering, 391 U.S. at 568. That is a fact-
based and context driven exercise; but the exercise presumes that the employer actually was
motivated by concerns about disruption. If it were not—if the professed concerns were merely a
pretext to cover retaliatory animus over the content of the employee’s speech about a matter of
public importance—then Pickering balancing provides no shield. See Nagle v. Marron, 663 F.3d
100, 115 (2d Cir. 2011) (“no reasonable official could think that such speech-retaliatory conduct
483 U.S. 378, 384 (1987), “[v]igilance is necessary to ensure that public employers do not use
authority over employees to silence discourse, not because it hampers public functions but
simply because superiors disagree with the content of employees’ speech.” See also Waters, 511
U.S. at 681 (reversing a grant of summary judgment where a jury could have found that the
government employer “actually fired Churchill not because of the disruptive things she said . . . ,
but because of nondisruptive statements about cross-training that they thought she may have
In the wake of Rankin and Waters v. Churchill, 511 U.S. 661 (1994), courts have held
that regardless of Pickering balancing, an employer who asserts disruption as a pretext to punish
a worker because of the content of the speech violates the First Amendment. In Sheppard v.
Beerman, 94 F.3d 823 (2d Cir. 1996), for example, a court clerk spoke out about concerns
regarding corruption by his employer, a New York State Supreme Court judge, and claimed to
have notes that he would release to the public. The judge contended that the employee had been
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insubordinate and disruptive during the confrontation in which the speech occurred, and that it
could lawfully fire him for the disruptive speech (an interest outweighing any free speech
concerns). The district court agreed and granted summary judgment. The Court of Appeals
reversed, noting:
Sheppard, 94 F.3d at 828. Based on this, the Court held that “even if the potential disruption to
the office outweighs the value of the speech, the employer may fire the employee only because
of the potential disruption, and not because of the speech. That is to say, it matters not that the
potential disruption outweighs the value of the speech if the employer subjectively makes the
speech the basis of his termination decision: such ‘retaliatory’ discharge is always
unconstitutional.” Id. at 827 (emphasis modified). The Second Circuit applied the same test in
Locurto v. Giuliani, 447 F.3d 159, 172–73 (2d Cir. 2006), also cited by Defendants: A
government employer may fire an employee for speaking on a matter of public concern if: “(1)
the employer’s prediction of disruption is reasonable; (2) the potential disruptiveness is enough
to outweigh the value of the speech; and (3) the employer took action against the employee based
on this disruption and not in retaliation for the speech.” (emphasis added).
Here, Strzok has plausibly pled that the concern about disruption professed by Deputy
Director Bowdich was not the actual motivation for his discharge, and that it was a pretext for
reprisal. More precisely, the President was irate over what he considered to be disloyal and
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unflattering remarks about his fitness for office, and demanded Strzok’s head, and Bowdich
decided that he had to fire Strzok to placate the President. Compl. ¶ 44.
Strzok is only required to show that his claim is plausible at this stage, but the limited
available evidence suggests that his claim will succeed. He had a distinguished career that
spanned more than twenty years during which, Defendants note, he “performed with distinction
and gained the respect of his superiors.” Compl. ¶¶ 14–16; Motion at 1.3 Two lengthy and
exhaustive investigations by the DOJ Office of the Inspector General (“OIG”) concluded that
Strzok’s political opinions had no impact on his work. Compl. ¶ 32; SOGI ¶¶ 53, 59c, 59p. The
authority to discipline Strzok was held by Candice Will, the Assistant Director of the FBI’s
Office of Professional Responsibility. The FBI’s published disciplinary policies call for a
standard penalty of a 5-day suspension for a first infraction of its policy. Compl. ¶ 28. Will
carefully considered the entire record, determined that a 60-day suspension and demotion of
Strzok out of the SES was the appropriate disciplinary action, presented a “Last Chance
Agreement” (“LCA”) memorializing those terms to Strzok (which he accepted), and issued a
Deputy Director David Bowdich initially assured Strzok that the text messages would not
end his career with the FBI. Compl. ¶ 44. Bowdich reversed course and fired Strzok on August
9, 2018. Compl. ¶ 37. This was after a sustained and public campaign by the President
demanding that the FBI fire Strzok, as well as at least one reported non-public demand that FBI
Director Wray and Attorney General Sessions explain why Mr. Strzok and Ms. Page “were still
in their jobs despite allegations made by allies of the President that they had been disloyal to him
3
“Motion” refers to the Memorandum in Support of Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss or, in
the Alternative, for Summary Judgment, as to Count One and Two, and Motion for Summary
Judgment as to Count Three. ECF No. 30-1.
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and had unfairly targeted him and his administration.” Compl. ¶¶ 45–47. As recently as last
week, President Trump bragged about his “achievement” of purging the FBI of the employees
who led the investigation into his campaign’s contacts with Russia. SOGI ¶ 59u. Nevertheless,
Defendants’ Motion implicitly asks the Court to conclude, without discovery, that the public
pressure was not accompanied by any undisclosed interference in the FBI’s process by the
President or his allies and that Bowdich’s about-face was entirely unrelated to these demands,
This argument is particularly difficult to credit when the government has used AD Will’s
experience and credibility to support its Motion to Dismiss and for Summary Judgment in
another case pending in this District. In McCabe v. Barr, the government has argued, among
other things, that AD Will’s involvement in the decision to fire McCabe is evidence of the
apolitical nature of that decision. See Motion to Dismiss and For Summary Judgment at 21, 28,
No. 1:19-CV-2399-RDM (D.D.C. Nov. 1, 2019). Here, of course, AD Will decided that Mr.
vacuum; the administration has taken a decidedly uneven approach to expressions of political
views by government employees, seeking to punish perceived adversaries like Strzok while
actively protecting its allies even when their political speech in support of the President or
against his political rivals constitutes a clear violation of federal law. Compl. ¶ 23.
Even since the filing of the Complaint additional evidence of this double standard has
surfaced, in the form of the revelation in the OIG’s Crossfire Hurricane Report that certain FBI
agents working on the Russia investigation had celebrated President Trump’s election victory
with texts volunteering to work on an investigation of the Clinton Foundations and (apparently
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without irony) proclaiming that Secretary Clinton’s defeat ensured that there would not be a
“criminal . . . in the White House.” SOGI ¶ 59q. There is no evidence of an attempt to punish
these agents, and Plaintiff does not contend that they should be punished. But this vignette is yet
additional evidence of this Administration’s pattern of treating critics of President Trump more
Based on these facts, the inference that Bowdich acted in accordance with President
Trump’s desire for political retribution as a result of Strzok’s political views is not merely
explained in Rosenberger v. Rector & Visitors of the University of Virginia, 515 U.S. 819, 828–
unconstitutional. . . . When the government targets not subject matter, but particular views taken
by speakers on a subject, the violation of the First Amendment is all the more blatant. Viewpoint
discrimination is thus an egregious form of content discrimination.” See also Perry Educ. Ass’n
v. Perry Local Educators’ Ass’n, 460 U.S. 37, 61–62 (1983) (Brennan, J., dissenting)
(“Viewpoint discrimination is censorship in its purest form and government regulation that
discriminates among viewpoints threatens the continued vitality of ‘free speech.’”); Iancu v.
Brunetti, 139 S. Ct. 2294, 2302 (2019) (holding Lanham Act’s bar on the registration of
espoused the view that Secretary Clinton was a criminal and deserved to be “locked up” rather
than criticizing Candidate Trump, he never would have been fired. That is textbook viewpoint
discrimination, and Defendants’ failure to even address these allegations in their Motion should
be treated as an admission.
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Even if the FBI was not kowtowing to the retaliatory animus of the President, and instead
fired Strzok over a genuine determination that his speech was unduly disruptive, Strzok has still
stated a viable claim under the First Amendment. As noted, with rare exceptions, Pickering
the circumstances here. See Thompson, 428 F.3d at 286 (“The district court could not conduct
this ‘searching review’ based on this record, nor can we.”); Gustafson v. Jones, 117 F.3d 1015,
1019 (7th Cir. 1997) (Pickering balancing requires discovery). If the Court is inclined to engage
in a Pickering balancing analysis, it should find that Strzok’s strong interests in speaking
privately about the political events of the day outweighed any actual or potential disruption to the
candidates for high public office is among the most valued speech and is afforded the highest
degree of protection under the law. Meyer v. Grant, 486 U.S. 414, 422–425 (1988) (recognizing
constitutional protection of “core political speech” as being “at its zenith”). This type of speech
“is more than self-expression; it is the essence of self-government” and occupies the “highest
rung of the hierarchy of First Amendment values” entitling it to special protection. Stough v.
Gallagher, 967 F.2d 1523, 1529 (11th Cir. 1992). This is crucial, because “[t]he more tightly the
First Amendment embraces the employee’s speech, the more vigorous a showing of disruption
The government concedes that Strzok’s speech was on a “matter of public concern.”
While this conclusion is obvious, it is not sufficient to properly assess the relative weight his
speech enjoys in Pickering balancing. An employee’s interests in speech “is entitled to more
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whistleblower exposing corruption among public officials rather than merely trying to advance
his own interests as an employee, interests that would be no different if his employer were not
the government.” Foster v. Ripley, 645 F.2d 1142, 1148 (D.C. Cir. 1981).
In Connick v. Myers, 461 U.S. 138, 154 (1983), for example, the speech at issue arose out
of the employee’s grievances about internal office policies and “touched upon matters of public
concern in only a most limited sense.” Waters involved similar issues specific to the training of
employees and operation of a public hospital. 511 U.S. at 681. Because the speech at issue in
both cases fell on the low end of the protection spectrum, the Court held the employers to
relatively low burdens to justify regulating (i.e., punishing) the speech, and did not require proof
of actual disruption: “The limited First Amendment interest involved here does not require that
Connick tolerate action which he reasonably believed would disrupt the office, undermine his
authority, and destroy close working relationships.” Connick, 461 U.S. at 154. Because Myers’
speech primarily involved her own workplace grievances, the Supreme Court did “not see the
necessity for an employer to allow events to unfold to the extent that the disruption of the office
and the destruction of working relationships is manifest before taking action.” Id. at 151–152.
In the next breath, however, the Court emphasized, “We caution that a stronger showing may be
necessary if the employee’s speech more substantially involved matters of public concern.” Id.
The Court reiterated the importance of this relative balancing of interests in Waters: “[A]
government employee, like any citizen, may have a strong, legitimate interest in speaking out on
public matters. In many such situations, the government may have to make a substantial
showing that the speech is, in fact, likely to be disruptive before it may be punished.” Waters,
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Here, Strzok was not complaining about some workplace slight, or seeking to advance his
own interests on the job. Instead, his opinions about the fitness of a candidate for President is the
type of core political expression that enjoys the highest degree of protection under the First
Amendment. McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Comm’n, 514 U.S. 334, 346 (1995) (“Discussion of
public issues and debate on the qualifications of candidates are integral to the operation of the
system of government established by our Constitution. The First Amendment affords the
broadest protection to such political expression in order to assure the unfettered interchange of
ideas for the bringing about of political and social changes desired by the people.”).
Because the value of this type of speech is so high, federal courts have consistently held
that speech by employees regarding elections and candidates for office are entitled to the greatest
protection under Pickering. See, e.g., Haverda v. Hays County, 723 F.3d 586, 598 (5th Cir.
2013) (“Letters to the editor, supporting a candidate during a campaign, are a unique form of
speech that embody the very essence of the First Amendment and require its full protection.”);
Bland v. Roberts, 730 F.3d 368, 387–88 (4th Cir. 2013) (“[T]he public’s interest in Carter’s
opinions regarding the election may have had particular value to the public in light of his status
as a Sheriff’s Office employee.”); Stough, 967 F.2d at 1529 (“On Stough’s side of the Pickering
scale is his interest in commenting on the qualifications of political candidates. This type of
speech ‘is more than self-expression; it is the essence of self-government’ and occupies the
‘highest rung of the hierarchy of First Amendment values’ entitling it to special protection.”).
“As the magnitude of intrusion on employees’ interests rises, so does the Government's burden
of justification.” United States v. Nat’l Treasury Emps. Union, 513 U.S. 454, 483 (1995). And
because the nature of core political speech is so highly valued under Pickering, a government
employer’s attempt to punish such speech faces the highest level of scrutiny and requires a
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strong justification. See Navab-Safavi v. Broad. Bd. of Governors, 650 F. Supp. 2d 40, 57
(D.D.C. 2009) (explaining where plaintiff had protested the U.S. involvement in the Iraq War,
that the “Defendants must make a particularly ‘strong[ ] showing’ that they had a legitimate
interest in terminating plaintiff’s contract because her speech ‘substantially involved matters of
public concern’”).
This case is nothing like those on which Defendants rely in their motion. Mr. Strzok did
not intend to speak publicly about his views on the candidates for the election. He did not write
a letter to the editor of a newspaper seeking publication, hold a press conference, send an email
to all of his contacts, or even post on social media. He shared his political views with someone
he trusted, and they remained the personal correspondence of two government employees until
high ranking officials in the DOJ or White House leaked the communications to the press.
In this respect, this case is most similar to Rankin. In Rankin, a deputy clerk in a
Sheriff’s office made a private statement to her boyfriend, after hearing a news report on the
radio about the attempted assassination of President Reagan, that “if they go for him again, I
hope they get him.” Another employee overheard McPherson’s remark and reported it to the
employer, who fired McPherson. In assessing whether the speech was protected and whether the
firing violated the First Amendment, Justice Powell, in his concurring opinion, observed:
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Rankin, 483 U.S. at 393 (citations omitted). The remaining members of the majority expressly
endorsed this view: “We agree with Justice Powell that a purely private statement on a matter of
public concern will rarely, if ever, justify discharge of a public employee.” Id. at 388 n.13
Defendants may reply that Mr. Strzok knew that any texts sent or received on an FBI-
issued phone were not truly “private,” because communications on these phones could be
monitored. There are two problems with that response. First, nearly every aspect of a modern
workplace, and for that matter nearly every non-workplace aspect of employees’ lives, can be
monitored. The fact that a workplace conversation can be discovered does not render it
unprotected. Rankin illustrates this principle, as the deputy clerk’s comments took place at work
and were overheard and reported to management, but the Supreme Court still found the firing
unlawful. If this Court were to hold otherwise, it would chill a tremendous amount of core
political speech (water-cooler conversations, emails, text messages, and idle conversations at any
time). There is no legitimate government interest in regulating this type of privately expressed
political speech. At a minimum, Rankin stands for the proposition that communications at the
workplace which are intended to be private, and which touch upon a matter of public concern are
presumptively protected, and require a heavy burden—i.e., “an unusual case”—before the
government can “justify punishing an employee for this type of private speech that routinely
Second, that burden should be even heavier for the government to carry here, because it
was the DOJ itself that first leaked and later officially publicized Strzok’s speech by giving a
selected subset of his texts to the media. As paragraph 62 of the Complaint alleges, “On
December 12, 2017, DOJ willfully and intentionally disclosed to numerous news outlets
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approximately 375 text messages to, from, and about Special Agent Strzok. In a press release,
DOJ called this act a ‘public release’ of the messages.” Defendants should not be heard to
complain about the notoriety and putative damage to the FBI’s reputation from Strzok’s speech
when it was their own illegal disclosures, magnified and distorted by the false attacks made by
the President and his allies, that placed a spotlight on Strzok’s opinions.
The two factors discussed above—the paramount protection afforded Strzok’s speech
under the First Amendment and that he expressed his views privately—weigh heavily on
Strzok’s side of the Pickering balancing. As explained below, Defendants do little to counter
that. They offer no actual evidence of any disruption to the mission of the FBI caused by
Strzok’s speech, and indeed the IG found that Strzok’s decisions and actions in the relevant
investigations were not impacted by his political views. Instead, the government argues that it
can act entirely on speculation about disruption. But the cases the government relies upon
involved speech that barely nudged across the threshold of “public interest” because they
concerned employees’ grievances about their workplaces, falling on the low-end of the spectrum
of protected speech. See Davis v. Billington, 51 F. Supp. 3d 97, 114 (D.D.C. 2014) (such cases
“involve markedly different factual contexts than this case”). The Supreme Court has
emphasized that “a stronger showing [of disruption] may be necessary if the employee’s speech
more substantially involve[s] matters of public concern,” as is clearly at issue here. Connick,
The government does not even try to show that it suffered any actual disruption or harm
from Strzok’s highly protected speech. It offers no contemporaneous records of complaints from
co-workers, no representation from his supervisors that Strzok’s speech created any substantial
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disharmony or conflict at the workplace, and no indication that his speech in any way actually
influenced or interfered with Strzok’s performance of his duties. Cf. Thompson, 428 F.3d at 286
(“district court erred in” concluding that government’s interest in efficiency outweighed First
Amendment rights where it could not “conduct an individualized and searching review of the
factors asserted by the employer to justify the discharge” without a fully developed record).
Nor did Deputy Director Bowdich rely upon any evidence of actual disruption at the time
he fired Strzok. And, of course, all of the contemporaneous evidence pointed in the opposite
direction. The IG determined that Strzok’s political views did not influence any of his actions in
the investigations and noted that Strzok’s co-workers, whom the IG interviewed, confirmed that
they didn’t even know Strzok’s political views. Compl. ¶ 32; SOGI ¶ 53. In any event, even
after Strzok’s political speech was disclosed, his supervisors went on record supporting his
retention by the Bureau, attesting that he was “an extremely talented and intelligent investigator,
gifted agent, and hard-working employee, [whose] Division believes [he] will never again
Rather than actual disruption, the government relies entirely on “reasonable inferences”
of harm (Motion at 17), and insists that such amorphous justifications have been blessed by the
Supreme Court’s decisions in Connick and Waters, and the D.C. Circuit’s decision in Hall v.
Ford, 856 F.2d 255 (D.C. Cir. 1988). But those cases dealt with speech on the low end of the
spectrum, and the Court’s admonition that a comparatively higher burden may be applied when
the speech involves core political speech like Strzok’s here. See supra Section II.C.1. The
Occasionally, the state’s burden to justify its actions may be as light as merely
proving that the employer “reasonably believed the employee’s speech was
likely to disrupt its operations.” However, where, as here, “the employee’s
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Matherne v. Wilson, 851 F.2d 752, 761 n.53 (5th Cir. 1988) (quoting Gonzalez v. Benavides, 774
F.2d 1295, 1302 (5th Cir. 1985)); see also Durham v. Jones, 737 F.3d 291, 302 (4th Cir. 2013)
(“[I]t is not enough that there is some disruption; the amount of disruption has to outweigh the
importance of the speech and its concern to the public.”); Goldstein v. Chestnut Ridge Volunteer
Fire Co., 218 F.3d 337, 356 (4th Cir. 2000) (holding that “generalized and unsubstantiated
interests” “in maintaining morale and efficiency” within the fire department did not outweigh
plaintiff’s speech interest); Dougherty, 772 F.3d at 991 (“The more tightly the First Amendment
embraces the employee’s speech, the more vigorous a showing of disruption must be made by
the employer.”). In Dougherty, the Third Circuit found that any minimal disruption to the
employer’s office was the result of the employer’s retaliatory attempts to silence the speech,
rather than the employee’s protected speech itself: “It is against this Court’s precedent to find
against an employee where the disruption ‘was primarily the result, not of the plaintiff’s exercise
of speech, but of his superiors’ attempts to suppress it.’” 772 F.3d at 992 (quoting Czurlanis v.
Albanese, 721 F.2d 98, 107 (3d Cir. 1983)). Here too, any disruption or harm to the agency’s
reputation flowed directly from defendants’ unlawful release of the texts to the media to try to
Moreover, in those cases in which courts have permitted an employer to rely upon
reasonable predictions of harm, it is because the firing took place soon after the protected speech,
and courts acknowledged that “we do not see the necessity for an employer to allow events to
unfold to the extent that the disruption of the office and the destruction of working relationships
is manifest before taking action.” Connick, 461 U.S. at 152. Here, in contrast, the text messages
were publicly revealed to the media in December 2017, and the FBI did not fire Strzok until
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August of the following year. Aside from a torrent of presidential tweets vilifying Strzok for his
“disloyalty,” no actual disruption ensued in the roughly nine months between disclosure of his
texts and Strzok’s firing. The government’s inability to point to any actual harm to the mission
In American Postal Workers Union, AFL-CIO v. U.S. Postal Service, 830 F.2d 294, 303
(D.C. Cir. 1987), the D.C. Circuit faced a similar effort by the government to justify firing an
employee over his speech. There too, the government was unable to offer any evidence of actual
disruption and instead argued that the plaintiff’s conduct had jeopardized the “public’s
confidence in the confidentiality of the mailstream.” While that concern was “[o]bviously . . .
legitimate,” not least because the terminated postal worker had written an editorial stating that he
read a congressman’s mail, the Circuit concluded that in the “absence of any demonstrated harm
caused by [the employee’s] speech, [he] must prevail in the balancing of competing interests.”
Id. As in American Postal Workers Union, Defendants have not shown that any harm resulted
from Mr. Strzok’s speech rather than from its own leaks about his political views.
(b) Strzok’s Position in the FBI Does Not Leave Him Unprotected
Unable to show any disruption, the government tries to bolster its Pickering presentation
by contending that Strzok occupied the type of policy making position which affords less
protection from discipline based on public speech. Here, the government relies almost entirely
on the D.C. Circuit’s opinion in Hall v. Ford, 856 F.2d 255 (D.C. Cir. 1988). See Motion at 21–
Hall occupied one of the highest-level positions at the University of the District of
Columbia. As Athletic Director, he reported directly to the President of the University and
Board of Trustees. He was a “highly visible spokesman” and “likely to be thought of by the
public as responsible for running the [athletic] department.” Id. at 265. Strzok simply did not
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occupy a comparable role. Although the Court need not address the incomplete evidentiary
record, Plaintiff notes that Defendants’ Exhibit 7 undermines their argument. The government
has denoted employees who occupy a policy-making role by exempting those employees from its
standard disciplinary process. Specifically excluded are the “deputy director (DD), the associate
deputy director (ADD), any executive assistant directors (EADs), the general counsel (GC), or
any Senior Executive Service (SES) employee who reports directly to the FBI Director.” See
decisions from the Deputy AG, and Strzok is not in that category. See Hall, 856 F.2d at 255.
Roughly eight thousand other SES-level managers are similarly situated to Strzok in the
federal workforce in that they supervise employees, but the vast majority of those employees are
not policy-makers. See Facts About the Senior Executive Service (SES), FEDWEEK (Oct. 29,
would leave thousands of career federal government employees without protections from
discipline over the content of their political speech. That is not what Pickering intended.
Another crucial distinction is that Hall publicly espoused views that were contrary to
those of his employer: “Hall’s views as to how the department should have been run were
obviously at odds with those of the Board.” Hall, 856 F.2d at 265. This fact was decisive for the
Court, which noted that Hall’s statements “reflected a policy disagreement with his superiors
such that they could not expect him to carry out their policy choices vigorously.” Id. An
employer obviously must have confidence that its senior leaders are aligned with the
organization’s policies and goals, and public speech undermining the employer can be regulated.
But there is nothing of the kind here. As noted above, Strzok was merely expressing his personal
political opinions in what he intended to be private messages. His views about presidential
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candidates are not the same as criticizing the policies of his agency. The government does not
cite to a single comparable situation in which punishment for speech in those circumstances has
been sustained.
The government offers two other points to tip the balance in its favor: (1) that some of the
texts “related” to the investigations Strzok was involved in, and (2) that the “time, place and
manner” of his speech rendered it unprotected. As to the former, “[s]peech can be covered by
the First Amendment even if it is related to one’s job function” so long as it is not part of the
employee’s official duties. Winder v. Erste, 566 F.3d 209, 216 (D.C. Cir. 2009). And, of course,
context is crucial. When an employee speaks publicly in opposition to his employer’s interests
on a topic related to his work, it can be disruptive. That is not what happened here. Strzok was
intending to speak privately, and it was Defendants themselves who made his speech public.
Finally, Defendants’ “time, place and manner” argument trumpets the fact that Strzok
used his government-issued cell phone to engage in the speech. Defendants note that Strzok and
Page exchanged more than 40,000 texts, and argue that “[t]he fact that the relevant speech very
likely occurred, at least in part, during work hours strongly favors the Government’s interest in
regulating it,” before piously concluding that “[t]he FBI properly pays its employees to spend
their work days furthering FBI’s statutory mission—not undermining it at government expense.”
Motion at 26. This argument ignores the fact that the overwhelming majority of the 40,000 texts
were either work-related (and apolitical) or private texts sent during the evening or on weekends,
and FBI policy explicitly allows some personal use of cellphones issued by the Bureau. See
SOGI Ex. O at 15–16. Moreover, the insinuation that the American taxpayers didn’t get their
money’s worth from Mr. Strzok’s service with the FBI is belied by OPR’s acknowledgement of
Mr. Strzok’s extraordinary performance record and work ethic. Compl. ¶ 34.
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The fact that the texts were sent on an FBI-issued phone was baked into AD Will’s
determination of the appropriate penalty. But it was just one factor, which AD Will determined
did not justify terminating Strzok. Rather, she engaged in the balancing of all of these factors,
and determined that the mission of the agency was best supported by imposing lesser discipline,
and keeping a very talented agent on the rolls. Here too, this one factor does not outweigh
Strzok’s important interest in expressing his core political beliefs, and is insufficient to justify
the decision to fire him. Cf. Davis, 51 F. Supp. 3d at 122 (denying motion for summary
judgment based on the factual dispute over “how much CRS time the plaintiff spent in order to
finalize [his] Wall Street Journal opinion piece” and whether that use of time justified his
termination).
Defendants’ further claim that the “vulgar, vituperative, and ad hominem character” of
Mr. Strzok’s speech also “weighs against his claim,” and they offer snippets of selectively
chosen texts to illustrate “the base tone of Plaintiff’s discourse.” Motion at 27. In addition to the
fact that there is no requirement that political speech be genteel, see, e.g., New York Times v.
Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 270 (1964) (acknowledging that debate on matters of public concern
“may well include vehement, caustic, and sometimes unpleasantly sharp attacks on government
and public officials”), it is a bit rich for this Administration to be criticizing Mr. Strzok’s
decorum when the President has repeatedly used the most inflammatory and vulgar language to
attack Mr. Stzrok. This pattern, which is ongoing and has included false charges of treason and
restraining orders, reached its ugly (thus far) peak at a rally in Minneapolis in October 2019, at
which Mr. Trump mimicked Mr. Strzok having an orgasm before tens of thousands of jeering
supporters, thereby completing the President’s debasement of the office once held by Lincoln
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In the end, we are left in the same position as the court in Navab-Safavi v. Glassman, 637
F.3d 311, 318 (D.C. Cir. 2011), where the D.C. Circuit affirmed the district court’s denial of a
Neither the district court nor this court has evidence in the record that appellee’s
conduct interfered with the performance of the governmental function, including
the carrying out of the statutory mandates. We have only allegations, and the
allegations of the parties are in conflict. At summary judgment or at trial, these
conflicts may be resolved on an evidentiary record. At the stage of the motion to
dismiss, they cannot. We must take the allegations in the light most favorable to
the plaintiff. She stated a claim for violation of her First Amendment rights. The
Board asserts its qualified immunity, but we are unable to determine without an
evidentiary record whether any act it committed in defense of those functions
constituted a violation of clearly established rights, or even in general terms,
where the Pickering balancing tips.
We therefore conclude that the district court did not err in denying the motion to
dismiss, and we remand the claim for further proceedings consistent with this
opinion.
The FBI designated OPR Assistant Director Candice Will to be its final decision-maker
with respect to the proposal to discipline Peter Strzok. Compl. ¶¶ 1, 50. AD Will had been
performing that function for the FBI for many years. Compl. ¶ 50. The materials that
Defendants have injected into the record along with their motion merely underscore Will’s
unequivocal role as the deciding official. See, e.g., Defs.’ Ex. 1 at 23 (“You will receive a
written decision letter from the AD, OPR after consideration of any oral and written responses to
the proposed action, fully stating the reasons for the decision.”). Will offered a Last Chance
Agreement, which Strzok and his counsel signed and thereby accepted on July 26, 2018. Defs.’
Ex. 5. In that agreement, Strzok relinquished any appeal rights with respect to AD Will’s
decision, and accepted the demotion and suspension as the “FINAL decision in this matter.” Id.
AD Will made reference to and relied upon that LCA in her final decision issued on August 8,
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The government now argues that none of that mattered, and that David Bowdich could
ride in at the 11th hour and overturn AD Will’s decision at his discretion, because Strzok
purportedly had no property interest affording him any protections under the Fifth Amendment.
That argument is incorrect for two reasons. First, “[a] last-chance agreement is a settlement
agreement, and a settlement agreement is a contract.” Link v. Dep’t of Treasury, 51 F.3d 1577,
1582 (Fed. Cir. 1995). Contracts give rise to property rights. Indeed, the Supreme Court has
emphasized that:
“[P]roperty” interests subject to procedural due process protection are not limited
by a few rigid, technical forms. Rather, “property” denotes a broad range of
interests that are secured by “existing rules or understandings.” A person’s
interest in a benefit is a “property” interest for due process purposes if there are
such rules or mutually explicit understandings that support his claim of
entitlement to the benefit and that he may invoke at a hearing.
Perry v. Sindermann, 408 U.S. 593, 601 (1972) (emphasis added). In Perry, the Court found that
the employee had alleged a viable property interest, subject to due process protections, by
contending that his state university employer had an informal and unwritten agreement that
“certain employees shall have the equivalent of tenure.” Id. at 602. The FBI’s explicit written
agreement with Strzok, in which he offered as valuable consideration the relinquishment of legal
rights and obtained the agency’s agreement that he would not be fired over these issues, is an
even stronger source of a property interest than the implied contract in Perry.
The sequence of Mr. Strzok’s negotiations with AD Will underscore the contractual
nature of the LCA. Mr. Strzok executed and returned the LCA on July 26, 2018, to AD Will’s
office, which had stressed to counsel for Mr. Strzok that “in the end, it is [AD Will’s] decision.”
SOGI ¶ 59j. When AD Will did not issue her decision within several days, counsel for Mr.
Strzok inquired, and was informed that AD Will was still considering whether to move forward
with the LCA. Counsel noted that “to the extent that AD Will is considering terminating Pete
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instead of moving forward with the LCA,” Mr. Strzok requested that AD Will contact Strzok’s
character witnesses “and consider what they have to say as mitigation under the Douglas
factors.” SOGI ¶ 61e. On August 6, 2018, counsel for Mr. Strzok was informed that AD Will
was ready to issue her final decision and was asked whether Mr. Strzok wanted her to wait until
one of his character witnesses could submit a letter on his behalf. Counsel responded that, if AD
Will was ready to move forward pursuant to the terms of the LCA, there was no need to wait for
the last character letter, and AD Will proceeded to accept the LCA, extinguishing Strzok’s right
to appeal to a DRB and his opportunity to submit additional mitigating evidence under the
Douglas factors. SOGI ¶ 61f. The next day, without warning, Bowdich reversed AD Will’s
decision and informed Strzok that his decision terminating Strzok constituted a final,
unappealable, agency action. SOGI ¶ 61h. While discovery will reveal what (ultimately
unsuccessful) pressure was brought to bear on AD Will between July 26 and August 8, 2018, DD
Second, even if the FBI had not contractually promised to give Strzok a last chance and
not to fire him over these events, Candice Will’s August 8 decision demoting him out of the SES
restored him to a veteran’s preference eligible status with property rights in his job. See 5 U.S.C.
§§ 7511(a)(1)(B), (b)(8), and 7513(d). AD Will’s decision was unequivocal and had immediate
effect: “I am: (a) suspending you from duty, without pay, for 60 calendar days, not dismissing
you, as originally proposed; and (b) demoting you to a non-supervisory position.” Defs.’ Ex. 4 at
1. Thus, Strzok was not a member of the SES when David Bowdich fired him the next day.
Courts interpreting this statutory scheme have consistently held that while rank and file
4
It is notable that AD Will unexpectedly retired from the FBI shortly after DD Bowdich
overruled her decision. Whether there was a connection between that decision and Defendants’
actions here requires discovery to determine.
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employees of the FBI who are not preference eligible have no property interest, non-SES FBI
employees who have earned veteran’s preference are vested with appeal rights. Parkinson v.
Dep’t of Justice, 874 F.3d 710, 712–13 (Fed. Cir. 2017); see also Herr v. DOJ, SF-0752-14-
Either basis for a property interest (the contractual force of the LCA or Strzok’s veteran’s
preference status) means that the FBI was required to afford him procedural due process before
Lerner v. District of Columbia, 362 F. Supp. 2d 149, 161 (D.D.C. 2005) (quoting Lopez v. FAA,
318 F.3d 242, 247 (D.C. Cir. 2003) (denying summary judgment on Fifth Amendment denial of
due process claim where disputes over agency’s compliance with its own written disciplinary
procedures)).
Here, the only process afforded to Strzok was the OPR process presided over by AD
Will. Strzok submitted his written response to her, appeared before her during an oral reply and
answered her questions, and entered into the LCA offered by her. The agency obviously could
have removed AD Will from her role as deciding official, and authorized her merely to make a
“recommendation” to Bowdich. Had it done so, Strzok would then have appeared before
Bowdich as the deciding official, and responded to any questions he had about Strzok’s actions,
or the impact on the agency. But that was not the arrangement. Instead, the agency expressly
designated Will to be the deciding official, and then disregarded her decision because it did not
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sufficiently placate the President. Without meeting with Strzok or his attorneys and in a striking
departure from the FBI’s standard disciplinary policies, Bowdich fired Strzok and, in the same
letter, declared that his decision was final and unappealable. This effectively deprived Strzok of
any real due process. After all, in Cleveland Board of Education v. Loudermill, 470 U.S. 532,
546 (1985), the Supreme Court described the importance of affording a public employee “oral or
written notice of the charges against him, an explanation of the employer’s evidence, and an
opportunity to present his side of the story.” Those protections are illusory if the employee never
even has a chance to present his response to the real deciding official.
Courts have unequivocally held that once a decision is issued by an authorized individual,
it is binding on the agency and cannot be changed by a higher-level supervisor. Boddie v. Dep’t
of Navy, 827 F.2d 1578 (Fed. Cir. 1987); Bross v. Dep’t of Commerce, 389 F.3d 1212, 1218
(Fed. Cir. 2004) (same). AD Will’s decision to suspend and demote, but not fire Strzok, was
authorized, final and binding on the FBI. The FBI deprived Strzok of his property interest in his
job by firing him the next day without affording him any procedural due process.
To justify this deprivation, defendants turn to Policy Directive 0915D which they contend
gave Deputy Director Bowdich a free hand to overturn the final decision issued by AD Will, and
substitute it with his own determination of the appropriate penalty. The government used the
same argument to convince the MSPB that it lacked jurisdiction over Strzok’s appeal, but in that
proceeding it merely described the policy—the government declined to actually submit it for
either Strzok or the MSPB to review. That gambit worked when the MSPB determined that it
5
Strzok did not have a copy of the policy, and it is not available to the public. His counsel
explicitly asked the FBI to produce it, but the agency declined. Counsel then asked the MSPB to
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But defendants have now produced that policy, and it is clear that the government
overplays its hand. The policy, entitled “Disciplinary Appeals Process” (Defs.’ Ex. 7) does not
apply to the original decisions of the deciding official (here AD Will), but rather to decisions
rendered through an appeal process by a Disciplinary Review Board (“DRB”) of five FBI
officials serving one-year terms in an adjudicatory role. Significantly, the DRB was empowered
to either sustain or lower the original penalty—it could not make the penalty more severe. See
Defs.’ Ex. 7 § 6.2.5. The FBI reserved for the Director, however, the authority to reverse a DRB
determination, which would allow him to restore the determination or penalty back to the
original (more severe) finding of the deciding official. Under a heading called “Exemptions” to
this “Disciplinary Appeals Process” policy is the section upon which the FBI relies. Section 4.3
provides: “Although the decisions rendered by . . . the Disciplinary Review Board (DRB) (in
adverse action matters) are considered the FBI’s final internal disciplinary actions, by virtue of
the authority inherent in the position, the FBI Director (or his or her designee) maintains the
authority to modify any disciplinary finding, penalty, or both as deemed necessary and in the
best interests of the FBI.” This exemption by its terms applies to appeals to the DRB, not to final
decisions by the original deciding official. But Strzok did not invoke the appeal process; rather,
as reflected in the LCA, he expressly waived that process and accepted AD Will’s decision. See
Defs.’ Ex. 5.
The FBI offers no other policy or authority which would allow it to disregard the final
decision of its own deciding official. For that reason, AD Will’s decision was the decision of the
require its production, but the agency did not do so and merely relied upon the FBI’s
representations regarding its substance. The first time that Strzok and his counsel saw the policy
was when it was attached by defendants to their motion.
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FBI, and Bowdich’s decision to summarily remove him without any due process violated his
IV. MR. STRZOK HAS PLEADED AND WILL ULTIMATELY PREVAIL ON HIS
PRIVACY ACT CLAIM
Strzok’s constitutional claims and moving only for summary judgment as to the Privacy Act
claim, that Strzok has stated a claim under the Privacy Act. As explained supra at Section II,
Defendants’ attempt to avoid the discovery that would ordinarily follow as a matter of course is
unavailing because the Court is not obligated (or, indeed, permitted) to accept Defendants’ self-
serving account of their actions without allowing discovery and because Defendants’ summary
judgment arguments are insufficient as a matter of law. The actual circumstances of the leaks
support the inference that Defendants knew the disclosures were improper but made them
anyway as part of an effort to placate President Trump and assist in his efforts to discredit the
Mueller investigation. Defendants’ Privacy Act arguments, like their argument on Strzok’s
constitutional claims, thus present questions of intent and motive that will likely require jury
findings based on witness credibility, even after discovery. See Evans, 716 F.3d at 622 (disputes
over motive are “precisely the type of factual dispute that ‘must be resolved in a jury
room . . . .’”) (quoting Czekalski, 475 F.3d at 362); Lamb v. Miller, 660 F.2d 792, 794 (D.C. Cir.
1981) (reversing grant of summary judgment where there was evidence of “possible
impermissible motives” for plaintiff’s termination despite “substantial evidence” that he violated
union rules). Regardless, Rule 56(d) entitles Strzok to discovery before he should even be asked
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Agency records were impermissibly accessed and used to disseminate information about
Strzok to the press on at least two dates. Both instances require discovery because the
First, Strzok is currently unable to identify the DOJ official who leaked the information
about the text messages between him and Ms. Page prior to December 2, 2017. Goelman Decl.
¶ 4a. The identity of the leaker will likely be critical to proving that the leaks were intentional or
willful. See Convertino, 684 F.3d at 99; Goelman Decl. ¶ 6. Strzok is also unable to definitively
prove from which system of records the official collected the text messages. Goelman Decl.
¶ 4g; Winn Decl. ¶ 9 (offering an opinion based on a supposition that “the records of these text
messages [were] copied from the FBI’s general archives into a ‘system of records,’ for instance
into an OIG investigative file”).6 Discovery on that issue is necessary to respond to Defendants’
half-hearted suggestion that the messages may not have been taken from a “system of records”
and to demonstrate that the use of these records was not a “routine use” that was “compatible
with the purpose for which [the record] was collected.” 5 U.S.C. § 552a(a)(7), (b)(3); see U.S.
Postal Serv. v. Nat’l Ass’n of Letter Carriers, AFL-CIO, 9 F.3d 138, 146 (D.C. Cir. 1993)
(whether routine use notice was sufficient presented an “issue[] of fact”); see also 72 Fed. Reg.
6
Mr. Strzok disputes Mr. Winn’s reasoning that the “FBI’s general archives” are not a
system of records within the meaning of the Privacy Act. Mr. Winn’s argument leads to the
untenable conclusion that an agency cannot violate the Privacy Act by disclosing sensitive
information about individuals from emails and text messages because, according to Mr. Winn,
those are not “‘records’ in a ‘system records’ [sic] that would be subject to the Privacy Act.”
Winn Decl. ¶ 8.
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36,725 (enumerating purported routine uses for the “Office of the Inspector General
Second, Strzok also needs discovery to respond to the Government’s argument that its
December 12, 2017 disclosure of hundreds of his private text messages did not willfully violate
the Privacy Act. Employees from the DOJ Office of Public Affairs disseminated the text
messages to select reporters on December 12, 2017 (SOGI ¶ 56c), but in the absence of
discovery, Strzok cannot establish the identity of the political appointee who ordered the release
of his text messages, show when the appointee did so, or fully demonstrate the inadequacy of the
DOJ’s asserted efforts to comply with the Privacy Act. Goelman Decl. ¶ 4a. All of those facts
are pertinent to showing that the DOJ intentionally and willfully violated Strzok’s rights.
Goelman Decl. ¶ 5.
Discovery is especially appropriate because, even in its absence, the available evidence
strongly suggests that the DOJ’s rushed disclosure of the text messages about Strzok on the
evening of December 12, 2017, was a willful violation of the Privacy Act. The little thought
given to the legal implications and Strzok’s statutory rights is underscored by Defendants’ ill-
fated attempt to cover up their disclosure of the text messages by requiring members of the
media to agree not to attribute them to the DOJ. SOGI ¶ 56g. That is the kind of evidence from
which consciousness of guilt can be inferred. Defendants rely on Mr. Winn’s justification for the
December 12, 2017, disclosures, hoping that the Court will miss the fact that Mr. Winn’s legal
7
Because the text messages at issue had to be identified by sender and recipient phone
numbers associated with Mr. Strzok and Ms. Page, the position that they were not retrieved from
a “system of records” borders on untenable, but Defendants have not acknowledged that the text
messages were retrieved from a system of records. See 5 U.S.C. § 552a(a)(5). Further, because
December 2, 2017 predated the supposed balancing that Mr. Winn claims to have engaged in on
December 12, 2017, the pre-December 2, 2017 leaks cannot have complied with the lone
supposed routine use that Defendants have placed at issue.
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rationale was apparently prepared after-the-fact and then back-dated to create a veneer of due
diligence. SOGI ¶ 56d. Mr. Winn’s carefully-manicured declaration, which is based only on the
limited facts as “presented to [him] at that time”—apparently meaning on December 12, 2017—
obscures facts necessary to evaluate Defendants’ knowledge and intent, which includes the
official or officials (not Mr. Winn) who made the actual decision to release the texts to the
media. Winn Decl. ¶ 18. It is revealing that, while Defendants included declarations from Mr.
Winn and Mr. Boyd, they did not submit a declaration from the unidentified senior Department
official who actually authorized the disclosure to the media. An agency cannot avoid Privacy
Act liability for a disclosure actually made for an improper purpose by eliciting a sanitized after-
the-fact rationale from an official who does not have all of the facts. See Convertino, 684 F.3d at
99. The available evidence also shows confusion (or deception) among high-ranking DOJ
officials as to the procedures that led to the disclosures. For example, DOJ officials initially
falsely asserted that the OIG approved the disclosures, but the OIG denied that. SOGI ¶ 56h.8
Each of Defendants’ three arguments for summary judgment is either legally irrelevant or
incorrect. First, neither the White House nor any of its staff is a defendant to this action, so
whether the White House is an “agency” within the meaning of the Privacy Act is of no
consequence. Second, the disclosures of the OIG investigative records to the press during the
pendency of an investigation were neither a “routine use” nor compatible with the investigative
8
See also SOGI Ex. G (“As the DAG just testified, the IG approved the release.”), Ex. M
at 2 (“The Department did not consult with the OIG in order to determine whether releasing the
text messages met applicable ethical and legal standards before providing them to Congress. . . .
The Department did not consult with the OIG before sharing the text messages with the press.”).
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reasons for which those records were collected. Third, the evidence, including evidence to be
obtained in discovery, will prove that the DOJ intentionally and willfully violated the Privacy
Act; summary judgment cannot be premised solely upon uncritical acceptance of declarations
from two officials who did not make the decision to reveal the texts to the media.
1. The Privacy Act Applies to the Disclosure of DOJ Records to the White
House and through the White House to Others
The sole argument that the pre-December 2, 2017 leaks did not violate the Privacy Act is
Defendants’ assertion that Strzok “does not allege a Privacy Act violation with respect to any
disclosure by officials in the White House.” Motion at 32. But the Complaint alleges that
Defendants indirectly made an illegal disclosure through the White House. Compl. ¶ 59.
Defendants may be right that Strzok cannot sue the White House itself for disclosing White
House records, but they are wrong to suggest (if they intend to) that agencies can immunize
themselves from Privacy Act liability by using a White House conduit to leak agency records.
As Defendants recognize, the Privacy Act places restrictions on “agency” records.9 With
§ 552a(b) (emphasis added). Defendants cannot and do not dispute that the DOJ, including its
Office of the Inspector General, is an agency within the meaning of the Privacy Act, nor do they
dispute that the individuals who work in the White House are persons. Additionally, Defendants
9
Although the Privacy Act references a definition of “agency” at 5 U.S.C. § 552(e),
Defendants rely on the definition in 5 U.S.C. § 552(f)(1), which provides that “agency . . .
includes any executive department, military department, Government corporation, Government
controlled corporation, or other establishment in the executive branch of the Government
(including the Executive Office of the President), or any independent regulatory agency.”
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have offered no exception to the Privacy Act that permits the disclosure of OIG investigative
records to the White House for the purpose of leaking those records for political gain.
For the same reason that moving (non-agency) records from the White House to the State
Department (an agency) does not bring the White House records within the Privacy Act, moving
agency records from DOJ to the White House does not strip the records of their Privacy Act
protection. See Kissinger v. Reporters Comm. for Freedom of the Press, 445 U.S. 136, 156–57
(1980). That is surely why in Alexander v. F.B.I., 691 F. Supp. 2d 182, 191 (D.D.C. 2010), the
court granted summary judgment on the disclosure of FBI records to the White House on the
basis of a routine use exception for vetting personnel to be given access to the White House, and
willfulness—not whether the non-agency status of the White House made the Privacy Act
Defendants next argue that the DOJ’s decision to disclose Strzok’s text messages on
December 12, 2017 was “routine” and “compatible with the purposes for which those records
were collected.” Motion at 36–40. As Defendants recognize, the government must prove both a
“publication” of an applicable routine use and the “compatibility” between “the purpose for the
collection of the record in the specific case and the purpose of the disclosure.” Motion at 35
(quoting Britt v. Naval Investigative Serv., 886 F.2d 544, 548–49 (3d Cir. 1989)). The
“[P]roviding information to the media is not among the list of permissible disclosures
listed in the Privacy Act,” Kelley v. F.B.I., 67 F. Supp. 3d 240, 260 (D.D.C. 2014), so Defendants
must rely on a published “routine use” and show that they provided “adequate notice of the
purposes for which the [agency] may release an employee’s information.” Dinh Tran v. Dep’t of
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Treasury, 351 F. Supp. 3d 130, 136 (D.D.C. 2019); see Britt, 886 F.2d at 548 (alleged routine
use did not provide “meaningful public notice” where it did not state “what information
Assuming, as Defendants imply, that the relevant system of records here is the OIG
system, the purported “routine use” of disclosing investigative records “to the news media and
the public” cannot be interpreted to apply to disclosures other than those contained in official
OIG reports. If the exception were meant to be so broad, it would be invalid.10 5 U.S.C.
§ 552a(e)(4)(D) requires agencies to publish the “purpose of [each] use” and the only published
purpose here is “to carry out [the OIG’s] responsibilities pursuant to the Inspector General Act of
1978.” Yet the Inspector General has testified that it would be “entirely inappropriate” for
anyone on his team to “give interviews,” reach conclusions, “indicate preliminary ideas,” or
provide “advice, [or] guidance statements” to the press or public until “the end of [an]
investigation.” SOGI ¶ 55d. The disclosures at issue cannot have been a routine use because
they were unprecedented, inconsistent with the OIG’s mission, and apparently perpetrated by the
Moreover, even if this “routine use” was applicable, there was no “fairly close
relationship” between the purpose for which the documents were collected “and the purpose of
10
Agencies are prohibited from utilizing the “‘routine use’ exception to circumvent the
mandates of the Privacy Act.” Pilon v. U.S. Dep’t of Justice, 73 F.3d 1111, 1123 (D.C. Cir.
1996) (quoting Doe v. Stephens, 851 F.2d 1457, 1466 (D.C. Cir. 1988)). To the extent that
Defendants assert that the routine use for disclosures to the media and the public allows
disclosures other than those contained in official reports at the conclusion of OIG investigations,
Defendants purport to create a general and impermissible exception to the Privacy Act that
allows the disclosure of any record, at any time, on any subject, unless the DOJ determines
disclosure “would constitute an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy.” 72 Fed. Reg. 36,725.
Such an interpretation could not be squared with 5 U.S.C. § 552a(e)(4)(D) or the agency’s
obligation to provide adequate notice of how records will be used. See Dinh Tran, 351 F. Supp.
3d at 136.
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[their] disclosure.” Richardson v. Bd. of Governors of Fed. Reserve Sys., 248 F. Supp. 3d 91,
102 (D.D.C. 2017). Leaking records to the media for the purpose of priming the media pump
against a target of the President’s animosity is not compatible with the purpose for which the
OIG collects records or even the impermissibly broad purpose of informing the public suggested
And even if the asserted routine use was applicable and the purpose of the disclosure
aligned with the purpose for the records’ collection (a disputed material fact in its own right),
summary judgment would still be improper because the parties dispute whether Defendants
engaged in a good-faith, diligent balancing of the public and private interests, as Defendants
concede the supposed routine use mandated. Motion at 39–40. Federal “agents’ status as public
officials does not rob them of their privacy rights,” Stone v. F.B.I., 727 F. Supp. 662, 664
(D.D.C. 1990), and the DOJ is ordinarily reticent to release the names of its career employees, in
part because it knows that they may then be the victims of threats and intimidation as Strzok has
been since the Defendants disclosed his identity. SOGI ¶ 59b; see Lesar v. U.S. Dep’t of Justice,
636 F.2d 472, 487 (D.C. Cir. 1980) (FBI “agents have a legitimate interest in preserving the
secrecy of matters that conceivably could subject them to annoyance or harassment in either their
official or private lives.”); see also Gerstein v. C.I.A., No. C 06-4643 MMC, 2011 WL 89337, at
The Defendants, and Mr. Winn, point to the fact that Plaintiff’s identity was already
public on December 12, 2017 as decreasing the weight of the privacy interests at stake since at
11
The media and public disclosure routine use has been used only to justify disclosing
private information to the public at the conclusion of an OIG investigation and together with the
OIG’s analysis and conclusions. SOGI ¶ 55c.
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that time “there appeared to be no way to mitigate the invasion of privacy that would accompany
the release of the texts by redacting [Mr. Strzok’s and Ms. Page’s] names.” Motion at 40. But
identity was a realistic possibility only because they had already leaked information about the
text messages before any balancing of interests was contemplated. SOGI ¶ 56d. They should
not now be allowed to rely on the effects of their prior indiscretion as a justification for their
It is also no answer to say, as Defendants do, that the text messages would have become
public anyway. Motion at 36. Many of the private text messages that were provided to the
media on December 12, 2017 were not included in the Midyear Report and may never have been
publicly disseminated absent the December 12 disclosures. SOGI ¶ 54b. Moreover, by releasing
the texts to the media long before the OIG’s investigation had concluded that Plaintiff’s political
opinions had not impacted his work at the FBI, Defendants provided President Trump and his
allies a lengthy head start to falsely shape the perception of the Plaintiff as (among other things)
3. Plaintiff Will Show that the DOJ Willfully and Intentionally Violated the
Privacy Act.
Strzok expects to prove that the DOJ “acted in a manner which was intentional or willful”
as required by 5 U.S.C. § 552a(g)(4).12 Defendants claim that Strzok will never be able to meet
12
As Defendants note, “[i]n distinguishing between an intentional violation and an
inadvertent error, this Circuit has assembled a variety of tests . . . .” Motion at 42. Defendants
contend that “together” the Circuit’s cases require conduct “greater than gross negligence” based
on Tijerina v. Walters, 821 F.2d 789, 799 (D.C. Cir. 1987), yet the Circuit’s more recent cases
show that conduct “greater than gross negligence” is but one of several ways in which an
intentional or willful violation of the act may be proven. See Maydak v. United States, 630 F.3d
166, 179 (D.C. Cir. 2010). A plaintiff may also succeed by showing that the disclosure was
made “without grounds for believing it to be lawful” or “by flagrantly disregarding others’ rights
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that burden because Mr. Winn provided an opinion to Associate Deputy Attorney General Scott
Schools that the public interest in the texts’ disclosure outweighed the private interests of Strzok
and Ms. Page. But this Court cannot accept Mr. Winn’s declaration as a definitive account of
is a waiver of any privileges Defendants might try to assert against discovery of their decision-
making, just as presenting an advice of counsel defense operates as a waiver of the attorney-
client privilege. See Ideal Elec. Sec. Co. v. Int’l Fid. Ins., 129 F.3d 143, 151 (D.C. Cir. 1997).
But Mr. Winn was not the official who made the decision to release the text messages on
December 12, 2017 or among the employees who made the disclosures at issue, and his
declaration has no necessary bearing on whether those unnamed actors intentionally or willfully
violated Strzok’s rights. As noted, disputed issues of intent and motive are rarely suited for
summary judgment even on a fully developed record, see Evans, 716 F.3d at 622, Lamb, 660
F.2d at 794, and they are even less amenable to preemptive summary judgment at this early stage
The task of responding to Defendants’ motion is made doubly difficult by the DOJ’s
ironically extensive redaction, in response to a FOIA request, of post-December 12, 2017 emails
regarding the back-dated “Privacy Act Assessment” on deliberative process grounds. See, e.g.,
SOGI Exs. D, E (note redactions for “(b)(5)”). Two key issues emerge. First, if Mr. Winn had
actually reached an opinion after sufficient due diligence and careful analysis on December 12,
2017, there would be no need and no right to invoke deliberative process protections for the
under the Act.” Id. (quoting Waters v. Thornburgh, 888 F.2d 870, 875 (D.C. Cir. 1989)). The
Circuit’s more recent interpretations of the Privacy Act’s “intentional or willful” requirement
also more closely adhere to Supreme Court precedent, which extends civil liability for “willful”
acts “not only knowing violations of a standard, but reckless ones as well.” Safeco Ins. Co. of
Am. v. Burr, 551 U.S. 47, 57 (2007).
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agency’s Privacy Act assessment after December 12, 2017. See Elec. Frontier Found. v. U.S.
Dep’t of Justice, 739 F.3d 1, 7 (D.C. Cir. 2014) (limiting privilege to “documents that are
‘predecisional’ and ‘deliberative’”). Second, Strzok is being forced to respond to a motion for
summary judgment based on records that appear to redact information central to this case. See
Doe 2 v. Esper, No. CV 17-1597 (CKK), 2019 WL 4394842, at *7 (D.D.C. Sept. 13, 2019)
(deliberative process could not be used to shield documents when “the extent and scope of that
decision-making process is a central issue in this lawsuit”). Only after discovery can Strzok be
expected to fully respond to Defendants’ asserted lack of intent, but even the heavily redacted
FOIA disclosures debunk Defendants’ claim that its December 12, 2017 disclosures were based
before disclosure, not, as here, where a memorandum justifying the disclosures is prepared
belatedly and then back-dated. SOGI ¶ 56d; cf. Reed v. Dep’t of the Navy, 910 F. Supp. 2d 32,
44 (D.D.C. 2012) (finding, after trial, that agency employee had “not willful[ly] or
intentional[ly]” violated the Privacy Act because agency employee “did her due diligence before
V. CONCLUSION
For the reasons explained above, Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss or, in the Alternative,
for Summary Judgment as to Count One and Count Two, and Motion for Summary Judgment as
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44